Relevant bibliographies by topics / The women's political engagement

Academic literature on the topic 'The women's political engagement'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 7 July 2024

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Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Journal articles on the topic "The women's political engagement":

1

Kim, Jeong Hyun. "Direct Democracy and Women's Political Engagement." American Journal of Political Science 63, no. 3 (March 12, 2019): 594–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12420.

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Mohamad *, Maznah. "Women's engagement with political Islam in Malaysia." Global Change, Peace & Security 16, no. 2 (June 2004): 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0951274042000233350.

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3

Wolak, Jennifer. "Descriptive Representation and the Political Engagement of Women." Politics & Gender 16, no. 2 (February 26, 2019): 339–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000910.

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AbstractWhen women are represented on the campaign trail and in elected office, women in the electorate have been shown to report greater engagement in politics. However, most evidence of the effects of descriptive representation on women's empowerment is drawn from surveys from the 1980s and 1990s. I update these studies to consider how women candidates and officeholders affect the political knowledge, interest, and participation of other women in the electorate. Using responses from the Cooperative Congressional Election Study from 2006 to 2014, I find that both men and women are more politically knowledgeable when represented by women in Congress and in state government. Considering political engagement, I find little evidence that women are more politically interested or participatory when residing in places with more female officeholders or candidates. Women's political presence as candidates and officeholders does not uniquely encourage other women to engage in political life.
4

Bahar, Moh Syaeful, Dodik Harnadi, and Zaimatus Sa’diyah. "The Patriarchal Interpretation and the Political Participation of Rural Women in Bondowoso East Java." Karsa: Journal of Social and Islamic Culture 30, no. 1 (June 28, 2022): 184–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.19105/karsa.v30i1.5179.

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This study aims to oversee the practice of gender injustice that affects rural women's lack of substantive political participation in Bondowoso Regency. During the Legislative General Election in 2014-2019 and 2019-2024, women's political participation was complimentary for the registration and administrative requirements rather than substantial involvement. This situation continues to happen even after the release of regulations that require the fulfillment of a quota of 30 percent of women’s representation in a political party. This study uses a qualitative approach. Furthermore, this study also uses a feminist approach. By using that feminist approach, this study aims to discover (1) how rural women in Bondowoso respond to political engagement and (2) how religious arguments are interpreted concerning the role of women in political engagement. This study found that (1) women’s involvement in politics is high in quantity rather than quality. Women’s political participation does not directly guarantee their active role in the political world. Instead of making a maximum contribution to the development of politics, women’s participation is stigmatized. (2) One circumstance that hinders women’s participation relates to the misogynistic interpretation of religious teachings in Bondowoso’s rural society. It refers to patriarchal domination in understanding the concept of leadership in Islam that eventually stigmatizes women’s involvement in politics.
5

Kim, Jeong Hyun. "Erratum to Direct Democracy and Women's Political Engagement." American Journal of Political Science 65, no. 3 (June 17, 2021): 770–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12540.

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Adefemi, A. D. "BREAKING BARRIERS: WOMEN'S POLITICAL EMPOWERMENT IN SOUTHWEST NIGERIA'S LEGISLATIVE LANDSCAPE." American Journal of Political Science Law and Criminology 6, no. 1 (January 1, 2024): 11–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajpslc/volume06issue01-03.

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This study delves into the dynamic landscape of women's political participation and representation in the legislatures of Southwest Nigeria. Recognizing the importance of fostering gender inclusivity in democratic processes, the research investigates the barriers that hinder women's active involvement in politics and explores strategies to enhance their empowerment. Through a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods, including interviews, surveys, and data analysis, the study provides insights into the current status of women's political engagement, highlights successful interventions, and proposes recommendations for breaking barriers andadvancing women's political empowerment in the Southwest Nigerian context.
7

Jiang, Xiaodi, Yuanyuan Guo, and Peng Dong. "Factors Affecting the Institutionalized Political Participation of Chinese Women." International Journal of Electronic Government Research 20, no. 1 (November 1, 2023): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijegr.333055.

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This study utilizes the CGSS2021 dataset to explore institutionalized political engagement among Chinese women. Key findings include positive correlations with social circle involvement, housing area, and traditional media consumption. Interestingly, younger women are less politically engaged. Cross-tabulation reveals that daily social interactions and disagreement with prioritizing marriage over career boost institutionalized political involvement, particularly in Beijing. By contrast, women from Inner Mongolia show the least engagement. Surprisingly, frequent internet usage has limited influence on political participation, whereas traditional media use boosts it. Women in their first marriage also show higher engagement. The study offers policy recommendations to enhance Chinese women's political participation.
8

Liu, Shan-Jan Sarah, and Lee Ann Banaszak. "Do Government Positions Held by Women Matter? A Cross-National Examination of Female Ministers' Impacts on Women's Political Participation." Politics & Gender 13, no. 01 (July 19, 2016): 132–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000490.

