Journal articles on the topic 'The Mahathir era'

The National Defense Policy reflects the desire of every country to defend its strategic interests and to preserve national security. It is a manifestation of the goal of protecting the security and strategic interests of a country. In the Malaysian context, the three main thrusts are the thrusts of the Malaysian Defense Policy namely the national strategic importance, defense principles, and defense concepts. There were three major changes in the Malaysian Defense Policy that began with the era of Tunku Abdul Rahman (1957-1970), Tun Razak / Tun Hussein Onn (1970-1980) and Tun Mahathir era (1981-2003). The Tunku Abdul Rahman era 1957 until 1970 was pro-western (dependency). During the reign of Tun Razak from 1970 to 1976 and Tun Hussin Onn from 1976 to 1980, the defense policy changed to Neutrality (neutrality). In contrast to the Mahathir era administration, his defense base tends to form self-reliance. The change of Mahathir's defense policy can be seen in the Procurement of his weaponry that has affected Malaysia as a developing country that is so vocal and bold to speak. In the international ring, his voice is so echoed to voice the aspirations of the Third World and the commitment shown above the other leaders. Self-reliance under Tun Mahathir's administration made Malaysia's defense aspect more modern until Tun Mahathir became references and attention throughout the world, especially the Third World.

Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad was seen as an influential leader when, for the second time in his political life, he was appointed as the Prime Minister of Malaysia at the age of 94 years old. Despite his age, he managed to garner strong support for his leadership when he took over the government following the country’s 14th general election (GE14) in May 2018. Nonetheless, little is known about what contributed to public confidence in the government during his leadership tenure. This paper uses leadership trait theory to discuss the factors influencing public confidence in the government’s capability in managing the country during Tun Dr Mahathir’s tenure as the prime minister. This study is part of a larger study that examines media use, political behavior, and well-being of industrial workers in Malaysia. A self-administered questionnaire was distributed to 475 industrial workers in Malaysia to gauge their perception of the factors contributing to their confidence in the government led by Tun Dr Mahathir. Overall, the findings revealed positive relationships between perception of the condition of the country, Tun Dr Mahathir’s leadership, and confidence in the government. However, no significant relationship was found between media use and public confidence in the government. Implications of leadership trait theory are also discussed. Keywords: Industrial workers, leadership trait theory, media use, public confidence, Tun Dr Mahathir.

Mahathir leadership era has been marked by his larger and substantive interest to carry Islam on the goverment policy and various programs. It is said that Islamization policy which Mahathir speed up basically does not only spring from goverment intrinsic impetus to promote Islam, but also external political pressures. This article discusses the mount of Islamization policy in Malaysia, especially in Mahathir era; and poins out the conditions that underly his policy

This study explains the role and strategy of Malaysia during Mahathir Mohammad era and Indonesia in the Soeharto era in facing their Islamists group opposition. In their early period, these two regimes used an iron cage to defeat their political enemies. Mahathir fought with the power of PAS (Parti Al-Islam Se-Malaysia) which becomes more radical in the early of 1980s; meanwhile, Suharto faced the Islamic extremist groups in the early of 1970s. Mahathir consisted to give enough spaces for competition, Suharto did not want to compromise. In its progress, these two regimes chose softer strategy by playing 'Islamic cards’ due to the double purposes: coopting the opposite and building a better image as an Islamic regime. Hence, the political project of Islamization of Mahathir and Soeharto could not be separated from the problem of domestic political contestation and an effort to look for new legitimacy. Thereby, their Islamic political projects ended differently. Due to the monetary crisis and democratic reforms in 1998 affected the Soeharto regime to step down and make an end to all of the political projects he has designed. On the contrary, the Mahathir regime has successfully survived in facing the similar crisis, so that his pro-Islamic policy has passed off although not as aggressive as in the past.

This article approaches Malaysian politics from 1981 to 1996 in two ways. First it reviews important political events so as to capture the critical issues and political themes of four sub-periods of the 'Mahathir era'. Second, it interprets the consequences of the political struggles of the entire period in relation to major social and political developments in Malaysian society. For the latter part, the article considers such socio-political trends as the emergence of new political and bureaucratic alignments resulting from Mahathir's modernizing, industrializing and privatizing agenda; the centralization of executive power; authoritarianism; the formation of a stateecapital alliance; and, the tensions felt in Mahathir's shift from the New Economic Policy to Vision 2020.'

