Academic literature on the topic 'The Mahathir era'

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Journal articles on the topic "The Mahathir era"

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Md Zain, Rodziah, Mohd Kamarulnizam Abdullah, and Mohamad Faisol Keling. "THE EVOLUTION OF MALAYSIAN DEFENSE POLICY IN THE ERA TUN MAHATHIR MOHAMAD 1981-2003." International Journal of Law, Government and Communication 4, no. 17 (December 15, 2019): 13–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.35631/ijlgc.417002.

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The National Defense Policy reflects the desire of every country to defend its strategic interests and to preserve national security. It is a manifestation of the goal of protecting the security and strategic interests of a country. In the Malaysian context, the three main thrusts are the thrusts of the Malaysian Defense Policy namely the national strategic importance, defense principles, and defense concepts. There were three major changes in the Malaysian Defense Policy that began with the era of Tunku Abdul Rahman (1957-1970), Tun Razak / Tun Hussein Onn (1970-1980) and Tun Mahathir era (1981-2003). The Tunku Abdul Rahman era 1957 until 1970 was pro-western (dependency). During the reign of Tun Razak from 1970 to 1976 and Tun Hussin Onn from 1976 to 1980, the defense policy changed to Neutrality (neutrality). In contrast to the Mahathir era administration, his defense base tends to form self-reliance. The change of Mahathir's defense policy can be seen in the Procurement of his weaponry that has affected Malaysia as a developing country that is so vocal and bold to speak. In the international ring, his voice is so echoed to voice the aspirations of the Third World and the commitment shown above the other leaders. Self-reliance under Tun Mahathir's administration made Malaysia's defense aspect more modern until Tun Mahathir became references and attention throughout the world, especially the Third World.
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A.Manaf, Aini Maznina, Tengku Siti Aisha Tengku Azman Sharifuddin, and Syed Arabi Idid. "Factors Influencing Confidence in The Government During Tun Dr Mahathir’s Leadership Era Among Industrial Workers." Jurnal Komunikasi: Malaysian Journal of Communication 37, no. 4 (December 30, 2021): 142–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17576/jkmjc-2021-3704-09.

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Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad was seen as an influential leader when, for the second time in his political life, he was appointed as the Prime Minister of Malaysia at the age of 94 years old. Despite his age, he managed to garner strong support for his leadership when he took over the government following the country’s 14th general election (GE14) in May 2018. Nonetheless, little is known about what contributed to public confidence in the government during his leadership tenure. This paper uses leadership trait theory to discuss the factors influencing public confidence in the government’s capability in managing the country during Tun Dr Mahathir’s tenure as the prime minister. This study is part of a larger study that examines media use, political behavior, and well-being of industrial workers in Malaysia. A self-administered questionnaire was distributed to 475 industrial workers in Malaysia to gauge their perception of the factors contributing to their confidence in the government led by Tun Dr Mahathir. Overall, the findings revealed positive relationships between perception of the condition of the country, Tun Dr Mahathir’s leadership, and confidence in the government. However, no significant relationship was found between media use and public confidence in the government. Implications of leadership trait theory are also discussed. Keywords: Industrial workers, leadership trait theory, media use, public confidence, Tun Dr Mahathir.
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NURHASANAH, NURHASANAH. "Politik Kebijakan Islamisasi Mahathir." Dialog 32, no. 2 (October 23, 2017): 65–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.47655/dialog.v32i2.142.

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Mahathir leadership era has been marked by his larger and substantive interest to carry Islam on the goverment policy and various programs. It is said that Islamization policy which Mahathir speed up basically does not only spring from goverment intrinsic impetus to promote Islam, but also external political pressures. This article discusses the mount of Islamization policy in Malaysia, especially in Mahathir era; and poins out the conditions that underly his policy
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Mubarak, M. Zaki, and Mohamad Zaini Abu Bakar. "POLITIK ISLAM MAHATHIR MOHAMMAD DI MALAYSIA DAN SOEHARTO DI INDONESIA." Al-A'raf : Jurnal Pemikiran Islam dan Filsafat 15, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.22515/ajpif.v15i1.1292.

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This study explains the role and strategy of Malaysia during Mahathir Mohammad era and Indonesia in the Soeharto era in facing their Islamists group opposition. In their early period, these two regimes used an iron cage to defeat their political enemies. Mahathir fought with the power of PAS (Parti Al-Islam Se-Malaysia) which becomes more radical in the early of 1980s; meanwhile, Suharto faced the Islamic extremist groups in the early of 1970s. Mahathir consisted to give enough spaces for competition, Suharto did not want to compromise. In its progress, these two regimes chose softer strategy by playing 'Islamic cards’ due to the double purposes: coopting the opposite and building a better image as an Islamic regime. Hence, the political project of Islamization of Mahathir and Soeharto could not be separated from the problem of domestic political contestation and an effort to look for new legitimacy. Thereby, their Islamic political projects ended differently. Due to the monetary crisis and democratic reforms in 1998 affected the Soeharto regime to step down and make an end to all of the political projects he has designed. On the contrary, the Mahathir regime has successfully survived in facing the similar crisis, so that his pro-Islamic policy has passed off although not as aggressive as in the past.
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Teik, Khoo Boo. "Economic Vision and Political Opposition in Malaysia, 1981-96, The Politics of the Mahathir." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 12 (March 10, 1997): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v12i1.2173.