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Current research shows that female legislators serve as role models for women. Understudied is how and the extent to which female ministers inspire women to participate in politics. We argue that with their high visibility and greater ability to influence policy, female ministers also serve as role models, but their influence differs depending on the form of political engagement. Using the World Values Survey and additional national-level variables, we employ multilevel modeling techniques to explore how women in the cabinet influence various forms of women's political engagement. We find that the proportion of women in the cabinet has a stronger effect on participation than the proportion of women in parliament. All else being equal, a higher proportion of women in the cabinet increases women's conventional participation (voting and party membership), petition signing, and engagement in peaceful demonstrations, but it does not influence women's participation in strikes or boycotts. Our findings add to current studies of women's political representation, in which ministerial representation is often underexplored or not differentiated from parliamentary representation, and help distinguish various forms of participation. Future research should consider examining a wider variety of women's political roles in other areas of the political arena.
9

Spence, Jean, and Carol Stephenson. "Female Involvement in the Miners’ Strike 1984-1985: Trajectories of Activism." Sociological Research Online 12, no. 1 (January 2007): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.1461.

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This paper is based on recent primary research interviews with women who were active in the 1984-1985 miners’ strike. The paper claims that one depiction of women's engagement in the strike has been privileged above others: activist women were miners’ wives who embarked on a linear passage from domesticity and political passivity into politicisation and then retreated from political engagement following the defeat. This depiction is based on a masculinist view which sees political action as organisationally based and which fails to recognise the importance of small scale and emotional political work which women did and continue to undertake within their communities. In reality many women were politically active and aware prior to the dispute though not necessarily in a traditional sense. Women's activism is characterised by continuity: those women who have maintained activism were likely to have been socially and/or politically active prior to the dispute.
10

Nallaballi, Vimala, and B. Ananda Naidu. "A Study on Women's Political Activism in a Grampanchayat, Anantapuramu District, Andhra Pradesh." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 7, no. 5 (May 16, 2022): 68–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2022.v07.i05.010.

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The current research focuses on how these local government units are run and how elections are conducted to learn more about women's political engagement in Panchayati raj. 95 women from Vepulaparthy Gram Panchayat of Brahmasamudram Mandal in Anantapuramu District were surveyed as part of the research in January 2022. The study found that women's political engagement in the Panchayat election process was adequate. Still, women lack interest in politics regarding assembly and parliamentary elections. Women's sluggishness may be mainly attributed to the patriarchal nature of society, culture, and education.
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You might also be interested in the extended bibliographies on the topic 'The women's political engagement' for particular source types:
Journal articles Dissertations / Theses Books

Dissertations / Theses on the topic "The women's political engagement":

1

Welham, Deborah. "Delight and instruction : women's political engagement in the works of Penelope Aubin." Thesis, University of Winchester, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.515813.

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This research presents a literary and political biography for Penelope Aubin. Aubin, the natural daughter of Sir Richard Temple and Anne Charleton (who was the daughter of Walter Charleton, Royal physician and natural philosopher), was a poet, novelist, translator, Orator and playwright. Penelope Charleton married clandestinely and young, like the heroines of her novels. On her marriage Penelope Aubin joined a family of merchants trading from Jersey and the City of London, and with family members in Barbados and Jamaica. Within five years of entering the mercantile world Aubin's expertise of trading ventures was being sought by investors, and she was called to give evidence to the Board of Trade. Aubin's early poetry is a statement of her Royalist and Anglican heritage, but her novels of the early 1720s are a reflection of her knowledge of trade, the threat of piracy and of the natural disasters that occur at sea. However, by the later 1720s Aubin's works were more obviously politically engaged, reflecting the changing hopes of the Tory party and its supporters under a Hanoverian monarchy. Then, in 1729, when she opened her Lady's Oratory, intending from the outset to discuss ':Ministers of State' and how they behave in office, Aubin very publicly added her voice to the wave of political opposition to Robert Walpole.
2

Lonie, Kate Margaret. "Hillary, Hashtags and Hermione: Young women's political engagement, celebrity and the new media landscape." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/20479.

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This interdisciplinary thesis advances existing debates regarding the importance of understanding the complex and contradictory nature of young women’s engagement with an increasingly mediatised and celebritised political landscape. Based on interviews with young women aged between 18-30 years and living in either London or Sydney in 2015, the thesis demonstrates how the changing media sphere – in terms of both medium and message – has reshaped young women’s political engagement (as it can be broadly understood). For these women, evolving interaction with various new media platforms, as well as the deployment and influence of a diverse range of celebrified politicians and politically-engaged celebrities, has played a significant role in redefining that engagement. The primacy of new media and celebrity to understanding young women’s political activities – both in terms of their own characterisations, and my subjective reading – also emphasises how these two factors are thoroughly, and increasingly, intertwined. By demonstrating the (often complementary) relationship between parliamentary-based and online forms of political engagement, the cross-platform circulation of pervasive ideologies regarding gender, race and sexuality, as well as the enduring relevance of characteristics associated with post-feminism (and within a climate of a "renewed" feminist movement), this thesis also disrupts the traditional, stereotypical and largely redundant binaries of "old" and "new" politics, "old" and "new" media and, similarly, "old" and "new" conceptions of feminism. Drawing on the interrelated fields of gender studies, media studies, youth studies and celebrity studies, this thesis clearly emphasises that the nexus between politics, media and celebrity not only increasingly dictates how politics is (quite literally) performed among this particular demographic, but also how feminist activism and identification are generally expressed and enacted in contemporary Western contexts.
3

Weston, Sarah Elizabeth. "Political voice as embodied performance : young women, politics and engagement." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2018. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/21546/.

