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1

Langbauer, Laurie. "Young England: Part One." Journal of Juvenilia Studies 2, no. 2 (December 27, 2019): 77–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/jjs33.

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“Young England: Part One” pursues central questions for juvenilia studies: how did the turn-of-the-century juvenile tradition influence succeeding generations of Victorian writers, and what new questions does scholarly understanding of juvenile writing in Britain allow literary critics to ask now? The Romantic-era juvenile tradition gets reconstituted through its influence on the 1840s Tory splinter movement, Young England. I argue that this contradictory, conservative group of titled young writers paradoxically reveals how the marginalized juvenile tradition calls its writers into being—and asks us to revise our ideas of literary traditions and of history in general. The young Romantics Byron and Shelley symbolized youthful writing to Young Englanders, but so did another lesser-known juvenile writer, Percy Smythe, Sixth Lord Strangford. That Strangford was father to a prominent Young Englander: George Smythe, later Seventh Lord Strangford. In recovering both Strangfords’ literary juvenilia, Part One considers the rethinking of genealogy and succession within writing by young authors—arguing it underlies Young England as youth movement, especially its sense of history as ultimately inaccessible but vital nonetheless in its construction. Part Two (JJS 3.2, June 2020) will look more closely at how Young England’s shaping fantasy of history depends on youth. It focuses on the self-fashioning within its contradictions of one-time juvenile writer and Young England’s mentor, Benjamin Disraeli (later Prime Minister and Earl of Beaconsfield)—contradictions employing signifiers of youth that were generative of his virtuoso performance as writer, celebrity, and statesman.
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2

Hunt, John J., and Robert Ensor. "Oxford History of England: England, 1870-1914." History Teacher 20, no. 3 (May 1987): 432. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/493131.

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3

Fuchs, Konrad. "A History of England." Philosophy and History 20, no. 2 (1987): 202–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philhist1987202109.

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4

Jennings, J. R. "Conceptions of England and its Constitution in Nineteenth-Century French Political Thought." Historical Journal 29, no. 1 (March 1986): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00018628.

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References to England abound in nineteenth-century French political thought and what interested French writers about England varied enormously. English education, agriculture, religion, morals, national character, social structure: all figured in their writings. Very few failed to take note of England's rapid industrial growth and commercial power. England, in the words of Eugène Buret, was ‘le pays privilégié pour les études sociales’. Few Frenchmen, however, developed an enthusiastic admiration for English philosophy in this period. Yet there was one prevailing and predominant theme in French writings about England.
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5

Dupree, Marguerite, and David Hey. "Family History and Local History in England." Economic History Review 42, no. 1 (February 1989): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2597066.

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6

Hindle, Brooke, and Asa Briggs. "A Social History of England." Technology and Culture 27, no. 1 (January 1986): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3104955.

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7

Cvornyek, Robert L., and Leslie Ann Schuster. "New England Labor History Conference." International Labor and Working-Class History 45 (1994): 135–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900012539.

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8

Veak, Tyler. "Environmental History of New England." Organization & Environment 15, no. 3 (September 2002): 296–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1086026602153007.

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9

Foulger, Wendy. "Local family history in England." Journal of Rural Studies 8, no. 3 (July 1992): 335–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0743-0167(92)90011-t.

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10

KRAMER, LLOYD. "INTELLECTUAL HISTORY AND PHILOSOPHY." Modern Intellectual History 1, no. 1 (April 2004): 81–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244303000064.

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Donald R. Kelley, The Descent of Ideas: The History of Intellectual History (Aldershot, England/Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2002)Mark Bevir, The Logic of the History of Ideas (Cambridge, England/New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999)
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11

Trim, David J. B. "The Context of War and Violence in Sixteenth-Century English Society." Journal of Early Modern History 3, no. 3 (1999): 233–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006599x00251.

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AbstractThe Elizabethan epoch has long been regarded as a period in which England, isolated from the rest of Europe, fell behind the Continental powers during an era of "military revolution." More recently, England's sixteenth-century military history has attracted a growing number of scholars, but their conclusions vary widely and seem impossible to integrate. Yet recent analyses have generally been too narrowly focussed on events in Elizabethan England. This article (based on a synthesis of secondary studies, including social and cultural as well as military histories, but supported by evidence from the most important printed primary sources), attempts to put the military history of Tudor England in the setting, firstly of both earlier and later developments in England itself; and secondly, of the wider, contemporaneous experience of warfare in Europe as a whole. An understanding of the context of warfare can provide a better basis for future research into an issue with significant wider implications for early modern historiography.
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12

Drummey, Peter, and Roger Parks. "New England: A Bibliography of Its History, Volume 7 of Bibliographies of New England History." New England Quarterly 65, no. 2 (June 1992): 333. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/366113.

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13

Beer, Barrett L. "English History Abridged: John Stow's Shorter Chronicles and Popular History." Albion 36, no. 1 (2004): 12–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4054434.

