Relevant bibliographies by topics / The Salafi movement

Academic literature on the topic 'The Salafi movement'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 13 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "The Salafi movement"

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Wiktorowicz, Quintan. "THE SALAFI MOVEMENT IN JORDAN." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 2 (May 2000): 219–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800021097.

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Since the 1970s, the Salafi movement in Jordan has grown substantially. Today, Salafis are ubiquitous in every major city in the kingdom, and Salafi bookshops, lessons, and activities are common. The purpose of the movement is to institute religious behavior and practices that capture the purity of Islam, as understood by the salaf (early Companions of the Prophet). Salafis believe that because the salaf learned about Islam directly from the Prophet or those who knew him, they commanded a pure understanding of the religion. All decisions in life must therefore be based upon evidence from the Qur⊃an and sunna, as recorded in authentic sayings (had―iths) by the salaf. In instances where particular actions or behaviors were not sanctioned by the original sources of Islam, they are rejected as “not Muslim.” Those who strictly adhere to this religious understanding are considered Salafis.1
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Sedgwick, Mark. "Contextualizing Salafism." Tidsskrift for Islamforskning 4, no. 1 (May 24, 2010): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/tifo.v4i1.24587.

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The importance of Salafism, both in the Muslim world and in Europe, has been quickly grasped by scholars and by governments, and some excellent studies of Salafism in individual countries have been published. Methodological and analytical problems, however, remain. One problem is defining the topic: what is and what is not Salafi? Classification is not assisted by internal divisions within the Salafi movement that result in disagreement among Salafis themselves as to who and what is and is not Salafi, nor by the way in which Salafis do not always describe themselves as Salafi, often preferring ahl al-sunna wa’l-jama’a, sometimes shortened to plain “Sunni,” terms which could, of course, describe almost any non-Shi’i Muslim. A related problem is that the term “Salafi” is sometimes applied by outsiders with little justification, often in the press, but also by authorities such as Hillel Fradkin, director of the Center for Islam, Democracy and the Future of the Muslim World at the Hudson Institute, a “conservative” American think tank, who classified the Muslim Brotherhood as Salafi, on the basis that they were part of “the worldwide Islamic phenomenon and movement variously known as Islamism, Salafism, radical Islam, militant Islam, political Islam and the like.”
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Dawood, Iman. "Who is a ‘Salafi’? Salafism and the Politics of Labelling in the UK." Journal of Muslims in Europe 9, no. 2 (March 3, 2020): 240–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22117954-12341416.

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Abstract In this article, I trace the history of the label ‘Salafi’ in the UK to show that there has been a marked change in its desirability and use within some ‘Salafi’ circles. Drawing on interviews conducted with members of various streams of the Salafi movement as well as content analysis of the websites, social media pages and audio-visual content of ‘Salafi’ groups, I argue that while the oftentimes unqualified association between Salafism and terrorism in public discourse may have had a negative impact on the label’s desirability, intra-Salafi politics shed more light on why some ‘Salafis’ adopt the label while others do not.
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Kobo, Ousman Murzik. "Shifting Trajectories of Salafi/Ahl-Sunna Reformism in Ghana." Islamic Africa 6, no. 1-2 (July 6, 2015): 60–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21540993-00602003.

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This article explores the shifting trajectories of Salafi-inclined reforms in Ghana since the 1950s. I illustrate that Ghanaian expressions of Salafism emerged in the 1950s from local doctrinal debates between members of the Tījāniyya Sufi brotherhood and those who opposed Sufism. The opposition against the Tījāniyya evolved to become part of the worldwide Salafi reform movement. Tracing the movement’s development, I illustrate further that the Ghanaian expressions of Salafism was neither homogenous nor static in its strategies of proselytization or its doctrinal emphases. Rather, many local Salafi scholars continuously defined and sharpened their ideas and strategies to accommodate changing local and global realities. Moreover, while seeking intellectual and financial support of Salafi sponsors in the Arab world, Ghanaian Salafis remained focused on local needs. The history of Ghanaian Salafiyya will thus sharpen our knowledge of the dynamism of global Salafiyya, and the processes by which local doctrinal concerns find affinities with debates in other parts of the Muslim world.
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Faizah, Faizah. "Pergulatan Teologi Salafi dalam Mainstream Keberagamaan Masyarakat Sasak." Ulumuna 16, no. 2 (November 7, 2017): 375–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.20414/ujis.v16i2.183.

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The Salafi movement has recently spread so widely in Indonesia that it has reached rural communities. In that context, its contact with local beliefs and practices produces a dynamic and creative tension between them. This paper will explore the contact dynamics by photographing wrestle of Salafi’s theological movement and beliefs in the mainstream of theological beliefs of local Sasak society of Lombok. The authors found that local knowledge that expressed through practicing several ceremonies associated with the human life-cycle from moment of human birth to death events considered by the Salafi as unauthentic element of Islam called heretic to which the Salafi has to carry out purification. That potential conflict between the Sasak and Salafis, requiring mutual respect and tolerance among them.
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Redjosari, Slamet Muliono. "Salafi dan Stigma Sesat-Radikal." ISLAMICA: Jurnal Studi Keislaman 13, no. 2 (March 1, 2019): 305–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/islamica.2019.13.2.305-324.