Hubungan diplomatik Malaysia-Australia telah terjalin seawal 1955 apabila pejabat Pesuruhjaya Tinggi Australia ditubuhkan di Kuala Lumpur dan dimeterai secara rasmi apabila Malaysia mencapai kemerdekaan pada tahun 1957. Kedua-dua negara ini telah bekerjasama dalam pelbagai bidang seperti pertahanan, pendidikan, perdagangan dan lain-lain. Malah, Australia menganggap Malaysia sebagai sekutu paling rapat di rantau ini. Sungguhpun begitu, hubungan ini mula berubah apabila Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad menjadi Perdana Menteri Malaysia (1981–2003). Hubungan bilateral Malaysia-Australia telah diuji dengan beberapa isu kontroversi. Isu-isu tersebut telah mempengaruhi hubungan Malaysia dan Australia namun tidaklah menjejaskan hubungan dua hala secara keseluruhannya. Kajian ini menganalisis faktor terpenting yang telah mempengaruhi corak dan karakter hubungan Malaysia dan Australia era Mahathir. Faktor terpenting ini dibahagikan kepada dua: faktor “pengeruh” (souring factor) dan faktor “pengukuh” (enduring factor). Metodologi kajian adalah berdasarkan gabungan perbincangan menggunakan teori English School, pemerolehan data secara analisis dokumen dan temu bual. Pada akhir kajian ini, penulis mendapati bahawa corak hubungan Malaysia dan Australia pada era Mahathir dapat difahami dan dijelaskan dengan baik melalui perspektif yang diutarakan oleh teori English School. Oleh yang demikian, hal inilah yang menjadi sumbangan utama makalah ini dalam kajian hubungan Malaysia-Australia di bawah kepimpinan Mahathir. penambahan, pengguguran dan kuadruplet. Sesungguhnya, usaha penerokaan makna leksikal dan makna budaya kata nama khas secara menyeluruh serta penerapan prosedur terjemahan yang berkesan adalah amat mustahak. Hal ini adalah untuk memastikan makna kata nama khas dapat diungkapkan secara penuh dan difahami oleh pembaca sasaran.

This paper looks at the Malaysian General Election campaign of 2013, and focuses primarily on the 1Malaysia project that was foregrounded by the administration of Prime Minister Najib Razak. It compares the 1Malaysia project with other projects aimed at nation-building, such as the Wawasan 2020 project of former Prime Minister Mahathir and the Islam Hadari project of former Prime Minister Badawi; and asks if 1Malaysia was truly an attempt at building a sense of Malaysian nationhood based on universal citizenship regardless of race or religion; and it also considers the response to the 1Malaysia project that came from the opposition parties of the country. Malaysia has experienced a steady process of islamisation that dates back to the Mahathir era, and the question of whether the political domain of Malaysia has been overcome by religious-communitarian markers and values will be raised in the paper as well.

Abstract Abstract The Malays, Chinese and Indian community in Malaysia have been homogenized since British colonialism. The existence of Indian Muslims’ identity caused a new paradigm shift in Malaysia involving the racial discussion. This paper traces the difference in Indian Muslims’ identities from Indian and the Hindus. I argued that Indian Muslims share Islam as their religion and faith, while maintaining a Malay way of life and custom in their daily practices. In Malaysia, the Indian Muslim community struggled to place their future in terms of social, economic allocation and political justification among the other communities. However, the strength of ethnic politics clearly charted out their involvement in the political base and moved them to fight for their cause and rights. Hence, today’s Indian Muslim community has caused an Islamic resurgence, which has brought a new Indian dimension as a whole.

This article will focus on the main factors of change and development of economic modernization in trade. Since Malaysia gained independence, the agricultural sector has been a significant contributor to the country's financial income. However, in the 1980s, the industrial sector became essential to the national economy through gas and petroleum production. This situation changed the country's economic system and policies from the agricultural industry to the industrial sector in the early 1980s. The study examines the critical factors in Malaysia's economic development and trade changes from the 1960s to the 1990s. The study will also discuss changes and developments in the country's significant financial and trade policies. This research is using qualitative method by analyzing primary documents or materials from archives and secondary sources such as journal articles related to this research. The study began in the 1960s to take the year of Malaysia's independence in 1957 and ended before the Asian economic crisis in 1997. The findings show that internal factors such as government policy approaches and the country's vital financial resources were determinants of trade sector change. In addition, external factors of changes in the world economic environment and economic blocs also affect the modernization of the world economy. Therefore, internal and external factors play an essential role in developing the modernization of the trade economy.