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This article approaches Malaysian politics from 1981 to 1996 in two ways. First it reviews important political events so as to capture the critical issues and political themes of four sub-periods of the 'Mahathir era'. Second, it interprets the consequences of the political struggles of the entire period in relation to major social and political developments in Malaysian society. For the latter part, the article considers such socio-political trends as the emergence of new political and bureaucratic alignments resulting from Mahathir's modernizing, industrializing and privatizing agenda; the centralization of executive power; authoritarianism; the formation of a stateecapital alliance; and, the tensions felt in Mahathir's shift from the New Economic Policy to Vision 2020.'
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Idris, Rizal Zamani, and Asmady Idris. "Analisis Faktor Terpenting yang Mempengaruhi Corak Hubungan Malaysia-Australia Era Mahathir Mohamad, 1981–2003." KEMANUSIAAN The Asian Journal of Humanities 28, no. 2 (October 29, 2021): 53–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.21315/kajh2021.28.2.3.

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Hubungan diplomatik Malaysia-Australia telah terjalin seawal 1955 apabila pejabat Pesuruhjaya Tinggi Australia ditubuhkan di Kuala Lumpur dan dimeterai secara rasmi apabila Malaysia mencapai kemerdekaan pada tahun 1957. Kedua-dua negara ini telah bekerjasama dalam pelbagai bidang seperti pertahanan, pendidikan, perdagangan dan lain-lain. Malah, Australia menganggap Malaysia sebagai sekutu paling rapat di rantau ini. Sungguhpun begitu, hubungan ini mula berubah apabila Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad menjadi Perdana Menteri Malaysia (1981–2003). Hubungan bilateral Malaysia-Australia telah diuji dengan beberapa isu kontroversi. Isu-isu tersebut telah mempengaruhi hubungan Malaysia dan Australia namun tidaklah menjejaskan hubungan dua hala secara keseluruhannya. Kajian ini menganalisis faktor terpenting yang telah mempengaruhi corak dan karakter hubungan Malaysia dan Australia era Mahathir. Faktor terpenting ini dibahagikan kepada dua: faktor “pengeruh” (souring factor) dan faktor “pengukuh” (enduring factor). Metodologi kajian adalah berdasarkan gabungan perbincangan menggunakan teori English School, pemerolehan data secara analisis dokumen dan temu bual. Pada akhir kajian ini, penulis mendapati bahawa corak hubungan Malaysia dan Australia pada era Mahathir dapat difahami dan dijelaskan dengan baik melalui perspektif yang diutarakan oleh teori English School. Oleh yang demikian, hal inilah yang menjadi sumbangan utama makalah ini dalam kajian hubungan Malaysia-Australia di bawah kepimpinan Mahathir. penambahan, pengguguran dan kuadruplet. Sesungguhnya, usaha penerokaan makna leksikal dan makna budaya kata nama khas secara menyeluruh serta penerapan prosedur terjemahan yang berkesan adalah amat mustahak. Hal ini adalah untuk memastikan makna kata nama khas dapat diungkapkan secara penuh dan difahami oleh pembaca sasaran.
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Saravanamuttu, Johan. "Malaysian Foreign Policy in the Mahathir Era 1981–2003: Dilemmas of Development." Contemporary Southeast Asia 31, no. 3 (2009): 505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs31-3g.

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Noor, Farish A. "The Malaysian General Elections of 2013: The Last Attempt at Secular-inclusive Nation-building?" Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 32, no. 2 (August 2013): 89–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341303200205.

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This paper looks at the Malaysian General Election campaign of 2013, and focuses primarily on the 1Malaysia project that was foregrounded by the administration of Prime Minister Najib Razak. It compares the 1Malaysia project with other projects aimed at nation-building, such as the Wawasan 2020 project of former Prime Minister Mahathir and the Islam Hadari project of former Prime Minister Badawi; and asks if 1Malaysia was truly an attempt at building a sense of Malaysian nationhood based on universal citizenship regardless of race or religion; and it also considers the response to the 1Malaysia project that came from the opposition parties of the country. Malaysia has experienced a steady process of islamisation that dates back to the Mahathir era, and the question of whether the political domain of Malaysia has been overcome by religious-communitarian markers and values will be raised in the paper as well.
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Yurni, Ahmad Noor Sulastry. "The Question of the Future of Indian Muslims in Malaysia: The Post-Mahathir Legacy Era." African and Asian Studies 11, no. 1-2 (2012): 219–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921012x629385.

