Books on the topic 'The Salafi movement'
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1
Shultz, Richard H. Global insurgency strategy and the Salafi Jihad movement. USAF Academy, Colo: USAF Institute for National Security Studies, 2008.
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2
al-ʻAzīz, Dārat al-Malik ʻAbd, ed. Najd before the Salafi reform movement: Social, political, and religious conditions during the three centuries preceding the rise of the Saudi state. Reading, UK: Ithaca Press, 2002.
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3
Wiedl, Nina. The making of a German Salafiyya: The emergence, development and missionary work of Salafi movements in Germany. Aarhus: Centre for Studies in Islamism and Radicalisation (CIR), Department of Political Science, Aarhus University, 2012.
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4
The management of Islamic activism: Salafis, the Muslim Brotherhood, and state power in Jordan. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 2001.
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5
Salaris, Claudia. Collezione Echaurren Salaris. Pistoia: Gli Ori, 2012.
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6
Anelli, Michele. Radio libertà: Dalla radio della Resistenza alla resistenza delle radio. Milano: Vololibero, 2013.
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7
Poljarevic, Emin. Islamist Grassroots and Youth Activism a Sociology of the Muslim Brotherhood and Salafi Movement in Egypt. Taylor & Francis Group, 2018.
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8
Staffell, Simon. From 25 January to Islamic State. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190650292.003.0004.
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The history of the jihadist movement in Egypt provides important lessons about its possible future trajectories. This chapter sets out the history of jihadism in Egypt from Al-Gama‘a al-Islamiyya (Islamic Group) and Egyptian Islamic Jihad in the 1980s and 90s, through the al-Tawhid w‘al Jihad and Al-Qaeda affiliate the Abdullah Azzam Brigades in the 2000s. The chapter then considers how jihadism has developed after the 25 January 2011 revolution. It examines the rise of IS in Egypt - the organizational changes involved and how these were accompanied by changes in ideology and narrative. By situating these changes in the context of the history of salafi-jihadism in Egypt, it argues that IS’s ability to gain a foothold, were in part due to their global narrative, but more notably were due to the way in which the Ansar Beit al-Maqdis/Wilayat Sina leadership were willing and able to adapt this narrative to the particularities of the Egyptian context. Egyptian jihadism has not historically accepted IS’s approach, and this may ultimately prove to be their downfall in the country.
9
Global Salafism: Islam's New Religious Movement. Oxford University Press, 2014.
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10
Roel, Meijer, ed. Global Salafism: Islam's new religious movement. New York: Columbia University Press, 2009.
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11
Global Salafism: Islam's New Religious Movement. Oxford University Press, 2009.
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12
Staffell, Simon, and Akil Awan, eds. Jihadism Transformed. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190650292.001.0001.
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Jihadist narratives have evolved dramatically over the past five years, driven by momentous events in the Middle East and beyond; the death of bin Laden; the rise and ultimate failure of the Arab Spring; and most notably, the rise of the so-called Islamic State. For many years, Al-Qaeda pointed to an aspirational future Caliphate as their utopian end goal - one which allowed them to justify their violent excesses in the here and now. Islamic State turned that aspiration into a dystopic reality, and in the process hijacked the jihadist narrative, breathing new life into the global Salafi-Jihadi movement. Despite air-strikes from above, and local disillusionment from below, the new caliphate has stubbornly persisted and has been at the heart of ISIS's growing global appeal. This timely collection of essays examines how jihadist narratives have changed globally, adapting to these turbulent circumstances. Area and thematic specialists consider transitions inside the Middle East and North Africa as well as in South Asia, sub-Saharan Africa and Europe. As these analyses demonstrate, the success of the ISIS narrative has been as much about resonance with local contexts, as it has been about the appeal of the global idea of a tangible and realized caliphate.
13
Anzalone, Christopher. In the Shadow of the Islamic State. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190650292.003.0010.