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John Stow's abridged chronicles present a short, simplified version of English history that formed an important component of sixteenth-century popular culture. The author was a citizen historian, a self-educated man, whose social status placed him outside the gentry, and a scholar who was closer to medieval traditions than to the New Learning associated with Renaissance humanism. Stow and his chronicles therefore stand apart from the university-educated intellectual elite whose writings shaped the high culture of Elizabethan England. His abridged chronicles, based on his larger Annales of England, offered readers of lower social and economic status a more affordable national history than was available in the larger quarto volumes. This essay considers the character of abridged chronicles, examines Stow's interpretation of a variety of significant topics from the Norman Conquest to the death of Henry VIII, and argues that Stow's work offers valuable insights into the historical understanding of ordinary men and women.For centuries John Stow, identified in the Dictionary of National Biography as a “chronicler and antiquary,” lived in the shadow of more illustrious contemporaries. Shakespeare preferred Raphael Holinshed's chronicle to Stow's Annales of England as the source for his history plays while William Camden was a scholar of vastly greater erudition to whom the DNB assigned the higher status of “historian.” In contrast to the glittering literati of Elizabethan England, Stow is usually cast in gray, a worthy man of negligible learning who through a lifetime of hard work produced books that were generally accurate but dull.
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14

Mayer, Thomas F., and D. R. Woolf. "Reading History in Early Modern England." Sixteenth Century Journal 33, no. 4 (2002): 1107. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4144143.

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15

Norbrook, D. "Reading History in Early Modern England." English Historical Review 118, no. 479 (November 1, 2003): 1329–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/118.479.1329.

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16

Tebbutt, Melanie. "Death in england: an illustrated history." Women's History Review 11, no. 3 (September 1, 2002): 537–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020200200664.

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17

Zamanian, Ramin. "A Landscape History of New England." Journal of Cultural Geography 29, no. 3 (October 2012): 362–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08873631.2012.726461.

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18

Sherman, Sandra. "Gastronomic History in Eighteenth-Century England." Prose Studies 26, no. 3 (December 2003): 395–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0144035042000328905.

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19

Moffat, Hazel. "Learning from History Museums in England." Journal of Museum Education 14, no. 3 (September 1989): 9–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10598650.1989.11510118.

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20

Lord, G. T. "A Landscape History of New England." Environmental History 17, no. 3 (June 13, 2012): 688–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/envhis/ems067.

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21

Morse, Cheryl. "A Landscape History of New England." Journal of Historical Geography 40 (April 2013): 109–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jhg.2013.01.003.

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22

Kovačević, Veljko. "England and law, history and specificity." Pravni zapisi 2, no. 2 (2011): 613–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/pravzap1102613k.

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23

Kiyasov, Sergey E. "The Age of Enlightenment and the transformation of freemasonry in England." Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 22, no. 1 (February 21, 2022): 57–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2022-22-1-57-64.

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The article studies the topical question of the masonry movement in England’s of the 18th century. It particularly focuses on the history of the Grand Lodge of England. The author touches upon a very important problem of the national Masonic organizations’ transformation. The close connection of the “new” Freemasonry with the events in post-revolutionary England is emphasized.
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24

Naismith, Rory, and Francesca Tinti. "The Origins of Peter’s Pence*." English Historical Review 134, no. 568 (June 2019): 521–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cez070.

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Abstract Peter’s Pence began as an annual donation from England to the papacy. It was later taken up more widely and lasted until the Reformation in England, but its beginnings are much murkier. This article reassesses the earliest forms of Peter’s Pence in the period before 1066. Offerings made by individual Anglo-Saxon pilgrims to Rome gave rise to more regular gifts from several kings between Offa (757–96) and Alfred (871–99); under the latter, gifts also began to be associated with the people as well as the king. A fully articulated mechanism for raising Peter’s Pence only emerges later, however, in the time of Edgar (959–75) and his successors, especially Æthelred II (978–1016). The nature of the national and local frameworks which were used to extract, channel and safeguard the render are assessed in detail, based on sources from across England. Bishops played a central role in this system, above all the archbishop of Canterbury, who received the collected tribute from the kingdom as a whole. The article, utilising a variety of chronicles, law codes and religious texts, as well as coins, stresses the significance of the emergence of Peter’s Pence for views of late Anglo-Saxon England’s government and religious ideology. Comparisons with gifts to Rome from post-Conquest England and from other parts of early medieval Europe underscore the uniqueness of Anglo-Saxon England’s large and regular offering—a powerful reflection of its close and ongoing relationship with St Peter and his heirs.
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25

Croft, Pauline. "The Parliament of England." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 7 (December 1997): 217–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679277.