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This article describes the dynamics of da‘wah movement of Salafis and their response to its stigmatization as being heretical and radical. The phenomenon of radical movements with their terrorist actions shapes the stigma of being radical to the Salafis. The spread and acceleration of the Salafi movement have put the da‘wah of the traditionalists in trouble. The stigma of Salafis as being radical and heretical results in the resistance against the Salafis to stop their da‘wah in many places. The stigmatization of the Salafis as being radical and intolerant drives the Salafis to show their identity as unidentical with the stigmatization. A number of persecution towards the Salafis is the implication of this stigma. This article is resulted from interviews with Salafi figures and d?‘?s who felt annoyed with the stigmatization. The appearance of Salafis which resembles those stigmatized as radicals lead to the emergence of public opinion that the Salafis are radical, while on the contrary, this article finds that the Salafis in fact fight against radical thoughts that lead to radical and terrorist actions.
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Syahbana, Takdir Ali. "FENOMENA SALAFI DI KALIMANTAN SELATAN." Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Ushuluddin 14, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.18592/jiu.v14i1.686.

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Salafi is one of Islamic movement which have spread around the world. This movement initiates to purify Islamicdoctrine from what it called bidah. It has been currently in South Kalimantan for several years. In fact, the movementhas several places that be the center of its teaching. Data showed that Ustadz Aiman and his brother introduce it atthe first in 2001. Since that time, Salafi has developed and has had many followers. In several big cities of SouthKalimantan district, such as Banjarmasin, Martapura, and Barabai, Salafi built some mosques and used it as itslearning and teaching center. This writing discussed about the development of Salafi movement in South Kalimantan.It will be reviewed about Salafis methods in introducing and teaching its doctrine to the people of South Kalimantan.
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Setiawan, Wahyu, and Fredy Gandhi Midia. "COMMUNITY ACCEPTABILITY TO THE SALAFI MOVEMENT." AKADEMIKA: Jurnal Pemikiran Islam 24, no. 2 (January 8, 2020): 391. http://dx.doi.org/10.32332/akademika.v24i2.1819.

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The study of Salafi is generally focused on the perspective of social movements with the political opportunity structure, resources theory, and collective action frames. The three approaches to social movement theory lead to the same estuary, which is an analysis of emerging factors and the development of a social movement. Unlike the previous studies, this article focuses on the acceptance of the Islamic community's acceptability patterns to the Salafi movement. The interesting phenomenon of this movement is the so massive infiltration occurring. The community is so rapidly accepting the style and the system of sustainability offered by various Salafi groups. This article uses a sociological approach to the basis of structural-functional and interactionist-symbolic theories of experience in both the individual and collective levels of the followers of Salafi. Methods of collecting data through interviews, observations, and documentation with the research subject of 30 members of the Salafi group are not grass-root. The results showed that structuralist-functionally, the phenomenon of public acceptability due to the currents of modernity, shifting the concept of the family, shifting the meaning of religious authorities, and ease of access to information technology. Symbolically-symbolic, the phenomenon is the result of individual interaction with the social environment and the search for alternative religious identity. Keywords: Salafi, Movemnt, and Islam
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Timur Radikovich, Khayrullin. "The Role of ‘Muslim Brotherhood’ and Saudi Arabia in the Politicization of Salafism in the 20th Century." Islamovedenie 11, no. 4 (December 2020): 15–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.21779/2077-8155-2020-11-4-15-26.

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The article deals with the problem of Salafism politization. The process of politicization of traditional salafi ideas led to the emergence of conservative Islamism, which eventually moved away from medieval traditionalism and adapted to modern political conditions. The process of Salafism politicization was initiated by the Salafi reformists al-Afghani and M. Abdo in the early XX century. However, reformists Salafi ideas were modified into political ideology by the Mus-lim Brotherhood, which was strongly influenced by Salafism in its early stages. During the 50–60s of the XX century, the emerging conservative Salafi Islamism was on the defensive, as it faced the ideas of Arab nationalism. It is emphasized that the forced relocation of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood to Saudi Arabia, in parallel, marked the movement of Islamists ideas, which received significant devel-opment and organizational form due to the financial power of the Gulf monarchies. At the turn of the 70-80s of the XX century thanks to the efforts of the Saudi government throughout the Middle East region, Salafi movements were strengthened, which enjoyed diplomatic and finan-cial support from Saudi Arabia and were engaged in promoting Salafi-Wahhabi ideas. However, the further politicization of Salafi ideas and, as a result, the development of conservative Salafi Islamism slowed down the end of the XX century being connected with the invasion of Kuwait.
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Rock-Singer, Aaron. "Leading with a Fist: A History of the Salafi Beard in the 20th-Century Middle East." Islamic Law and Society 27, no. 1-2 (February 20, 2020): 83–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685195-00260a06.

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Abstract Salafism is a global religious movement whose male participants often distinguish themselves from their co-religionists by a particular style of facial hair. Historians have focused largely on this movement’s engagement with questions of theology and politics, while anthropologists have assumed that Salafi practice reflects a longer Islamic tradition. In this article, I move beyond both approaches by tracing the gradual formation of a distinctly Salafi beard in the 20th century Middle East. Drawing on Salafi scholarly compendia, leading journals, popular pamphlets, and daily newspapers produced primarily in Egypt and Saudi Arabia, I argue that Salafi elites revived a longer Islamic legal tradition in order to distinguish their flock from secular nationalist projects of communal identity and Islamic activists alike. In doing so, I cast light on Salafism’s interpretative approach, the dynamics that define its development as a social movement, and the broader significance of visual markers in modern projects of Islamic piety.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "The Salafi movement"

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Iqbal, Asep Muhamad, and asmoiq@yahoo com. "Salafism and the Internet in Contemporary Indonesia." Flinders University. Sociology, 2008. http://catalogue.flinders.edu.au./local/adt/public/adt-SFU20080722.111604.