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In this thesis I argue that a focus on the embodied voice can be used as a tool of political intervention. Specifically focusing on how young women engage politically, I explore to what extent voice training can help young women notice the relationship between physiological tensions in their voice and repressive social and political structures. Furthermore, I argue that voice training can support young women in creating political performances that resist these repressions. I identify that in both practices that engage young women in the political and in much applied theatre work the embodied voice is largely unconsidered. Instead these fields focus on voice in its metaphoric sense. I demonstrate the term ‘political voice’ must also consider the way the voice can be repressed or liberated physiologically. This is a theorisation of political voice drawing together the sociology of Pierre Bourdieu with the practices of voice technique. I designed and delivered a series of workshops with young women combining technique, drama exercises and political discussion, from which I draw several conclusions relevant to how we practice voice with young women. Firstly, voice training can be used to help young women understand the concept of habitus. This is important as I argue this is a process of political ‘noticing’, where young women can see that any perceived deficiencies in their voices are not the result of personal failure, but because of the ways in which the social has structured their voice. Secondly, voice training can help young people articulate these repressions and furthermore use the voice to vocalise against these repressions. This was clear in how aspects of the tensionless voice that my participants discovered through training manifested in how they represented political engagement in their devised performances. Accordingly, I argue that voice training is an act of political intervention.
4

Horvath, Laszlo. "Role model effects on women's political engagement : observational and experimental approaches to measurement & two studies on mediation." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/33373.

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Contributing to a growing debate about `symbolic' or non-policy effects of gender-balanced legislatures, my thesis sets out to tackle issues of (a) measurement, combining experimental and observational evidence of the effect of female politicians as role models on women's political engagement; and (b) mediation, considering the underlying mechanisms convincing on the individual-level of voter psychology, explaining why role models are powerful in engaging fellow women in the electorate. Firstly, I triangulate results from an eye-tracking experiment investigating attentional bias to gender balance in manipulated picture stimuli of political groups; an online experiment investigating measures of psychological engagement with politics as a function of gender balance in the same picture stimuli; and British Election Study panel data investigating campaign effects on psychological engagement with politics as a function of the gender balance among candidates running in the 2010 and 2015 UK parliamentary constituencies. My results suggest two general types of role model effects: one of `tokenism' where women's striking minority presence impacts political attention and the probability of learning about politics, and one of `linear' effects where a gradual increase in women's presence in political groups towards parity translates into a gradual increase in political self-efficacy and confidence about political knowledge. Secondly, I develop and test hypotheses about mediation in terms of implicit mechanisms not requiring that citizens consider the policy output of their representatives, drawing heavily on the stereotype threat literature especially on the role of affect. Using a more classical, regression-based approach to mediation analysis, along with a novel crossover experiment or `design-based' mediation analysis, I present preliminary evidence that, following exposure to role models, women experienced fewer self-evaluative threats as evidenced by anxiety, explaining effects on self-efficacy in politics. I present an additional study scrutinising affect, and show that the action-oriented anger may result in approach of the source of threat, reversing stereotype threat effects under `men-only' politics. Thirdly, I develop and test hypotheses about mediation in terms of instrumental mechanisms that do require expectations or associations about policy output. Through similar approaches to mediation analysis, I show that though women expect better policy across two domains with more female politicians on board, greater competency attributed to elites is, if anything, negatively related to self-efficacy in politics. In a full-experimental study, I find no evidence that women's greater self-efficacy is due to expectations about women-friendly policy pursued by role models.
5

Mathews-Gardner, Anne Lanethea Andersen Kristi. "From woman's club to NGO: the changing terrain of women's civic engagement in the mid-twentieth century United States." Related Electronic Resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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6

Diagne, Rokhaya. "La loi sur la parité de 2010 à 2022 : étude de la participation politique des femmes dans les institutions de représentation au Sénégal." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université de Montpellier (2022-....), 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024UMOND003.