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Abstract Abstract The Malays, Chinese and Indian community in Malaysia have been homogenized since British colonialism. The existence of Indian Muslims’ identity caused a new paradigm shift in Malaysia involving the racial discussion. This paper traces the difference in Indian Muslims’ identities from Indian and the Hindus. I argued that Indian Muslims share Islam as their religion and faith, while maintaining a Malay way of life and custom in their daily practices. In Malaysia, the Indian Muslim community struggled to place their future in terms of social, economic allocation and political justification among the other communities. However, the strength of ethnic politics clearly charted out their involvement in the political base and moved them to fight for their cause and rights. Hence, today’s Indian Muslim community has caused an Islamic resurgence, which has brought a new Indian dimension as a whole.
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Milne, R. S., and David Camroux. "'Looking East'... and Inwards: Internal Factors in Malaysian Foreign Relations During the Mahathir Era, 1981-1994." Pacific Affairs 68, no. 3 (1995): 453. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2761165.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "The Mahathir era"

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Osman, Nazariah. "Malaysia and the commonwealth : the Mahathir era (1981-2003)." Thesis, Keele University, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.602982.

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There was a significant change in the Malaysia's attitude to the Commonwealth when Dr. Mahathir Mohamad, Malaysia's fourth Prime Minister, came to power in 1981. In contrast to his predecessors who had supported the Commonwealth, Mahathir took a dim view of it, at least during his first five years in office. This reflected his disenchantment with the British whom he regarded as arrogant, his strong nationalist credentials, and his initial tendency to regard the Commonwealth as a 'British' organisation. In practice this translated into several steps that some Malaysians interpreted as indicating that the Prime Minister intended to withdraw Malaysia from the organisation. The most important of these steps was the two 1986 reviews that Mahathir ordered into Malaysia's position in the Commonwealth. However, by 1985, the premier's attitude began changing. Mahathir's discovery of, and awakened interest in, the Commonwealth was evidenced by his decision to attend Commonwealth Prime Ministers Meetings and to play host to major Commonwealth events. Ultimately, the Commonwealth became an important avenue for Mahathir to draw the attention of other developing states to Malaysia's example of economic and social development and to assist them to emulate her experience. This thesis aims to trace and account for the changing significance of the Commonwealth in the formulation and conduct of Malaysia's foreign policy during Mahathir's era. In particular, it examines the factors that led to Mahathir's disenchantment towards the Commonwealth. Further, the research analyses the reasons for, and the results of the reviews, and consider the extent to which the reports he commissioned in 1986 contributed to the changed of attitude of Mahathir. The thesis also scrutinises the reasons for Mahathir's changed attitude towards the organisation. This draws attention to the appeal of Commonwealth membership and the final part of the thesis considers how Malaysia's active involvement in Commonwealth programmes benefitted the country not only during the 22 years of Tun Dr. Mahathir's premiership, but since the early stage of her membership.
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Liu, Yi-Ling, and 劉怡伶. "Malaysia-China Relations in the Post-Mahathir Era." Thesis, 2017. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/9w79qh.

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碩士
國立臺灣師範大學
東亞學系
105
When dealing with foreign affairs in international society, Malaysia’s diplomatic policy has always been pragmatic in nature. While upholding its national interests, Malaysian government avoids direct confrontation with major powers and plays a benign role among its counterparts. Malaysia-China relations, to Malaysia, are not just about facing the China’s rise, but also show Malaysia’s consideration of its external conditions and domestic political atmosphere. The foundation of the bilateral ties between these two countries was forged during Mahathir’s administration. Although Mahathir’s successors continued his China policy, Malaysia-China relations have moved to another stage due to the change in international environment, the development of national political economy and the shift in political leadership. This research aims to examine the diplomatic relations between Malaysia and China through three levels of analysis, i.e., international level, state level and individual level. The author analyzes the shift and continuity in Malaysia-China relations under both Abdullah Badawi’s and Najib’s premierships, in order to understand the factors contributing to the development of the relationship in the post-Mahathir era. The findings of the research conclude that the successive government after Mahathir’s leadership has taken no major shift in Malaysia’s China policy but has made some adjustments. The outcome of three levels of analysis shows that the individual level had significant influence on Malaysia-China relations during Abdullah Badawi’s administration due to his personality and political ideology differing from those of his predecessor. On the contrary, there have been profound changes in international political economy since Najib took the helm, significantly affecting Najib’s China policy.
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Singh, Karminder Dhillon. "Malaysian foreign policy in the Mahathir era, 1981-2003." 2005. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/70548436.html.