Kejayaan dan keupayaan Jepun bangkit daripada runtuhan Perang Dunia Kedua serta menjadi salah sebuah negara gergasi ekonomi dunia adalah kerana mereka memiliki sumber tenaga kerja yang mempunyai tahap disiplin yang tinggi. Orang Jepun terkenal dengan keunggulan budaya dan etika kerja yang diamalkan mereka sehingga perlaksanaan Dasar Pandang ke Timur (DPT) di Malaysia adalah berteraskan kepada penerapan budaya dan etika kerja masyarakat Jepun. Implementasi DPT adalah suatu usaha kerajaan Malaysia untuk mengadaptasikan budaya kerja orang Jepun berteraskan budaya Timur. Ilham dan inspirasi Tun Mahathir memperkenalkan DPT adalah bertujuan untuk melahirkan masyarakat Malaysia yang mempunyai budaya kerja dan jati diri seperti orang Jepun. Regimentasi budaya orang Jepun tidak luntur dengan era pemodenan dan globalisasi disebabkan budaya ini telah menjadi darah daging selama 400 tahun. Hal ini telah memberi kejayaan kepada Jepun untuk terus bangkit dari runtuhan perang. Persoalan bagaimana Jepun berupaya membentuk dan mencorakkan masyarakatnya yang mengamalkan budaya dan etika kerja yang hebat ini diteliti dan dianalisis dalam artikel ini. Selain itu, kertas kerja ini turut mengupas secara komprehensif bagaimana Jepun berusaha bangkit selepas musnah teruk dalam perang sehingga membawa kejayaan dan kegemilangan terutama dalam aspek ekonomi dalam tempoh yang sangat singkat iaitu kira-kira 25 tahun sahaja.

AbstractThe purpose of this paper is to analyze the emergence of civil disobedience in Malaysia specifically in the era of Abdullah Badawi, and its impact upon the democratization process. The whole analysis in this paper is qualitative and derived from two types of data which is primary and secondary data. The analysis shows that civil disobedience arose due to three factors, namely the government’s failure to fulfill its promise to reform, Mahathir’s criticism against Abdullah Badawi’s leadership, and the government failure to handle racial issues. Consequently, Barisan Nasional (The National Front) government failed to gain two-thirds majority of the parliamentary seats in the 2008 general elections and at the same time lost five states to the opposition. In 2013 general election the result remain the same which is government failed to gain two-thirds majority of the parliamentary seats. Furthermore, even though the emergence of civil disobedience failed to create a change of government, it however has been able to give birth to cyber democracy and create awareness among Malaysians to pursue the process of democratization.