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Le 28 mai 2010, le Sénégal a adopté la loi n° 2010-11 du 28 mai 2010 instituant la parité absolue dans les instances totalement ou partiellement électives. La nouvelle loi, qui constitue une grande avancée dans la lutte contre la sous- représentation politique des femmes, a pour objectif de rééquilibrer l'espace politique dominé par les hommes et de favoriser l'élaboration de politiques sensibles aux femmes. Cependant, malgré l'existence de la loi assortie de l'obligation d'alternance de sexe sur les listes de candidatures, les hommes continuent de dominer la vie politique. Cette thèse se propose d'interroger les logiques explicatives du contrôle masculin de l'espace politique sénégalais, mais aussi les réponses que les femmes apportent à cette situation. Elle s'intéresse également à la place que celles-ci accordent à la prise en compte des principaux besoins des femmes sénégalaises. Cette dernière considération constituait l'un des arguments majeurs des défenseurs de la parité lors de la mobilisation pour l'adoption de la loi. Ce faisant, nous montrons que la domination masculine de la vie politique date de la période coloniale et a été consolidée durant les premières années de l'indépendance du Sénégal. Par ailleurs, les femmes, qui ont toujours soutenu les hommes en politique, ont tardivement acquis la citoyenneté sous la colonisation, leur permettant de participer officiellement à la vie politique. Nonobstant, à chaque fois qu'elles tentent de se faire une place sur la place publique, elles se sont vues contraintes par les hommes qui limitent leurs actions à la mobilisation électorale pour leur profit. Saisissant le contexte international et la volonté du chef de l'Etat, Abdoulaye Wade, favorables à l'amélioration de leur représentation politique, les femmes ont obtenu la loi sur la parité qui instaure l'égalité de sexe dans les mandats électifs. De même, la thèse revient sur le contenu de la loi, ses sources mais aussi sur les différentes oppositions et entraves qui affectent son effectivité. Elle revient aussi sur les résistances développées par les hommes, leur permettant de contourner la parité et de dominer les instances de décision des institutions de représentation. Enfin, à travers les entretiens menés auprès des élues de l'Assemblée nationale, du HCCT, du conseil départemental de Mbacké et du conseil municipal de Saint-Louis, la recherche revient sur les stratégies et les ressources que les femmes ont développé pour se légitimer en politique et tenter d'échapper au contrôle des hommes. Elle s'intéresse aussi à l'identité et à la trajectoire politique des élues et montre que l'organisation et le fonctionnement des institutions ainsi que la dépendance politique de ces femmes envers les leaders politiques, notamment au niveau local, constituent des difficultés à la représentation substantielle des femmes dans les institutions représentatives au Sénégal
On May 28, 2010, Senegal adopted Law No. 2010-11 of May 28, 2010, instituting absolute parity in fully or partially elective bodies. The new law, a significant advancement in the fight against the political under-representation of women, aims to rebalance the political landscape dominated by men and to promote the development of policies sensitive to women. However, despite the existence of the law requiring gender alternation on candidate lists, men continue to dominate the political sphere.This thesis aims to examine the explanatory logics behind male control of the Senegalese political space, as well as the responses that women offer to this situation and the importance they place on addressing the primary needs of Senegalese women. The latter consideration was one of the major arguments put forth by advocates of parity during the mobilization for the adoption of the law. In doing so, we demonstrate that male dominance in politics dates back to the colonial period and was reinforced during the early years of Senegal's independence.Moreover, women, who have historically supported men in politics, only obtained citizenship late in the colonial period, allowing them to participate officially in political life. However, whenever they attempted to assert themselves in the public sphere, they were constrained by men who limited their actions to electoral mobilization for their benefit. Seizing the international context and the will of the Head of State, Abdoulaye Wade, in favor of improving their political representation, women secured the parity law that establishes gender equality in elective mandates.Similarly, the thesis revisits the content of the law, its sources, as well as the various oppositions and obstacles affecting its effectiveness. It also revisits the resistance developed by men, enabling them to bypass parity and dominate the decision-making bodies of representative institutions. Lastly, through interviews conducted with elected officials from the National Assembly, the HCCT, the departmental council of Mbacké, and the municipal council of Saint-Louis, the research examines the strategies and resources that women have developed to legitimize themselves in politics and attempt to escape male control. It also examines the identity and political trajectory of female elected officials, highlighting that the organization and functioning of institutions, as well as the political dependence of these women on political leaders, particularly at the local level, pose challenges to substantial female representation in representative institutions in Senegal
7

Amir, Rohma. "Pellets, Stones, and Contemporary Kashmiri Women's Resistance: A Politics Beyond Respectability." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1115.

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This thesis seeks to explain, via four key reasons, the shifting role that women have played in the self-determination movement in Kashmir over time. It focuses on the rise of young women in stone-pelting protests, analyzed through the lens of recent events that have triggered protests, the role of Islamism with regards to women in Kashmir, and the role of young women in the conflict generation. More importantly, the author analyzes the protests of women who have lost family members to enforced disappearances at the hands of the state. It is found that these women use a political strategy that upholds the politics of respectability and relies on the visual, which young women in stone pelting protests also rely on to highlight their cause.
8

Guemar, Latefa Narriman. "Highly skilled Algerian women displaced during the 'Black Decade' : online networks, transnational belonging and political engagement." Thesis, University of East London, 2016. http://roar.uel.ac.uk/5871/.