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This chapter examines how the Arab Spring was gradually sectarianized, leading to the emergence of more rigid and puritanical sect-based identities and inter-communal conflicts across the Middle East, extending even further outside of the region and across the Muslim-majority world. Using the social movement theory concept of “framing,” it considers how various political and armed actors involved in the Syrian civil war and the conflict in Iraq, including actors such as the Iranian government, Hizbullah, Sunni and Salafi actors in the Arab Gulf states, and Sunni rebel and other militant jihadi organizations such as Jabhat al-Nusra/Jabhat Fath al-Sham, Islamic State, Jaysh al-Islam, and Ahrar al-Sham, have drawn on competing historical narratives and memory in combination with contemporary events to produce a thoroughly modern but also selectively “historicized” social mobilization narrative meant to encourage activism from their target audiences. The ways in which clashing historical memory and narratives are deployed in regional conflicts, which constitutes a form of re-fighting the past in the present, are analyzed. Specific historical references, such as the invocation of Shi‘i legendary heroes of Karbala such as Abu al-Fadl al-Abbas, which are deployed as rhetorical weapons in geopolitical contests over power and political dominance, are also considered.
14
Kirdis, Esen. The Rise of Islamic Political Movements and Parties. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474450676.001.0001.
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Although regarded as a single community of Islamists, Islamic political movements utilise vastly different means to pursue their goals. This book examines why some Islamic movements facing the same socio-political structures pursue different political paths, while their counterparts in diverse contexts make similar political choices. Based on qualitative fieldwork involving personal interviews with Islamic politicians, journalists, and ideologues – conducted both before and after the Arab Spring – this study draws close comparisons between six Islamic movements in Jordan, Morocco and Turkey. It analyses how some Islamic movements decide to form a political party to run in elections, while their counterparts in the same country reject doing so and instead engage in political activism as a social movement through informal channels. More broadly, this study demonstrates the role of internal factors, ideological priorities and organisational needs in explaining differentiation within Islamic political movements, and discusses its effects on democratisation. In Morocco, this book examines the Movement for Unity and Reform that formed the Party for Justice and Development, and the Justice and Spirituality Movement that eschewed party politics. In Turkey, it examines the National Outlook Movement that is the mother-movement to various Islamic political parties, and the Gülen Movement that has a complicated relationship with incumbent parties. In Jordan, this book examines the Muslim Brotherhood and its political wing the Islamic Action Front Party, and the Quietist Salafis rejecting institutional politics.
15
Pall, Zoltan. Salafism in Lebanon: Local and Transnational Movements. University of Cambridge ESOL Examinations, 2020.
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16
Pall, Zoltan. Salafism in Lebanon: Local and Transnational Movements. Cambridge University Press, 2018.
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17
Wolf, Anne. An Islamic Revival. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190670757.003.0006.
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Although it is generally assumed that Ennahda did not have any structures in Tunisia in the years before the uprisings, this chapter uncovers how the movement tried to tentatively recreate itself, including at the universities, starting from the mid-2000s, when some of its prisoners were released. Yet persistent repression and the trauma of jail and torture strongly limited its membership base. In parallel, an increasing number of devout Tunisians became attracted by the Salafis (a dynamic reinforced by the spread of the internet and satellite TV), who sought to challenge Ennahda’s monopoly as a religious opposition force. This chapter shows that a more general growth in piety among large sectors of the population boosted the rise of both Salafism and Ennahda activities in the 2000s, a dynamic that Ben Ali sought to capitalise on by reinforcing religious policies of his own.
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Dudoignon, Stéphane A. The Baluch, Sunnism and the State in Iran. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190655914.001.0001.