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Chou, Ya-Fang, and 周雅芳. "The Study of Malaysia-China Relations in the Mahathir Era,1981-2003." Thesis, 2007. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/69806899553128264383.

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碩士
淡江大學
東南亞研究所碩士班
95
The two Asian countries Malaysia and China established diplomatic ties in 1974. Since then, they have had very close contacts in political, economic and cultural fields. The current "best bilateral relations" should be attributed to Dr. Mahathir Bin Mohamad who served as Malaysia’s prime minister between 1981 and 2003. This paper focuses on the relations between Malaysia and China when Mahathir was in power, aiming to review the history and analyze those factors that may influence bilateral relations. Also, there are discussions on the changes of China-Malaysia relationship under both international and internal conditions . Under the Mahathir era, Malaysia had increased bilateral relations with China in economic and trade fields, and Mahathir’s insistence on the so-called Asian values had also become a shared standing when these two countries faced great powers outside this region. However, there had been some unstable factors such as the Malaysian Chinese,the Communist Party of Malaya and the conflicts regarding South China Sea islands that had more or less affected this relationship. It is Mahathir’s personal characteristic to dominate Malaysia’s domestic and foreign policies. He had devoted to protecting Malaysia’s national interest and uniting Southeast Asian countries. His ultimate goal is to establish an "ASEAN Community”. And its prototype "East Asia Economic Caucus " is becoming better organized under the framework of "ASEAN plus 3 ".
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Omar, Rusdi. "An analysis of the underlying factors that affected Malaysia-Singapore relations during the Mahathir era: discords and continuity." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/86749.

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This thesis is an analysis of the underlying factors that influenced Malaysia-Singapore relations during the watershed period of Mahathir Mohamad as the Prime Minister of Malaysia (1981- 2003). The study proposes that the bilateral tensions between Malaysia and Singapore were, to a large extent, affected by such things as the burden of historical baggage from their acrimonious parting in 1965, after a short period of unification; the differences between them in their perceptions and approaches in handling bilateral relations; and their political cultures and the leadership styles of their prime ministers, but for the purposes of the present study, specifically those of Mahathir and Lee Kuan Yew. The thesis examines a number of key areas of discord between states and leaders alike. Despite the strong underlying differences, the thesis argues, the two states have existed in a condition of interdependency in the post-1965 period. They have had to find ways in which to suppress the culturally- and historically-conditioned tensions in order to ensure their respective states’ economic growth and political and social development. As a result, we have the curious situation in which both Malaysia and Singapore have found ways of maintaining engagement. In doing so, they have avoided raising tensions to the point of conflict, and, indeed, been able to build bridges through consistent, and determined, application to their bilateral affairs. The thesis provides some explanations as why this should be the case.
Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, 2014
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Books on the topic "The Mahathir era"

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Wariya, Chamil. UMNO era Mahathir. 2nd ed. Petaling Jaya: Fajar Bakti, 1988.

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Wariya, Chamil. Dasar luar era Mahathir. 2nd ed. Petaling Jaya: Fajar Bakti, 1989.

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Lee, Ban Chen. Selamat tinggal era Mahathir. Petaling Jaya, Selangor, Malaysia: Strategic Information Research Development, 2003.

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Wariya, Chamil. Pandangan politik era Mahathir. Petaling Jaya: Fajar Bakti, 1990.

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Omar, Rusdi. Hubungan Malaysia-Singapura era Mahathir. 2nd ed. Sintok: Penerbit Universiti Utara Malaysia, 2005.

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Ghazali, Mohd Rumaizuddin. Pembangunan Islam di Malaysia dalam era Mahathir. Bandar Baru Nilai, Negeri Sembilan: Penerbit USIM, Universiti Sains Islam Malaysia, 2011.

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Rahamad, Mohd Saleeh. Oksidentalisme dalam sastera Melayu: Sebelum merdeka hingga era Mahathir Mohamad. Kuala Lumpur: Institut Terjemahan & Buku Malaysia, 2014.

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Malaysian foreign policy in the Mahathir era, 1981-2003: Dilemmas of development. Singapore: NUS Press, 2009.

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S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, ed. Malaysia's China policy in the post-Mahathir era: A neoclassical realist explanation. Singapore: S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, 2012.

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Camroux, David. 'Looking east'-- and inwards: Internal factors in Malaysian foreign relations during the Mahathir era, 1981-1994. [Brisbane?]: Centre for the Study of Australia-Asia Relations, 1994.

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Book chapters on the topic "The Mahathir era"

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"6 MUSLIM BUMIPUTERA POLITICS IN THE POST-MAHATHIR ERA, 2003–06." In Domination and Contestation, 206–27. ISEAS Publishing, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/9789814311595-010.

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