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The contemporary era of global transformations has re-oriented academic debates on the growth of non-nation-based solidarities and transnational cultural constructions. Despite this, social constructionists suggest that the concept of ‘diaspora’ continues to privilege the notion of ethnicity as the point of origin in the construction of solidarity between migrants, overlooking the differences of social class and gender. This research interrogates this contention by exploring the role of gender in shaping diaspora – a complex process by which migrant women articulate new identities and give new social and political meanings to their relationships with one another, with co-nationals living elsewhere and with an imagined ‘homeland’. It investigates the motivation behind the emigration of highly skilled Algerian women during the ‘Black Decade’ of the 1990s and its aftermath, and looks at the agendas of this particular set of migrants, the extent to which they feel they belong to a diaspora, and their attitude towards returning ‘home’. Their political engagement takes a variety of forms, but the research reveals that certain modes of online discourse and manifestations of a diasporic social consciousness are common to their self-presentation. In order to investigate their networks, I used Social Networking Websites Analysis (mainly Facebook) and a Respondent-Driven-Sampling (RDS) method to sample and recruit participants, coupled with 15 in-depth interviews. The majority of participants cited the amnesty law (which absolved the perpetrators of violence during the 1990s, including violence against women, of their crimes) and the rise of radical Islamist ideology as the main barriers to considering present-day Algeria as ‘home’. Participants appeared to exhibit both a sense of exile and a desire to be part of a diaspora.
9

Gewurtz, Michelle Sara. "Three women/three margins : political engagement and the art of Claude Cahun, Jeanne Mammen, and Paraskeva Clark." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2010. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/1427/.

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Li, Jerry. "Institutional Influences on the Political Attainment of Chinese Immigrants: Ethnic Power Share, Citizenship Acquisition Law, and Discrimination Law." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1942.

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A transnational network of more than 50 million people, the Chinese diaspora stretches its reach across the globe. As part of their immigrant journeys, many Chinese immigrants have achieved political leadership in their adopted home countries despite monumental barriers. This thesis examines the political attainment of Chinese immigrants by uncovering how institutional factors such as political power sharing between ethnic groups, citizenship acquisition law, and discrimination law affect their pursuit of public office. I first establish a database of 265 politicians I define as Chinese immigrants, whose various levels of political attainment I then use as the dependent variable. Through empirical analysis, this thesis finds that politicians of Chinese descent attain lower levels of political office when institutional discrimination has targeted Chinese immigrants. In contrast, this thesis reveals that politicians of Chinese descent attain higher levels of political office when political power is shared amongst ethnic groups and when citizenship acquisition laws are exclusionary. While the last result is seemingly counterintuitive, the negative relationship between the inclusiveness of citizenship and political attainment can be explained by the intrinsic role exclusionary citizenship acquisition laws play in naturalizing citizens who are deemed to be integrated and electable.
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Books on the topic "The women's political engagement":

1

Bashevkin, Sylvia B. Opening doors wider: Women's political engagement in Canada. Vancouver: UBC Press, 2009.

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Amer, Moamenla. Women's political status and engagement: A study of Nagaland. New Delhi: Akansha Pub. House, 2012.

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Centre for Women's Development Studies (New Delhi, India), ed. Political ideology of the women's movement's engagement with law. New Delhi: Centre for Women's Development Studies, 2000.

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Claudia, Flores. The politics of engagement: Women's participation and influence in constitution-making processes. Harare, Zimbabwe: UN Women, United Nation Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women, 2013.

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Bafaki, Regina. 16 days of activism: From peace in the home to peace in the nation : male engagement for the safety of women and girls. Kampala - Uganda: Acfode, 2017.

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(Congo), Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung. Femmes et engagement politique en République démocratique du Congo. Kinshasa: Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, 2014.

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Prégardier, Elisabeth. Politik als Aufgabe: Engagement christlicher Frauen in der Weimarer Republik. Annweiler/Essen: Plöger, 1990.

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Süchting-Hänger, Andrea. Das Gewissen der Nation: Nationales Engagement und politisches Handeln konservativer Frauenorganisationen 1900 bis 1937. Düsseldorf: Droste, 2002.

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Lamoureux, Diane. Le trésor perdu de la politique: Espace public et engagement citoyen. Montréal: Éditions Écosociété, 2013.

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Clark, Cal. Women at the polls: The gender gap, cultural politics, and contested constituencies in the United States. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Pub., 2008.

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Book chapters on the topic "The women's political engagement":

1

Wilson, Natalie. "The Politics of Service Learning in Introduction to Women's Studies." In Research, Advocacy, and Political Engagement, 128–43. New York: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003446798-11.

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Okolie, Gloria Ifeoma. "Female Engagement and Nollywood in Postmodern Africa." In Nigerian Women in Cultural, Political and Public Spaces, 83–97. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-40582-2_6.

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Baker, Kerryn. "Gender, Politics and Power in New Caledonia." In Geographies of New Caledonia-Kanaky, 195–202. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-49140-5_15.