This paper discusses the implementation of the method of educational pluralism in the learning of Islamic education at SMPN 4 Negara and SMAN 1 Negara in Jembrana-Bali. The paper focuses on exploring the learning methods used in the learning of Islamic religious education subjects in creating an interaction and integration between students who are Hindu and Muslim so that it leads to peaceful practices in the educational environment. Sources of data obtained through unstructured observation and interviews during November 2018 to March 2019. Writing using the theory of peace education proposed by John Dewey (1859-1952). Writing shows that the learning process of Islamic religious education with the method of pluralism can shape the character of students , both Hindus and Muslims are humanist, tolerant and inclusive. This paper also shows that to shape the character and character of students in Jembrana and to foster an understanding of diversity, is through the methods of contribution, enrichment, and decision-making and social action proposed by Allison Cumming-McCann. Thus the interaction of Hindu and Muslim students in Jembrana leads to the process of association, integration, complementation and sublimation. Ahmad Nurcholis. Merajut Damai Dalam Kebhinekaan. Jakarta: PT. Elex Media Komputindo, 2017.Aminuddin. Pengembangan Penelitian Kualitatif Dalam Bidang Bahasa Dan Sastra. Malang: Hiski, 1990.Azra, Azyumardi. “Agama Untuk Perdamaian Dunia.” Republika. 2014.———. “Pluralisme Agama Dan Multikulturalisme: Usaha Mencari Perekat Sosial.” In Reinvensi Islam Multikultural, 118. Surakarta: PSB-PS UMS, 2005.Bailey, Kennet D. Methods of Social Research. New York: A Division of Macmillan Publishing Co. Inc, 1982.Ballantine, Jeanne H. The Sociology of Education: A Systematic Analysis. Englewood Cliffs NJ: Prentice Hall, 1993.Banks, Olive. The Sociology of Education. New York: Shocken Books, 1976.Chaer, Moh. Toriqul. “Islam Dan Pendidikan Cinta Damai.” ISTAWA 2, no. 1 (2016): 73–94.Egan, Keiran. Getting It Wrong from the Beginning Our Progressivist Inheritance from Herbert Spancer, John Dewey, and Jean Peaget. Binghamtom: Vail Ballou, 2002.Gade, Syabuddin. “Perbandingan Konsep Dasar Pendidikan Antara Dewey Dan Asy-Syaibani.” Jurnal Ilmiah Didaktika 7, no. 11 (2011): 86.Knopp, Robert Bogdan Biklen and Sari. Qualitative Research for Education: An Introduction to Theory and Methods. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1998.Machali, Imam. “Peace Education Dan Deradikalisasi Agama.” Jurnal Pendidikan Islam 2, no. 1 (2013): 41–64. https://doi.org/10.14421/jpi.2013.21.41-64.Madjid, Nur Kholis. “Civil Society and the Investment of Democracy: Challenges and Possibilities",.” Republika, 1999.Merriam, Sharan B. Qualitative Research: A Guide to Design and Implementation. USA: The Jossey-Bass, 2009.Muhammad Allazam. “Learning from Dewey and Vygotsky Perspective.” International Journal of Scientific & Engineering Research 6, no. 7 (2015): 156–68.Mulyana, Deddy. Metodologi Penelitian Kualitatif: Paradigma Baru Ilmu Komunikasi Dan Ilmu Sosial Lainnya. Bandung: Remaja Rosdakarya, 2002.Robertson, Ian. Sociology. New York: Worth Publisher, 1977.Robinson, Philip. Beberapa Perspektif Sosiologi Pendidikan. Edited by Hasan Basri. Jakarta: Radjawali, 1986.Rosyada, Dede. Madrasah Dan Profesionalisme Guru Dalam Arus Dinamika Pendidikan Islam Di Era Otonomi Daerah. Jakarta: Kencana, 2017.Sadir, Darwis. “Piagam Madinah (Al-Qanun).” Jurnal Pemikiran Dan Pembaharuan Hukum Islam 5, no. 1 (2013): 250–57.Suseno, Franz Magnis. Etika Dasar: Masalah-Masalah Pokok Filsafat Moral. Yogyakarta: Kanisuius, 1993.Syam, Mohammad Noor. Filsafat Pendidikan Dan Dasar Filsafat Pendidikan Pancasila. Surabaya: Usaha Nasional, 1984. Wawancara dengan Drs. Putu Prapta Arya, M.Pd, tanggal 11 November 2018 Wawancara dengan Hj. Atikah, tanggal 11 November 2018Wawancara dengan I Made Mardika, S.Ag, tanggal 11 November 2018.Wawancara dengan Hj. Atikah, tanggal 11 Nopember 2018.Wawancara dengan Hj. Sri Mahayatin, S.Pd,I, tanggal 13 Nopember 2018.Wawancara dengan Hj. Sri Mahatin, S.Pd.I, tanggal 20 Februari 2019.Wawancara dengan Muhammad Fatih, tanggal 20 Maret 2019.Wawancara dengan Hj, Sri Mahayati, tanggal 20 Februari 2019.

The purpose of this study is to examine Malaysia’s diplomatic relations with Syria through three periods: pre-Mahathir era, the first phase of Mahathir era (1981-2003) and the ‘inter-Mahathir’ years (2003-2018) - referring to the period prior to the return of Mahathir as Prime Minister for the second time in 2018. Ultimately, this study attempts to identify the key factors determining the nature of Malaysia’s bilateral ties with Syria during the Mahathir era. The methodology adopted for this study is qualitative in nature, relying on primary and secondary sources, the former being personal interviews conducted with Tun Dr. Mahathir himself and also with scholars in the field. This paper argues that during the pre-Mahathir era (1958-1981), relations with Syria were very much based on political and diplomatic considerations. However, during the Mahathir era (1981-2003) the emphasis changed due to the significant economic development and Malaysia’s foreign policy took a much more global approach. With this change, economic factors as a foreign policy determinant became more prominent as compared to the pre-Mahathir period. The inter-Mahathir years (2003-2018) did not witness any significant development except for the humanitarian support extended by the Malaysian government during the outbreak of the Syrian conflict in 2011.