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This study deals with the relationship between religious fundamentalism and the internet. It aims to be a critique of the conception that religion and modernization are inherently incompatible; that modernization leads to the death of religion, as advocated the secularization theorists. It argues that the notion is an inaccurate characterization and understanding of the interplay between the forces of religion and modernization; rather, both co-exist and mutually reinforce one another. It also argues that it is inappropriate to label religious fundamentalism as an anti-modern movement; it might be true that it is ideologically ultra-orthodox, but it is technologically a modern movement. The value of this study lies in its findings that the most conservative religious groups like the Salafi community not only persist in the face of modernization, but also transform realities of modernity like the internet into a new form of modern product that serves well their religious needs and interests. To support this, I analysed Salafism, a transnational Islamic fundamentalist movement, and its use of the internet within the Indonesian context to uncover how they employ the technology. I examined the ways the Salafis use the internet in accordance with their ideological purposes in the frameworks of ‘cultured technology’, localization process of global force of information technology, appropriation of global media, and spiritualizing technology. Textual analysis was mainly employed as a method to understand the Salafi web contents and uncover the ways the Salafi use the internet.
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Nsobya, Abdulhakim Abdalla. "Allied democratic forces (ADF) in Uganda: A Jihadi- Salafi movement or local political movement in disguise." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/29839.

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Since 1996, Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) has waged a campaign of terror in Uganda and neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), which has resulted in a number of fatalities and continues to threaten the security of the region. From its inception, the objective of the ADF has been to overthrow the Ugandan government and establish an Islamic state governed by a Salafi interpretation of Islam. This study seeks to document the history of the ADF and to locate its position within contemporary Salafi debates. It does so by answering the following questions: (1) what do we know about the ADF? (2) How did the ADF emerge in Uganda? (3) Is the ADF Jihadi-Salafi movement or local political movement in disguise? This study utilises interviews, as well as archival and ethnographic approaches to research. Findings suggest that the ADF is a Jihadi-Salafi militant movement, which was originally established under the name Salafi Jihad Council (SaJiCo). However, the initial failure to stand alone and the Busitema defeat forced them to join other non-Muslim rebel groups to form the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF). In addition, this study confirmed that, persuasive rhetoric of ADF leader, Jamilu Mukulu in addition to a long history of economic, social and political marginalisation of Muslims in Uganda by colonial and post-colonial governments, played a significant role in the creation and recruitment strategies for the Movement.
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Salae, Hafiz. "The political accommodation of Salafi-reformist movements in Thailand." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2017. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/20038/.

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This thesis examines the political accommodation of contemporary Salafi-reformist movements into Thailand’s dual context of a Buddhist majority centralised state and the Malay Muslim minority. The two chosen case studies are Assalam (est. 1977) and the Muslim Group for Peace (MGP) (est. 2001) situated in the Deep South and Bangkok respectively. On the study of these movements’ ideological, organisational, and behavioural dimensions, I have developed three conceptual frameworks: Islamic reformism, network-based movements, and accommodation, which is based on the literature of Islamism, Islamic social movements and activism and Thai Muslim politics. While previous studies of Islamic reformists in Thailand have focused on the role of individuals as a unit of analysis, this thesis looks into a larger level of social movement organisation, without ignoring the importance of influential leaders. This thesis also contributes to the literature of Thai Muslim politics by identifying ideological differences between Salafism and reformism. This thesis argues that in their attempts to domesticate their Islamic reformist ideologies into Thailand’s socio-political structures, Salafis adopted pragmatism as an essential approach that enabled them to become successfully accommodated. Their organisational strategies relied on the creation of network-based movements encompassing educational, media, social, and political organisations. Equipped by internal strength of modernist elements and external political opportunities and constraints, the formalisation of organisations became a transition point that made the movements shift from the narrow rigid Salafi positions to the broader socially engaged reformist perspectives. Thus, their activisms expanded from organising religious educational programmes to providing religious-social services. In pursuit of accommodation, it is necessary for both movements to balance the compromise between their Salafi-reformist ideologies and socio-political realities. Although these pragmatic efforts resulted in relatively successful accommodation with the Thai state and better recognition from Malay Muslim society – with a significant degree of latent conflict and competition, the movements failed to maintain a relationship with their purist Salafi networks.
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Amin, Hira. "Salafism and Islamism in Britain, 1965-2015." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2017. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/269730.

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The thesis examines two of the arguably most contentious strands within contemporary Islam – Salafism and Islamism – in the British context from 1965 to the contemporary period. Its central argument is that by using their (multi-directional) connections, modern Muslim sects in Britain fashioned a distinct ‘Western Muslim’ consciousness, which has gradually altered their relationship with the ‘Muslim world’ at large. Rather than generating remittances to send ‘back home’, to Muslim-majority countries – Britain, and the West more broadly, came to be seen as another important Muslim space in need of resources, institutions, and unique paradigms for understanding and practicing Islam. Put differently, scholars, activists and intellectuals began carving out a self-conscious Western form of Islam, and in this process have begun to subvert their peripheral status vis-à-vis the heartlands of the Muslim world. The thesis charts the emergence of this ‘Western Muslim’ consciousness beginning from the late 1960s to the present. It demonstrates that this was neither a linear process of severing ties with Muslim-majority countries, nor one of wholly adopting Western cultural codes or modes of faith. Rather Salafis and Islamists rooted Islam in Britain, but on their own terms. It opens with a re-examination of the religious lives of the first generation pioneer migrants that arrived in the post-War period from South Asia, who were involved with either the Ahl-e-Hadith or the Jamaat-e-Islami. It examines how each faction established their mosques and organisations in the British context, making complex and sophisticated adaptions in their thoughts and practice while negotiating their changed setting. It suggests that the sharp generational divide – where the first were primarily seen in ethnic terms and the second adopted a global religious identity – has hitherto dominated accounts of Muslims in Britain, and needs to be critiqued and revised. From their inception, the struggle to recreate an ‘authentic’ Islam was pivotal in both movements. Purging Islam from adulterations and perceiving themselves as part of the global ummah were sentiments that were present, to a certain degree, in the first-generation. This is not to say that there were no generational differences, but that these differences were more fluid than has been suggested. The thesis also explores the reasons underpinning the resurgence of ‘traditional’ religious figures at the expense of ‘intellectuals’. However, in the context of individualisation, new media and the democratisation of religion, this raises important questions as to how ‘traditional’ religious authority is being transformed and adapted. It analyses the seemingly contradictory elements of the desire to wholeheartedly follow ‘authentic’ religious figures on the one hand, and still actively rationalise and determine which interpretation of Islam they ultimately follow on the other. With the advent of cyberspace, it also examines the changing contours of the ‘community’ and the relationship between offline and online networks. It argues that the internet has accelerated the development of like-minded or ideological transnational networks that span online and offline spaces. These networks increasingly take precedence over geographically close ‘communities’ decentralising, but not devaluing, the masjid.
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Borck, Lewis. "Lost Voices Found: An Archaeology of Contentious Politics in the Greater Southwest, A.D. 1100 - 1450." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10117388.