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AbstractThis chapter explores women’s engagement in politics in New Caledonia over time. Despite widespread resistance to western conceptualisations of feminism, women’s organising in New Caledonia has a long history. Although women’s movement has historically been fragmented along ethnic and ideological lines, a strong women’s coalition emerged during the debate over the French parity laws. Activists from both the pro-independence and loyalist sides of politics campaigned strongly to ensure the parity laws would be implemented in the territory. These laws, and the advocacy from local women’s groups, have ensured that since 2004 women have been represented in New Caledonian politics in near-equal numbers to men. Men still dominate key positions of political power, and in the complex political environment of New Caledonia, gender is just one political identity among many, making issues of representation fraught. Yet women’s increased access to politics has had a substantive impact in New Caledonia: enabling the articulation of diverse viewpoints, enhancing women’s status as leaders and increasing attention paid to key gender policy issues. Building on a long history of women’s participation in decision-making, collective action and political activism in the territory, the parity laws have created an expanded political sphere for women.
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Liyanage, Kamala. "Women’s Representation and Political Engagement in Local Governments: Evidence from Sri Lanka." In Decentralization and Development of Sri Lanka Within a Unitary State, 203–27. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-4259-1_9.

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Lilleker, Darren, Karolina Koc-Michalska, and Bruce Bimber. "Women learn while men talk?: revisiting gender differences in political engagement in online environments." In Women in the Digital World, 46–62. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003375937-4.

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Heywood, Emma. "Radio, Women, and Politics." In Palgrave Studies in Communication for Social Change, 55–85. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-35985-9_2.

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AbstractThis chapter examines women’s empowerment through the role of radio in promoting participation in politics and decision-making approaches. It focuses on the output of two radio studios, one in Niger and one in Mali, which both broadcast a series of women-related programmes on political engagement.Radio as a communicative tool draws on multiple formats to promote listener engagement and information retention. Broadcasts must be designed to be ‘listenable’ for their intended audience, and the format and content must therefore ensure that both the message giver (the radio studio) and the message receiver (the listener) have their information needs met.The chapter analyses the benefits and shortcomings of the formats used by the two studios to allow various voices to be heard and to promote political participation among women in the two countries. In doing so, it questions how the provision of information can help women make first-order strategic choices or decisions on a macro level and whether to engage in politics while meeting their civic responsibilities and gendered expectations.
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Pyun, Kyunghee. "Introduction: Artists for Political Engagement: A Table for Women and Gender Non-conforming Artists." In Expanding the Parameters of Feminist Artivism, 3–26. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-09378-4_1.

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Kenealy, Daniel, Jan Eichhorn, Richard Parry, Lindsay Paterson, and Alexandra Remond. "Political Engagement." In Publics, Elites and Constitutional Change in the UK, 21–44. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-52818-2_2.

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Hatcher, Andrea C. "Political Engagement." In Political and Religious Identities of British Evangelicals, 113–46. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-56282-7_4.

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Andersen, Jørgen Goul, and Jens Hoff. "Political Engagement." In Democracy and Citizenship in Scandinavia, 15–30. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230507968_2.

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Conference papers on the topic "The women's political engagement":

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Al-Tamimi, Noor Khalifa. "Qatari Women's Engagement in Politics." In Qatar Foundation Annual Research Conference Proceedings. Hamad bin Khalifa University Press (HBKU Press), 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5339/qfarc.2016.sshasp2414.

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Olson Beal, Heather. "Women Educators and Political Engagement: A Case Study of Texans for Public Education (T4PE)." In 2020 AERA Annual Meeting. Washington DC: AERA, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/1573840.

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Veronika, N., and D. Wishanti. "Engagement Policy Towards Repatriated Indonesian Women from Overseas Jihad Battlefronts." In Proceedings of the First Brawijaya International Conference on Social and Political Sciences, BSPACE, 26-28 November, 2019, Malang, East Java, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.26-11-2019.2295206.

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Erowati, Dewi, Puji Astuti, and Turtiantoro Turtiantoro. "Women And Local Democracy: A Study on The Engagement of Women Candidates in the 2020 Elections in Central Java." In Proceedings of the 6th International Conference on Social and Political Enquiries, ICISPE 2021, 14-15 September 2021, Semarang, Indonesia. EAI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.14-9-2021.2321363.

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Capello, Maria Angela, Denise Cox, and Linda Battalora Battalora. "Social Media and the Oil & Gas Sector: Challenges and Opportunities." In SPE Annual Technical Conference and Exhibition. SPE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/210172-ms.