This study on leadership examines the purposes of the Leadership by Example Campaign during Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s tenure as Prime Minister of Malaysia. Leadership studies are interested in people from all walks of life because the struggles of the brave and wise leaders have become the source of legends and myths.Therefore, the issue of leadership is an important agenda for both the private and public sectors ineither developed countries or developing countries. The issue becomes more acute due to a constantly changing environment.In fact, every change that happens in the environment becomes a constant challenge for leaders in all sectors.In the context of the political leadership in Malaysia, the position and interests of UMNO and Barisan Nasional led by Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad was quite evident because it was the leadership that had led the country for a long period of time to the extent that it was considered as a bridge connecting two generations of UMNO. However, people who were born in the 1980s only recognised one Prime Minister and four Deputy Prime Ministers until the day of his retirement. Thus, the study found that the Leadership by Example Campaign introduced by Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad that aimed for instilling and cultivating effective leadership was emulated, appreciated and practised by all levels of society.In general, this study used a qualitative approach. While, this data was gathered through document review and analysis of the content to obtain the results. The Leadership by Example Campaign was a noble effort from Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad to foster a spirit of discipline and establish the identity of every Malaysian to be able to stand tall together with other nations.

ABSTRACT: Before the Covid-19 pandemic deeply impacted the economies and societies of Southeast Asia, Malaysia had achieved many of the goals formulated in the so-called “Vision 2020” during the era of Prime Minister Dr. Mahathir Mohamad (1981-2003). As this long-term development program emphasized strongly on knowledge society (k-society), knowledge economy (k-economy) and Information and Computer Technology (ICT), one important legacy of this era was the establishment of numerous excellent academic programs, including in technological disciplines. The post-Mahathir administrations since the early 2000s built on this asset and successfully transformed the country’s Higher Education sector further, so that it attracted hundreds of thousands of international students from the early 2000s until the beginning of the Covid-19 crisis in early 2020. This paper examines the linguistic and cultural implications of Malaysia’s emerging role of as hub of both international Higher Education and Industry 4.0. Zusammenfassung: Bevor die Covid-19-Pandemie auf die Wirtschaften und Gesellschaften Südostasiens tiefe Auswirkungen hatte, hatte Malaysia viele der Ziele erreicht, die in der sogenannten „Vision 2020“ während der Ära des Premierministers Dr. Mahathir Mohamad (1981-2003) formuliert worden waren. Da dieses langfristige Entwicklungsprogramm einen starken Schwerpunkt auf die Wissensgesellschaft (k-society) und die Wissens-Wirtschaft (k-economy) gelegt hatte, war ein bedeutendes Erbe dieser Ära die Errichtung zahlreicher exzellenter akademischer Programme, einschließlich in technischen Disziplinen. Die Post-MahathirÄra seit den frühen 2000er Jahren baute auf dieser Grundlage auf und transformierte den Sektor des Hochschulwesens des Landes weiter, so dass es von den frühen 2000er bis zu Beginn des Jahres 2020 hunderttausende international Studierende anzog. Dieser Beitrag untersucht die sprachlichen und kulturellen Implikationen von Malaysias zunehmender Rolle als Drehscheibe sowohl von internationaler Hochschulbildung als auch von Industrie 4.0.