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This dissertation uses a relational approach and a contentious politics framework to examine the archaeological record. Methodologically, it merges spatial and social network analyses to promote a geosocial archaeology. Combined, the articles create a counter-narrative that highlights how environmentally focused investigations fail to explain how and why societies in the Southwest often reorganize horizontally. The first article uses geosocial networks, which I argue represent memory maps, to reveal that the socially important, and sophisticated, act of forgetting was employed by people in the Gallina region during A.D. 1100–1300. A concomitant community level, settlement pattern analysis demonstrates similarities between the arrangement of Gallina and Basketmaker-era settlements. These historically situated settlement structures, combined with acts of forgetting, were used by Gallina region residents to institute and maintain a horizontally organized social movement that was likely aimed at rejecting the hierarchical social atmosphere in the Four Corners region. The second article proposes that as ideologically charged material goods are consumed, fissures within past ideological landscapes are revealed and that these fissures can demonstrate acts of resistance in the archaeological past. It also contends that social and environmental variables need to be combined for these conflicting religious and political practices to be correctly interpreted. The third article applies many of the ideas outlined in the second article to a case study in the Greater Southwest during A.D. 1200–1450. Fractures in the ideological landscape demonstrate that the Salado Phenomenon was a religious social movement formed around, and successful because of, its populist nature. Based on variations in how the Salado ideology interacted with contemporaneous hierarchical and non-hierarchical religious and political organizations it is probable that the Salado social movement formed around desires for the open access to religious knowledge.

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Obaid, Hasan [Verfasser], and Jochen [Akademischer Betreuer] Hippler. "The Ideological Transformations of Islamic Social Movements in Egypt : The Cases of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafist Call between 1981-2013. / Hasan Obaid ; Betreuer: Jochen Hippler." Duisburg, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1191693201/34.

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Reyes, Campos Nora Paz. "Salarios durante la industrialización en Chile (1927/1928-1973)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/454672.