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Since 2002, Sunni jihadi groups have been active in Iranian Baluchistan without managing to plunge the region into chaos. This book suggests that a reason for this, besides Tehran’s military responses, has been the quality of Khomeini and Khamenei’s relationship with a network of South-Asia-educated Sunni ulama (mawlawis) originating from the Sarbaz oasis area, in the south of Baluchistan. Educated in the religiously reformist, socially conservative South Asian Deoband School, which puts the madrasa at the centre of social life, the Sarbazi ulama had taken advantage, in Iranian territory, of the eclipse of Baluch tribal might under the Pahlavi monarchy (1925-79). They emerged then as a bulwark against Soviet influence and progressive ideologies, before rallying to Khomeini in 1979. Since the turn of the twenty-first century, they have been playing the role of a rampart against Salafi propaganda and Saudi intrigues. The book shows that, through their alliance with an Iranian Kurdish-born Muslim-Brother movement and through the promotion of a distinct ‘Sunni vote’, they have since the early 2000s contributed towards – and benefitted from – the defence by the Reformist presidents Khatami (1997-2005) and Ruhani (since 2013) of local democracy and of the minorities’ rights. They endeavoured to help, at the same time, preventing the propagation of jihadism and Sunni radicalisation to Iran – at least until the ISIS/Daesh-claimed attacks of June 2017, in Tehran, shed light on the limits of the Islamic Republic’s strategy of reliance on Deobandi ulama and Muslim-Brother preachers in the country’s Sunni-peopled peripheries.
19
Wolf, Anne. Political Islam in Tunisia. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190670757.001.0001.
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Political Islam in Tunisia uncovers the secret history of Tunisia’s main Islamist movement, Ennahda, from its origins in the 1960s to the present. Banned until the popular uprisings of 2010-11 and the overthrow of Ben Ali’s dictatorship, Ennahda has until now been impossible to investigate. This is the first in-depth account of the movement: one of Tunisia’s most influential political actors.Based on more than four years of field research, over 400 interviews, and access to private archives, Anne Wolf masterfully unveils the evolution of Ennahda’s ideological and strategic orientations within changing political contexts and, at times, conflicting ambitions amongst its leading cadres. She also explores the challenges to Ennahda’s quest for power from both secularists and Salafis. As the first full history of Ennahda, this book is a major contribution to the literature on Tunisia, Islamist movements, and political Islam in the Arab world.
20
Kayoza, Christina. Integrated Infrastructure for Sustainable Improvement of Movement and Safety in Urban Road Corridors: UNESCO-IHE PhD Thesis. Taylor & Francis Group, 2013.
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21
Brandt, Marieke. Sects and Politics. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190673598.003.0005.
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This chapter discusses the sectarian and political developments that unfolded in northernmost Yemen’s complex and competitive environment. It explores the spread of Salafism in Yemen’s Zaydi heartland, and the interplay between Sunni radicalization and Zaydi counter-radicalization, and the various sectarian, tribal, and political stages on which this radicalization took place. Since the turn of the millennium, the Zaydi revival has been significantly shaped by the Zaydi cleric and former politician Ḥusayn Badr al-Dīn al-Ḥūthī (d. 2004), who has given the Houthi movement its name. Under Ḥusayn al-Ḥūthī’s tutelage, the Zaydi revival movement became a catalyst with the potential to unite all those, in Ṣaʿdah and beyond, who felt economically neglected, politically ostracized and religiously marginalized. The chapter explains the local role of the al-Ḥūthī family in its very area of origin, the Marrān Mountains, and reconstructs the emergence of the movement led by Ḥusayn al-Ḥūthī.
22
Byman, Daniel. Al Qaeda, the Islamic State, and the Global Jihadist Movement. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190217259.001.0001.