Perkembangan pergerakan buruh dan senario hubungan industri di Malaysia telah bermula sejak tahun 1920-an lagi yang turut dipengaruhi oleh dasar pentadbiran British di Tanah Melayu. Sejak detik itu, kesatuan sekerja terus berkembang di Tanah Melayu dan mengalami proses perubahan kesan tindakan kawalan dan pelbagai sekatan termasuklah pengenalan Undang-undang Darurat pada Tahun 1948.Dasar kawalan dan sekatan tersebut terus diamalkan sehingga negara mencapai kemerdekaan pada tahun 1957. Berdasarkan tinjauan terhadap sorotan literatur, terdapat berbagai perubahan tertentu mengenai dasar perburuhan mengikut kepimpinan tertinggi negara iaitu Perdana Menteri yang turut mempengaruhi sistem hubungan industri di Malaysia. Sejak kemerdekaan dicapai, pemimpin atau Perdana Menteri Pertama di Malaysia iaitu Tunku Abdul Rahman telah mencorakkan sistem hubungan industri yang berubah dari sistem voluntary kepada corak compulsory arbitration melalui penguatkuasaan Akta Perhubungan Perusahaan, 1967. Manakala perubahan telah berlaku pada zaman pemerintahan Perdana Menteri kedua, iaitu Tun Abdul Razak yang telah memperkenalkan sistem akomodatif antara kesatuan sekerja dan majikan. Perubahan seterusnya berlaku pada tahun 1976 apabila Tun Hussien Onn telah menggubal dasar perburuhan yang lebih ketat ke atas pergerakan kesatuan sekerja. Perubahan terus berlaku melalui kepimpinan baru pada tahun 1981 di bawah pentadbiran Tun Dr. Mahathir Muhammad yang telah memperkenalkan pelbagai dasar bagi menyokong proses perindustrian negara. Antaranya ialah Dasar Pandang ke Timur yang telah menggalakkan kewujudan kesatuan sekerja dalaman. Selain itu, penggunaan Akta Keselamatan Dalam Negeri (ISA) turut diperluaskan bagi mengawal pemimpin kesatuan yang cenderung bersifat konfliktual. Perubahan seterusnya berlaku pada era pentadbiran Tun Abdullah yang memperkenalkan corak pentadbiran Islamik melalui amalan Islam Hadari sejak tahun 2003. Peringkat seterusnya adalah di bawah pentadbiran Datuk Seri Mohd. Najib Tun Abdul Razak yang memperkenalkan program transformasi negara dan konsep 1 Malaysia sejak tahun 2009. Peringkat terkahir ialah pada era Malaysia Baharu di bawah Pentadbiran Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohammad setelah kemenangan Pakatan Harapan dalam Pilihanraya Umum ke-14 pada tahun 2018. Berdasarkan senario tersebut, kertas kerja ini menjelaskan perubahan dasar kerajaan serta tahap penerimaan pergerakan kesatuan sekerja sepanjang era pemerintahan keenam-enam Perdana Menteri Malaysia. Akhirnya, analisis perubahan tersebut dibincangkan berkaitan implikasinya terhadap kelangsungan kesatuan sekerja yang turut mempengaruhi corak hubungan industri di Malaysia. The development of the labour movement and the industry relations scenario in Malaysia began in the 1920s, which were influenced by the British administration policies in Malaya. Since then, the trade unions continued to grow in Malaya and experienced a process of change because of the control measures and various restrictions including the Emergency Law in 1948. The policies and controls were practiced until the country gained independence in 1957. Based on the literature review, there are certain changes in the labour policy based on the country’s highest leadership, the Prime Minister, which also affects the industrial relations system in Malaysia. Since independence, the leader or the first Prime Minister of Malaysia, Tunku Abdul Rahman had shaped the industrial relations system from a voluntary system to a compulsory arbitration through the enactment of the Industrial Relations Act, 1967. Meanwhile, changes have taken place during the reign of the second Prime Minister, Tun Abdul Razak, who introduced the accommodation system between the trade union and the employers. The next change occurred in 1976 when Tun Hussein Onn drafted a more stringent labour policy on the trade union movement. Change continued through the new leadership in 1981 under the administration of Tun Dr. Mahathir Muhammad who introduced various policies to support the country's industrial process. Among them is the Look East policy that promotes the existence of internal trade unions. In addition, the use of the Internal Security Act (ISA) has also been extended to control union leaders who tend to be conflicted. The next change occurred in the era of Tun Abdullah’s administration, which introduced the Islamic administration pattern through Islam Hadari practices since 2003. The next stage is under the administration of Datuk Seri Mohd Najib Tun Razak, who had introduced national transformation and the 1 Malaysia concept. The final stage is in the New Malaysia era under the leadership of Tun Dr Mahathir Mohammad after Pakatan Harapan’s 2018 victory in the 14th general election. Based on these scenarios, this paper aims to explain the changes in the government policies, and the level of acceptance of the trade unions during the reign of all the six Prime Ministers. Finally, the analysis of these changes will be discussed in terms of their implications on the sustainability of trade unions that influences the pattern of industrial relations in Malaysia.