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El período de crecimiento económico que aquí analizaremos se caracteriza por el foco que pondrá el Estado en el desarrollo de la política industrial, su influencia en el impulso de ciertos sectores considerados estratégicos y también en el papel como agente económico que adquirirá una vez iniciado el proceso. A partir de las reflexiones acerca del período realizadas tanto por economistas de la época como Pinto (1959) y Mamalakis (1976), y también contemporáneos como Meller (2016), parecería que se trató de un proceso fracasado, por la imposibilidad de perpetuar en el tiempo el desarrollo del sector industrial. Con el foco puesto en el crecimiento, la deuda, la inflación, el desarrollo del sector industrial y el estancamiento de la agricultura, la mayor parte de los estudios se han propuesto analizar las limitaciones del período industrializador (Bértola, 2011; Dornbusch & Edwards, 1992; Kaldor, 1971; Mamalakis, 1976; Pinto, 1959). En esta investigación queremos ampliar los elementos de análisis que existen sobre este momento, incorporando no sólo nuevos datos si no presentando un elemento transversal al proceso de crecimiento del período: las/os trabajadoras/es y sus salarios. El interés por los salarios no es injustificado, ya que han sido un elemento principal en el estudio de las ventajas y limitaciones de la industrialización desde fines del siglo XIX en Europa y su centralidad en el análisis histórico y económico hace que continúen los esfuerzos por generar o mejorar series históricas de salarios (Margo, 2000; Scholliers, 1989; Scholliers & Zamagni, 1995). Las remuneraciones, además de su contribución a la comprensión de fenómenos sociales y económicos, han sido objeto de estudio en sí mismas, por el papel que juegan en la historia de los trabajadores y en el estudio de las condiciones del mercado laboral (Goldin & Margo, 1992; Hatton & Thomas, 2010; Margo, 2000; Rosenbloom, 1998). Esta tesis se enmarca en las transformaciones del modelo de crecimiento producto de las políticas industrializadoras, pero también en las posibilidades (y limitaciones) que estos cambios entregaron al sector obrero. En ese sentido, el principal objeto de esta investigación es entregar nuevas series de salarios nominales y reales, y analizar el comportamiento de los salarios en el contexto del desarrollo industrial y económico chileno en el período de crecimiento hacia adentro. Con esto queremos contribuir al debate acerca de las características que tuvo este proceso llevado a cabo en América Latina, centrándonos en un espacio que ha sido central en los debates sobre la industrialización en otras regiones: los salarios. Junto a esto, esperamos aportar a los debates sobre los salarios en general al evaluar el desempeño salarial en un contexto de cambio estructural, a partir del potencial explicativo de variables económicas e institucionales. Los años que abarca la industrialización dirigida por el estado son complejos económica y socialmente. Hemos recorrido estos cuarenta años desde distintas miradas y perspectivas a través de las series de salarios nominales y reales. Se han presentado también series de salarios para espacios olvidados por las estadísticas oficiales, en el caso de la desagregación por sector, la rama agrícola y con una nueva serie de remuneraciones para un sector generalmente olvidado en las estadísticas históricas: las mujeres trabajadoras. El primer resultado de esta investigación son las series de salarios medios nominales, es decir, la serie total del sector obrero, las series por sector y las series desagregadas por género. Y a través de ellas, se aprecia que la Gran Depresión deja una clara huella en la curva de salarios nominales. La desagregación por rama permite ver que las remuneraciones en la etapa de industrialización fueron bajas, ya que la construcción – un sector de baja calificación y precariedad – es el que se mueve durante todos estos años en torno a la media. La evidencia de bajos salarios que nos entregan los salarios nominales se verifica si observamos los salarios ajustados por el costo de vida. La primera conclusión que podemos extraer de la curva de salarios reales es que antes de los sesenta, los incrementos de salarios responden exclusivamente a períodos de recuperación de lo perdido. El análisis de la serie de salarios medios reales se realiza en función de la productividad, la inflación, el desempleo, y la sindicalización y la huelga, como expresión del movimiento obrero. Este análisis permite observar que en los primeros años de la serie el crecimiento de la productividad tiene un papel en el bajo crecimiento de salarios, pero que luego se separa ostensiblemente del rumbo que toma el aumento salarial generando una brecha a partir de mediados de los años cuarenta, tomando el producto por trabajador una velocidad de incremento mayor. Asimismo, la inflación que a primera vista es uno de los elementos que más claramente parecen afectar los salarios parecen tener un rol preponderante pero no exclusivo en el bajo crecimiento de los ingresos, dado que especialmente en la crisis inflacionaria de los años cincuenta, estos disminuyen incluso si son ajustados por el deflactor del PIB como índice alternativo. El desempleo marca su influencia más importante en la crisis de la Gran Depresión, generando altos niveles de desocupación que motivan en gran parte la pérdida de poder adquisitivo de la población en esa época. Finalmente, vemos que la debilidad del movimiento obrero afectado por una gran represión a partir de fines de la década de los cuarenta es una de las variables que explica el estancamiento y la vulnerabilidad de las remuneraciones a los eventos inflacionarios, los que no parecen afectar al crecimiento y se concentran casi exclusivamente en la capacidad de compra del sector obrero. Así, la historia de los salarios en Chile durante el período industrializador dirigido por el Estado se ve fuertemente afectado por los bajos salarios y las pocas posibilidades de incremento que nos muestra la serie salarial media así como las series desagregadas. La curva de la productividad por otra parte, muestra que si existió en ese período espacio para el crecimiento de los salarios obreros que no se realiza principalmente como consecuencia de la represión de que fue objeto la organización sindical. Bibliografía citada en este documento Bértola, L. (2011). Bolivia, Chile y Perú desde la Independencia: una historia de conflictos, transformaciones, inercias y desigualdad. En Institucionalidad y desarrollo económico en América Latina. Santiago: Cepal. Dornbusch, R., & Edwards, S. (1992). Macroeconomía del populismo en la América Latina. Fondo de Cultura Económica. Goldin, C., & Margo, R. A. (1992). Wages, Prices, and Labor Markets before the Civil War. En Strategic Factors in Nineteenth Century American Economic History: A Volume to Honor Robert W. Fogel (pp. 67–104). National Bureau of Economic Research. Hatton, T. J., & Thomas, M. (2010). Labour markets in the interwar period and economic recovery in the UK and the USA. Oxford Review of Economic Policy, 26(3), 463– 485. Kaldor, N. (1971). Los Problemas Económicos de Chile. En Ensayos sobre Política Económica. Madrid: Tecnos. Mamalakis, M. (1976). Growth and Structure of the Chilean Economy: From Independence to Allende. New Haven: Yale University Press. Margo, R. A. (2000). Wages and Labor Markets in the United States, 1820-1860. National Bureau of Economic Research. Meller, P. (2016). Un siglo de economía política chilena (1890-1990) (2a. ed). Chile: Uqbar. Pinto, A. (1959). Chile, un caso de desarrollo frustrado. Santiago de Chile: Editorial Universitaria. Rosenbloom, J. L. (1998). The Extent of the Labor Market in the United States, 1870–1914. Social Science History, 22(3), 287–318. Scholliers, P. (1989). Real Wages in 19th and 20th Century Europe: historical and comparative perspectives. Berg Publishers Limited. Scholliers, P., & Zamagni, V. (1995). Labour’s Reward: Real Wages and Economic Change in 19th and 20th century Europe. Edward Elgar Publishing.
This thesis looks to contribute, through new wages series, with the debate about the problems and limitations of the import substitution period in Chile. The series that exist now do not comprehend the entire period or are calculated from different sources with various methodologies. For that, the first goal is to estimate a new average wage series, sector and gender series for the period of 1927/1928-1973. The new series show that the average wages of this period are low and that they don’t grow until the sixties. The prior three decades were marked by almost no growth and wages crisis as result of inflation peaks. But the analysis also shows that there was space for growth due to a growing gap between productivity and wages after the forties, even after adjusting wages by the product deflator. In this scenario, labour movement history and data about unionization and strikes shows that the relationship between the governments and the labour unions, with long periods of repression, had an important role in the weakness and slight capacity of workers to demand for better wages.
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Weeks, Douglas M. "Radicals and reactionaries : the polarisation of community and government in the name of public safety and security." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3416.