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Abstract There are currently 4.62 billion users of social media worldwide1. This means that more than half of the population of the world uses social media (58.4%)2. The Oil and Gas sector cannot escape this reality, which is so valuable for communications and positioning strategies. One of the top-valued goals of modern organizations in all sectors is to have a positive presence on social media. For the oil and gas sector, this is particularly needed, as energy transition concepts are not necessarily well understood nor ingrained in society at large, making it difficult to revert any negative public opinion matrix about the sector. The COVID-19 pandemic forced many traditional organizations in the oil and gas sector to embrace social media, increasing their active presence on the main professional online platforms, gaining more engagement with their own employees and society like never before. This paper compares the social media presence of prominent organizations related to oil and gas in 2022, analyzing trends and highlighting opportunities and challenges. A comparison of key elements considered diagnostic in improving the recognition and reputation of oil and gas organizations are addressed in more detail, in particular sustainability and DE&I (gender representation, generally addressed as Diversty, Equity and Inclusion). Conclusions are related to cultural frameworks, selected language for postings, geo-political affinities, and the profile of the companies analyzed. Framing the current trends analyzed resulted in the identification of organizations that are more successful in the utilization of these key channels that are important to general audiences and especially to younger generations. Some unexpected findings shaped our conclusions that strategies needed for step-changes in political or cultural settings benefit greatly from the use of social media and have proven to be effective in furthering women's empowerment and for the uptake of sustainability at the corporate level.
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Sari, Lusi, and Ilham Havifi. "Minangkabau Women's Political Identity In Political Representation." In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Gender, Culture and Society, ICGCS 2021, 30-31 August 2021, Padang, Indonesia. EAI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.30-8-2021.2316272.

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ELKAINA, Hammache. "Assessment of the Political Ecosystem of Female Entrepreneurship." In I.International Congress ofWoman's Studies. Rimar Academy, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/lady.con1-19.

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Our research work on women's entrepreneurship in Algeria has allowed us to identify the social reality of women's entrepreneurship in Algeria, and thus to identify the difficulties and obstacles it faces. To understand the reasons for these obstacles, it became clear to us through these results the necessity of testing the hypothesis “that the difficulties faced by the enterprises are due to the environment in which they are located” and that is through their assessment of this environmental environment. To carry out this research, we relied on the methodology applied by the International Labor Organization. The evaluation framework for the environment of women's entrepreneurship revolves around six variables as follows, first, the existence of a legal and regulatory system sensitive to the gender dimension that contributes to the economic empowerment of women; Secondly ،the position of women entrepreneurship in the national politics, thirdly, the existence of programs for gendersensitive financial interests, fourthly, benefiting from interests to support the development of gendersensitive institutions, fifth, access to markets and access to technology, sixth, representation of women entrepreneurs and their participation in political dialogue. To achieve this research of assessing the environmental environment of women's business in Algeria, we interviewed 42 women entrepreneurs using the focal-loop technique from the states: Algiers, Bejaia, Annaba, Oran and El Bayadh. An assessment of the legal and political ecosystem for women's business in Algeria allowed us to conclude that laws and labor legislation do not constitute a major obstacle for women entrepreneurs who are active in the formal sector, but the practice and reality of the field negatively affect women's micro-enterprises. On the institutional level, the Ministry of Solidarity, Family and Women's Issues has a directorate charged with promoting women. Among its tasks is the development of women's entrepreneurship. The political interest in the development of women's entrepreneurship, the interest of employers in promoting the spirit of entrepreneurship among women, and the contribution of women's entrepreneurship associations to the promotion of quality entrepreneurship, translates into a consensus of various actors in the political, economic and social sphere on the strategic importance of developing women's entrepreneurship. However, access to information remains the weak point for women entrepreneurs
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Solihah, Ratnia, Yusa Djuyandi, and Siti Witianti. "Women's Political Participation through Representation in The Legislature." In Third International Conference on Social and Political Sciences (ICSPS 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icsps-17.2018.79.

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Chaerowati, Dede Lilis, Nova Yuliati, and Mochamad Rochim. "Empowering Women in Politics through Women's Political Organization." In Proceedings of the Social and Humaniora Research Symposium (SoRes 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/sores-18.2019.46.

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Chairawati, Fajri. "Model Pemerkasaan Politik Perempuan di Wilayah Konflik Aceh." In Conference on Pusat Pengajian Umum dan Kokurikulum 2020/1. Penerbit UTHM, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.30880/ahcs.2020.01.01.003.

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The model of political empowerment in building women's awareness of their political rights has been carried out in various places, but the application of the model of women's political empowerment in the conflict areas has not yet been maximized. This is due to the tradition of political education among women in the conflict has not been implemented. Cultural faktor that do not involve women's participation in the political aspect continue to this day, at least in Aceh. This study is an academic response to a number of phenomena that limit the involvement of women in filling seats in the legislature, both in the Regency and Province. This qualitative based on 5 informants to find information about women's political participation through observation, interviews and participants. Based on the field study, it was found that 20 women who fail to be members of the legislature because do not understanding the political procedures in accordance with the regulations in the conflict area. No special academic participation has been found in empowering women's politics. Not yet found the participation of ulama in empowering women's politics in conflict areas, especially Aceh. According to the author's analysis, this is an important skill to increase women's political awareness in conflict areas. The results of this study can be used by all parties who are interested in increasing women's political participation in conflict areas.

Reports on the topic "The women's political engagement":

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Kosec, Katrina, Jordan Kyle, and Hiroyuki Takeshima. When women hold local office: Women’s representation and political engagement amid conflict and climate shocks across Africa. Washington, DC: International Food Policy Research Institute, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2499/p15738coll2.137086.

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Abed, Dana, Rihab Sawaya, and Nadim Tabbal. Analyzing Voter Turnout in Lebanon: Political Change in Times of Crisis. Oxfam, April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2022.8823.