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On the morning of September 11, 2001, the entire world was introduced to Al Qaeda and its enigmatic leader, Osama bin Laden. But the organization that changed the face of terrorism forever and unleashed a whirlwind of counterterrorism activity and two major wars had been on the scene long before that eventful morning. In Al Qaeda, the Islamic State, and the Global Jihadist Movement: What Everyone Needs to Know, Daniel L. Byman, an eminent scholar of Middle East terrorism and international security who served on the 9/11 Commission, provides a sharp and concise overview of Al Qaeda, from its humble origins in the mountains of Afghanistan to the present, explaining its perseverance and adaptation since 9/11 and the limits of U.S. and allied counterterrorism efforts. The organization that would come to be known as Al Qaeda traces its roots to the anti-Soviet jihad in Afghanistan in the 1980s. Founded as the Soviets withdrew from Afghanistan, Al Qaeda achieved a degree of international notoriety with a series of spectacular attacks in the 1990s; however, it was the dramatic assaults on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon on 9/11 that truly launched Al Qaeda onto the global stage. The attacks endowed the organization with world-historical importance and provoked an overwhelming counterattack by the United States and other western countries. Within a year of 9/11, the core of Al Qaeda had been chased out of Afghanistan and into a variety of refuges across the Muslim world. Splinter groups and franchised offshoots were active in the 2000s in countries like Pakistan, Iraq, and Yemen, but by early 2011, after more than a decade of relentless counterterrorism efforts by the United States and other Western military and intelligence services, most felt that Al Qaeda's moment had passed. With the death of Osama bin Laden in May of that year, many predicted that Al Qaeda was in its death throes. Shockingly, Al Qaeda has staged a remarkable comeback in the last few years. In almost every conflict in the Muslim world, from portions of the Xanjing region in northwest China to the African subcontinent, Al Qaeda franchises or like-minded groups have played a role. Al Qaeda's extreme Salafist ideology continues to appeal to radicalized Sunni Muslims throughout the world, and it has successfully altered its organizational structure so that it can both weather America's enduring full-spectrum assault and tailor its message to specific audiences. Authoritative and highly readable, Byman's account offers readers insightful and penetrating answers to the fundamental questions about Al Qaeda: who they are, where they came from, where they're going-and, perhaps most critically-what we can do about it.
23
Tarulevicz, Nicole. Making the Past the Present. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038099.003.0003.
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This chapter studies the ways in which ideas about Singapore's food heritage are used to help Singaporeans negotiate the multiracial nature of the island-state. Rojak—a Singaporean salad or condiment—highlights how various foods have become potent national symbols that simultaneously speak to diversity and unity, and in the process help define the boundaries of what is considered national food. Though globalization has provided new foodways, old foodways remain potent determinants of Singaporean society. Exploring the relationship between the global and the local to explain how cosmopolitanism emerged as a powerful nationalist discourse, the chapter posits the port as the key mechanism for this process. It considers the movement of people as a force for shaping the food of the nation and the way the rhetoric concerning a migrant past is strategically deployed.
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Lause, Mark A. Universal Democratic Republicans. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036552.003.0003.
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This chapter examines the Universal Democratic Republicans, which formed the core of the union of “liberal societies” by early 1854. The listed participants included both the “Free Democratic League (Americans, opposed to the Extension of Slavery)” and the “Ouvrier Circle (American workmen).” Given that the personnel of these groups overlapped, the Brotherhood of the Union in New York saw itself alongside the revolutionary secret societies of Europe and their successors and, in an American context, as part of the radical wing of the antislavery movement. This coalition addressed American politics on its own. That July, it recommended Hugh Forbes's Manual for the Patriotic Volunteer as “indispensable for the Revolutionists” and endorsed the view of American politics reflected in Forbes's “Catechism” that described the Democrats and Whigs as existing “to procure public occupation in the diplomatic service, custom house, post office, treasury, patent office, land office, municipality, police, or any other where salary and profit can be enjoyed.”
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Franzen, Trisha. Creating Her Vision. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038150.003.0007.
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This chapter examines the middle years of Anna Howard Shaw's presidency—from planning for the 1909 the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) Convention in Seattle through the 1912 convention in Philadelphia. While analyses critical of Shaw's presidency have most frequently used the upheavals of these years as the basis for judging Shaw as a failure as an administrator, the gains of these years as well as the full context and origins of these organizational conflicts have received scant in-depth attention. Class and race issues are especially significant for analyzing both Shaw's legacy as a leader and the positions of the suffrage movement as a whole. Money tensions had always haunted the NAWSA, but the fact that Shaw drew a salary for her presidency and had access to monies beyond the control of the NAWSA treasurer raised suspicions among the privileged leaders who linked financial need with corruption. That Shaw was also the strongest and most consistent supporter of universal suffrage brought additional resistance from those who were opposed to or willing to compromise on the extension of the franchise to African American and immigrant women.