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The contemporary threat of terrorism has changed the ways in which government and the public view the world. Unlike the existential threat from nation states in previous centuries, today, government and the public spend much of their effort looking for the inward threat. Brought about by high profile events such as 9/11, 7/7, and 3/11, and exacerbated by globalisation, hyper-connected social spheres, and the media, the threats from within are reinforced daily. In the UK, government has taken bold steps to foment public safety and public security but has also been criticised by some who argue that government actions have labelled Muslims as the ‘suspect other'. This thesis explores the counter-terrorism environment in London at the community/government interface, how the Metropolitan Police Service and London Fire Brigade deliver counter-terrorism policy, and how individuals and groups are reacting. It specifically explores the realities of the lived experience of those who make up London's ‘suspect community' and whether or not counter-terrorism policy can be linked to further marginalisation, radicalism, and extremism. By engaging with those that range from London's Metropolitan Police Service's Counterterrorism Command (SO15) to those that make up the radical fringe, an ethnographic portrait is developed. Through that ethnographic portrait the ‘ground truth' and complexities of the lived experience are made clear and add significant contrast to the aseptic policy environment.
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Amaechi, Kingsley Ekene. "Violence and political opportunities : a social movement study of the use of violence in the Nigerian Boko Haram." Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/25758.

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This study investigates the use of violence by Salafi-Oriented Movement Organisations. Drawing mostly from Social Movement Theory’s “political opportunity” and “resource mobilisation” thesis, it uses the Northern Nigerian-born Boko Haram (BH) to study how such organisation evolved and used different forms of violent activisms for goal attainment. On that basis, three main research questions were formulated: (1) What socio-political structures enabled the evolution of the organisation in Northern Nigeria? (2) Under what conditions did BH begin to use armed violence against the Nigerian State? (3) What specific forms of armed violence did BH use and how were such forms of strategy sustained within the organisation? In answering these questions, the study relied on data collected through one-on-one semi-structured interviews from religious leaders in Northern Nigeria (particularly those within the Salafi networks); selected politicians in the areas where the group operates; some Nigerian security personnel, and on focus group interviews from victims of BH violence. In addition, the study also drew from other documentary sources (videos and audio recordings from different leaders in the group), and from internal correspondence between BH leaders and those of al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb. Along the primary data, these documentary sources showed a striking historical continuity about the emergence and activities of BH from inception, up until they began using violence as a means for goal attainment. The data showed that while the emergence of the group was dependent on specific Northern Nigerian socio-political and mobilisatory structures, the adoption and sustenance of different forms of violence in the group were re-enforced by the interactions between the group’s leadership and the Borno state government; the violent response of the Nigerian government to the group's initial anti-state rhetoric; the mobilisation of different material resources (accruing from the organisation’s interactions and collaborations with similar international Salafi networks) and the internal dynamics in the group (competition between the different factions in the organisation). These inter-related conditions provided the windows of opportunity upon which both the establishment of the group, as well as the internal logic for the development and justification of different forms of violence were sustained within the organisation.
Religious Studies and Arabic
D. Litt. et Phil. (Religious Studies)
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陳健聖. "The movement of Lebanon's Hezbollah: the study of modern Shi'i Salafism." Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/40862741332515058388.

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碩士
國立政治大學
外交研究所
98
Middle East and the Islamic world from the eighteenth century were the invasion of Western Colonialism and Imperialism, Muslims have suffered a huge impact in the sphere of political and religious, particularly in the Islamic tradition of theocratic system. Western democracy and the nation-state to become a major political patterns in the Middle East, the Muslims themselves did not enjoy the advantages of democratic government, but suffer. Therefore, the Muslims would like to return to the traditional system, which, to restore a glorious history of Muslim communities, also contributed to the emergence of Salafism(Islamic fundamentalism). Traditionally, Muslim community generally can be divided into Sunni and Shia. Although both political and religious ideology have in common, but there are many different characteristics. This essay first aims the Shi’i Salafism as the object of study, discusses the history of development and impact of Shi’I Salafism. Second, Hezbollah is a politico-religious organization, its emergence which influenced by Shi’i Salafism, but Hezbollah has become a legitimate political party in Lebanon now. Although making Lebanon into a Islamic state is the object pursued by Hezbollah, but Hezbollah has clearly said it would not use force to compel the people of Lebanon to accept it. Therefore, how to use a pragmatic strategy to face the challenge of political forces which inside and outside of Lebanon by Hezbollah and how it affects the Shiite Salafism will be the focus of this paper.
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Books on the topic "The Salafi movement"

1

Shultz, Richard H. Global insurgency strategy and the Salafi Jihad movement. USAF Academy, Colo: USAF Institute for National Security Studies, 2008.

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al-ʻAzīz, Dārat al-Malik ʻAbd, ed. Najd before the Salafi reform movement: Social, political, and religious conditions during the three centuries preceding the rise of the Saudi state. Reading, UK: Ithaca Press, 2002.

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Wiedl, Nina. The making of a German Salafiyya: The emergence, development and missionary work of Salafi movements in Germany. Aarhus: Centre for Studies in Islamism and Radicalisation (CIR), Department of Political Science, Aarhus University, 2012.

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The management of Islamic activism: Salafis, the Muslim Brotherhood, and state power in Jordan. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 2001.

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Salaris, Claudia. Collezione Echaurren Salaris. Pistoia: Gli Ori, 2012.

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Anelli, Michele. Radio libertà: Dalla radio della Resistenza alla resistenza delle radio. Milano: Vololibero, 2013.

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Poljarevic, Emin. Islamist Grassroots and Youth Activism a Sociology of the Muslim Brotherhood and Salafi Movement in Egypt. Taylor & Francis Group, 2018.

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Staffell, Simon. From 25 January to Islamic State. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190650292.003.0004.