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In May 2022, Lebanon is hosting its first parliamentary elections since the popular uprising of October 2019, when massive protests took place to denounce the current ruling elites. This research looks at voter turnout and behavior on the eve of the elections and examines the will for political change. It argues that in the current Lebanese context, there needs to be further political awareness-raising, and campaigns should be more inclusive of women and the queer community. Independent campaigns should focus on developing strong governing capacities that voters can trust, and create further space for civic and political engagement on the local and national levels.
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Philip, Raisa. Mothers vs Children: Co-opting Child Rights as Gender Backlash. Institute of Development Studies, April 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/backlash.2023.003.

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This paper examines how progressive rights frameworks are instrumentalised as gender backlash tools to suppress feminist activism. I engage with the events following Rehana Fathima’s political act ‘Body and Politics’ which faced strong backlash in the form of censure through law, and discourse capture. Using a conceptual framework I developed, I explore how various backlash concepts – co-option, censure, and discourse capture - discursively interact with each other, and identify factors that facilitate cohesion across backlash actors. I argue that in the Rehana Fathima case, the rights framework facilitated the agendas of powerful actors and not the constituents it was framed to serve. I conclude by making a case for political allyship across movements and among actors who are working on counter backlash strategies; and for deeper engagement of feminist development agendas with the sexuality of women.
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Ghani, Ejaz, William Kerr, and Stephen O'Connell. Political Reservations and Women's Entrepreneurship in India. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, January 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w19868.

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Kosec, Katrina, and Jordan Kyle. Women's political participation training curriculum in southwest Nigeria. Washington, DC: International Food Policy Research Institute, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2499/p15738coll2.136962.

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Thomas, Jakana. Duty and Defiance: Women in Community-based Armed Groups in West Africa. RESOLVE Network, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/cbags2021.1.

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This desk report explores how West African community-based armed groups (CBAGs) facilitate women’s engagement with politics, create avenues for female expressions of anger, commitment to community values and national identity, and enable women to push for change in their communities by opening spaces for female participation. Assessing the formal and informal contributions women make to armed community mobilization and hybrid security reveals opportunities for gender-specific engagement and cautions that unidimensional considerations of where and how women intersect with conflict and security have the potential to undermine violence reduction and post-conflict peacebuilding efforts.
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Mehra, Rashee, Vineetha Nalla, and Nidhi Sohane. Empowering Women to Improve Awareness and Access to Tenure, Infrastructure and Finance in Informal Settlements : Learning Study of the Zamini Adhikar Abhiyaan. Indian Institute for Human Settlements, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.24943/ewiaat06.2023.

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SEWA launched the Zamini Adhikar Abhiyaan (ZAA) for the economic empowerment of women workers in informal settlements through awareness generation, infrastructure provisioning, land tenure security, and provisioning for housing finance. The pilot project was implemented in six settlements in Delhi and Patna with varying jurisdictional, demographic, and socio-economic contexts. The three-year period was marked by disruptions such as the COVID-19 pandemic, lockdowns, floods, and other socio-political disturbances. Consequently, SEWA adapted its strategies to overcome these challenges. This study examines SEWA’s methodology and strategies using a mixed methods approach, including a review of SEWA literature and field engagement through interviews and focus group discussions with SEWA staff, agewans, elected representatives, and community members. The study analyses the pilot project across, first, capacity building process, community mobilization and stakeholder participation; second, quality of infrastructure services, tenure, and housing finance as perceived by residents; and third, challenges, evolution and readjustment of strategies. Drawing lessons from these, the learning study suggests a way forward for the future expansion of the Zamini Adhikar Abhiyaan programme
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Kosec, Katrina, and Jordan Kyle. Women's political participation training curriculum in southwest Nigeria in Yoruba. Washington, DC: International Food Policy Research Institute, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2499/p15738coll2.136958.

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Laurence, James, and Emer Smyth. Civic and political engagement among young adults in Ireland. Economic and Social Research Institute, November 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.26504/rs171.

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Broek, Emilie, and Christophe M. Hodder. Towards an Integrated Approach to Climate Security and Peacebuilding in Somalia. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, June 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/tuai7810.

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Climate change and its security implications are placing considerable pressures on peacebuilding efforts in Somalia. The country is currently experiencing its worst drought in over four decades, with an unprecedented fourth consecutive failed rainy season recently concluded in May 2022. Around 7.1 million Somalis (almost 50 per cent of the entire population) face food insecurity at crisis levels or worse. Over 800 000 Somalis have been displaced due to extreme drought, most of them women and children. When combined with decades of civil conflict and political strife, these worsening climatic conditions are challenging livelihoods and altering the physical surroundings and security upon which people depend. It is within this context that this SIPRI Report introduces a new integrated approach to addressing climate security and peacebuilding in Somalia. In addition to engaging national and international actors already active in Somalia, this new approach explores the potential contribution of the United Nations Peacebuilding Commission. Taken together, these engagement processes can lead to mutual commitments for climate, peace and security responses in Somalia.

To the bibliography