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The history of the jihadist movement in Egypt provides important lessons about its possible future trajectories. This chapter sets out the history of jihadism in Egypt from Al-Gama‘a al-Islamiyya (Islamic Group) and Egyptian Islamic Jihad in the 1980s and 90s, through the al-Tawhid w‘al Jihad and Al-Qaeda affiliate the Abdullah Azzam Brigades in the 2000s. The chapter then considers how jihadism has developed after the 25 January 2011 revolution. It examines the rise of IS in Egypt - the organizational changes involved and how these were accompanied by changes in ideology and narrative. By situating these changes in the context of the history of salafi-jihadism in Egypt, it argues that IS’s ability to gain a foothold, were in part due to their global narrative, but more notably were due to the way in which the Ansar Beit al-Maqdis/Wilayat Sina leadership were willing and able to adapt this narrative to the particularities of the Egyptian context. Egyptian jihadism has not historically accepted IS’s approach, and this may ultimately prove to be their downfall in the country.
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Global Salafism: Islam's New Religious Movement. Oxford University Press, 2014.

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Roel, Meijer, ed. Global Salafism: Islam's new religious movement. New York: Columbia University Press, 2009.

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Book chapters on the topic "The Salafi movement"

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Arafat, Alaa Al-Din. "Salafist Schools, Groups, and Movements." In The Rise of Islamism in Egypt, 95–132. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-53712-2_4.

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Mansour, Mohamed El. "Salafis and Modernists in the Moroccan Nationalist Movement." In Islamism and Secularism in North Africa, 53–71. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-61373-1_4.

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Ivaska, Andrew. "Movement Youth in a Global Sixties Hub: The Everyday Lives of Transnational Activists in Postcolonial Dar es Salaam." In Transnational Histories of Youth in the Twentieth Century, 188–210. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137469908_9.

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Brown, Vahid. "The Salafi Emirate of Kunar." In Pan-Islamic Connections, 91–116. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190862985.003.0005.

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Vahid Brown’s chapter examines the role of the Salafi Emirate of Kunar’s role in shaping the development of transnational salafi jihadi networks while also focusing on the fault lines within the same. The chapter brings out the significance of this previously little studied Afghan mujahidin movement in forming links between the Gulf and Afghanistan-Pakistan. Explaining the Emirate of Kunar’s brand of jihadi Salafism as a creation based on previous ties with South Asian Ahl-i-Hadith movement and Gulf Salafism, the chapter identifies it as a precursor to the ISIS brand in Iraq and Syria. In its progression, the chapter traces the historical emergence of the emirate followed by an examination of the writings of the Gulf Salafi mashayikh on Jamil al-Rahman, its founder, and the emirate itself. Subsequently, the Afghan Arab literature on the Salafis of Kunar is reviewed.
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Wehrey, Frederic, and Anouar Boukhars. "Conclusion." In Salafism in the Maghreb, 138–42. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190942403.003.0008.

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Since the 2011 Arab uprisings, Salafism has adapted to new shifts in Maghrebi state-society relations and the marginalization of key population segments and regions. In tandem, changing fortunes of other streams of Islamism and Islamic practice have provided Salafism new opportunities for growth and politicization. The imperative socioeconomic relevance has meant that Salafis in all the Maghreb cases have deployed and reinterpreted traditional Salafi precepts in unique and surprising ways. The result has been a blurring of the lines between quietism and politicos—and sometimes the lines between Salafis and non-Salafist groups like the Brotherhood. Ultimately, Salafism in the Maghreb must be seen as a portal onto the frustrations of an increasingly young population who are drawn to the movement as a moral critique against entrenched orders that have either failed them or no longer address their needs.
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Loimeier, Roman. "Reform in Context II: Northern Nigeria (and Niger)." In Islamic Reform in Twentieth-Century Africa. Edinburgh University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748695430.003.0004.

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This chapter introduces northern Nigeria as the regional context for the emergence of both Sufi- and Salafi-oriented movements of reform. It shows again that neither movement of reform was monolithic but characterized by multiple splits. The chapter presents Abubakar Gumi as the first major representative of Salafi-minded reform in northern Nigeria and discusses the emergence of the ‘Yan Izala as the first Salafi-oriented movement of reform that also became a popular mass movement. Due to its conservative political positions, the ‘Yan Izala movement was challenged by more radical movements such as the “Islamic Movement” led by Ibrahim al-Zakzaki. Some radical movements eventually advocated jihad as in the case of the Boko Haram movement. Some ‘Yan Izala fractions, representing a second generation of Salafi-minded reformers, came to form the ahl al-sunna movement of reform which played a major role in the implementation of “political shariÝa” in the 2000s. The chapter finally compares the development of Salafi-oriented reform in northern Nigeria with developments in neighbouring Niger and shows that the failure of Salafi-minded reform in Niger was again linked with the different historical and social context.
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French, Nathan S. "Introduction." In And God Knows the Martyrs, 1–35. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190092153.003.0001.

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Among the challenges facing any researcher of contemporary Jihadi-Salafism is navigating the various theoretical and methodological approaches available for its study. This introduction traces a historical genealogy of the development of Jihadi-Salafism alongside the various approaches used to study it—including the use of social movement theory (SMT). It notes that the cultural products of Jihadi-Salafi movements are an essential part of Jihadi-Salafi legal and theological debates and reveal a common theodicy and call to self-renunciation for the faith.
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Loimeier, Roman. "Reform in Context I: Senegal (and Mali)." In Islamic Reform in Twentieth-Century Africa. Edinburgh University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748695430.003.0003.

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This chapter introduces Senegal as a first regional context for the emergence of both Sufi- and Salafi-oriented movements of reform. It shows that neither movement of reform was monolithic but characterized by multiple splits, often linked with family disputes and generational change. The chapter presents Cheikh Touré as the major representative of Salafi-minded reform in Senegal and discusses the different ways in which Sufi movements responded to the challenge of Salafi-oriented reform. The chapter shows that both Sufi- and Salafi-oriented movements of reform tried to take part actively in Senegalese politics and to influence politics. It also explains why Salafi-oriented reform has not managed to become a popular mass movement in Senegal and why Sufi movements managed to consolidate their role as the major political players in Senegal. The chapter finally compares the development of Salafi-oriented reform in Mali with developments in Senegal and shows that the success of Salafi-minded reform in Mali was linked with the different historical and social context. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the civil war in Mali in 2011 and 2012 and the emergence of jihad-minded groups in northern Mali.
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Loimeier, Roman. "Reform in Context III: Chad, Sudan, Ethiopia, Somalia." In Islamic Reform in Twentieth-Century Africa. Edinburgh University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748695430.003.0005.

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This chapter departs from both preceding as well as following chapters in so far as it does focus on four local contexts, namely Chad, Sudan, Ethiopia and Somalia. These case studies serve to demonstrate the importance of the local context for the emergence of Salafi-oriented movements of reform. A major reason for the failure of Salafi-oriented reform in Chad was the virtual absence of significant middle class groups that would have supported the development of a popular mass movement of reform; in the case of Ethiopia, reasons for the failure of Salafi-oriented reform were the highly fragmented character of Ethiopia’s society and again the absence of significant middle class groups. In Somalia, the success of Salafi-oriented movements of reform and the emergence of jihad-minded groups (al-Shabab) can be explained by the dynamics of the civil war since 1988. The success of Salafi-oriented reform in Sudan was linked with the growth of strong middle class groups in the urban centres as well as the ability of Hasan al-Turabi, the major leader of Salafi-minded reform in Sudan since the 1960s, to provide the “Islamic Movement” in the Sudan with a successful long-term political strategy that led to the take-over of power in 1989.
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Loimeier, Roman. "Reform in Context IV: Tanganyika/Tanzania (and Kenya)." In Islamic Reform in Twentieth-Century Africa. Edinburgh University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748695430.003.0006.

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This chapter introduces Tanganyika (since 1964 Tanzania) as the regional context for the emergence of both Sufi- and Salafi-oriented movements of reform. It shows that neither movement of reform was monolithic but characterized by multiple splits informed by generational dynamics as well as family disputes. The chapter presents Sufi-oriented movements of reform as the first movements of reform in Tanganyika and explains why Salafi-oriented groups developed so late, although Salafi ideas of reform had already been presented by Shaykh al-Amin b. Ali al-Mazru’i in the 1930s. Salafi-oriented groups in fact developed only as a reaction to efforts of the Tanzanian state to impose religious hegemony through the agency of state controlled Muslim institutions which were regarded as being highly corrupt by Tanzania Muslims. Since the 1980s, Tanzania’s Salafi-oriented Muslims, known under the term “ansar al-sunna” fought against the alleged marginalization of Muslims by the Tanzanian state and against the massive growth of Pentecostal churches. The chapter finally compares the development of Salafi-oriented reform in Tanganyika/Tanzania with developments in Kenya and shows that the development of Salafi-minded reform in Kenya was again linked with the Kenyan political and historical context and characterized by organizational and doctrinal fragmentation. Neither in Tanzania nor in Kenya were Salafi-minded movements of reform able to become popular mass movements.
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Conference papers on the topic "The Salafi movement"

1

Iqbal, Asep Muhamad, and Z. Zulkifli. "New Media Technology and Religious Fundamentalist Movements: Exploring the Internet Use by Salafi Movement in Indonesia." In International Conference Recent Innovation. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0009932115661573.

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Iqbal, Asep Muhamad, and Irma Riyani. "Religious Framing of New Media Technology: Islamic Salafi Movement in Indonesia and Its Communal Narratives of the Internet." In International Conference Recent Innovation. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0009936418521857.

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Ferretti, A., A. Fumagalli, F. Novali, C. Prati, F. Rocca, A. Rucci, and S. Cespa. "Measuring ground movement with InSAR data at In Salah." In 73rd EAGE Conference and Exhibition - Workshops 2011. Netherlands: EAGE Publications BV, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.3997/2214-4609.20144731.

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Jaafar, Nor Azrini, Nor Azman Ismail, and Yusman Azimi Yusoff. "A New Approach in Islamic Learning: Performance Evaluation of Motion Recognition System for Salat Movement." In 2020 21st International Arab Conference on Information Technology (ACIT). IEEE, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/acit50332.2020.9300063.

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Huda, Rizki, Iik Mansurnoor, and Andi Bakti. "The Concept of Sufi I’rab by Abdul Qadir al-Kuhany in Understanding the Salat Movement." In Proceedings of the 2nd International Colloquium on Interdisciplinary Islamic Studies (ICIIS) in Conjunction with the 3rd International Conference on Quran and Hadith Studies (ICONQUHAS). EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.7-11-2019.2294532.

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Kiljunen, Mikko, Jyrki Torniainen, Anssi Lensu, Marja Keinänen, Pekka Vuorinen, William P. Patterson, and Roger Jones. "Movements of Individual Salmon (Salmo salar) in the Baltic Sea Revealed by Stable Isotopes." In 5th European Congress of Conservation Biology. Jyväskylä: Jyvaskyla University Open Science Centre, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.17011/conference/eccb2018/108144.

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Jamari, Mohammad Tauviqirrahman, Havilla Rizieq Husein, and Muchammad. "Elastohydrodynamic Lubrication Analysis on the Performance of Artificial Hip Joint for Sitting (“Iftirasy”) Movement in Muslim Prayer (Salat) Activity." In 2nd Borobudur International Symposium on Science and Technology (BIS-STE 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aer.k.210810.059.

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