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REREADING the thousands of words that Geoffrey Elton penned on English parliamentary history has been a fascinating and a humbling experience. The analytical power, the mastery of sources, the clarity of argument compel unstinting admiration. Although he generously acknowledged the contributions made by friends and students, he was the paramount revisionist of early modern parliamentary history.
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26

Neima, Anna. "The Politics of Community Drama in Interwar England." Twentieth Century British History 31, no. 2 (November 28, 2019): 170–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwz035.

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Abstract There was a wave of reform-oriented drama across England in the 1920s and 1930s, which extended from urban, socialist theatre to the ‘late modernist’ enthusiasm for rural pageantry and from adult education to Church revival. Most scholarship looks at drama in these various milieus separately, but this study of three plays that were put on in a corner of South West England—a nativity play, an innovative ‘dance-mime’, and a Workers’ Educational Association narrative piece—brings them together. These plays shared a connection to Dartington Hall, a social and cultural experiment set on a large estate in Devon in 1925 by an American heiress, Dorothy Elmhirst, and her Yorkshire-born husband, Leonard, which became a nexus for the various strands of community-seeking theatre evident in interwar England—as well as for social reform more generally. This article shows how dramatic performances formed part of the quest for communal unity that was a dominant strand in social thinking between the wars: driven by fears about class strife, the effects of democratization, the recurrence of war, and the fragmenting effects of secular modernity, elites, artists, and activists of diverse hues tried to reform the very idea of Englishness by putting on plays—fostering values of community and communality, while often taking inspiration from an idealized vision of the rural community of England’s pre-industrial past.
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27

Fredman, L. E. "New England in Old England." Australian Journal of Politics & History 38, no. 1 (June 28, 2008): 98–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1992.tb01210.x.

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28

Kim, Jong-Seok. "“Getting History Wrong”: The Heritage/Enterprise Couplet in Julian Barnes’s England, England." Critique: Studies in Contemporary Fiction 58, no. 5 (August 2017): 587–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00111619.2017.1347554.

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29

Mandler, Peter. "England, which England?" Contemporary British History 13, no. 2 (June 1999): 243–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619469908581540.

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30

Grell, Helge. "Langt mere eventyrligt end historisk." Grundtvig-Studier 44, no. 1 (January 1, 1993): 145–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v44i1.16108.

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»Langt mere eventyrligt end historisk«Om Grundtvigs forhold til EnglandBy Helge GrellIn a letter to Queen Caroline Amalie, written towards the end of his Englandjoumey in 1843, Grundtvig describes his attitude to England as ’more fantastic than historical’. This expression is only comprehensible when viewed within the tension created by his expectation of finding a receptive forum for his ideas among the English and his subsequent disappointment. The English, whom Grundtvig met, proved un-receptive, not only to his view of universal history, including the central role he allocated to the English people, but also to his ecclesiastical position.The ’fantastic’ i Grundtvig’s attitude to the English is in evidence in his continued insistence on the central importance of England for his view on universal history and in the high hopes he still held for the realisation of his ecclesiastical ideas in England, despite his disappointment and his critical attitude to contemporary English life.Furthermore, Grundtvig’s attitude to England is even more ’fantastic’ when we realize that the contradiction between his expectations of the English and England and his negative experience becomes a deciding factor in his thoughts about the necessary interaction between the spiritual and the material world.
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31

Minkema, Kenneth P., and Donald Weber. "Rhetoric and History in Revolutionary New England." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 19, no. 4 (1989): 696. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/203983.

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32

Kramer, Michael P., and Donald Weber. "Rhetoric and History in Revolutionary New England." American Literature 61, no. 4 (December 1989): 688. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2927006.

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33

Pointer, Richard W., and Donald Weber. "Rhetoric and History in Revolutionary New England." American Historical Review 94, no. 4 (October 1989): 1169. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1906750.

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34

Yazawa, Melvin, and Donald Weber. "Rhetoric and History in Revolutionary New England." Journal of American History 75, no. 4 (March 1989): 1304. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1908668.

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35

Normand, Lawrence. "Shangri-La and History in 1930s England." Buddhist Studies Review 24, no. 1 (May 1, 2007): 108–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsrv.v24i1.108.

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36

Young, Robert A., and James L. Garvin. "A Building History of Northern New England." APT Bulletin 33, no. 1 (2002): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1504796.

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37

Breitenbach, William, and Donald Weber. "Rhetoric and History in Revolutionary New England." William and Mary Quarterly 46, no. 1 (January 1989): 192. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1922424.

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38

Canup, John, and Donald Weber. "Rhetoric and History in Revolutionary New England." Journal of the Early Republic 8, no. 3 (1988): 318. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3123697.

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39

Hao, Qiang. "The Modern History of England in Art." Review of Educational Theory 3, no. 4 (November 4, 2020): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.30564/ret.v3i4.2372.

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Images are the key for us to sort out modern British history and study the development of early industrial civilization. This paper takes the most classic representative works of those immortal artists in the long river of British art to create a section of immortal history, and review the historical fragments of modern Britain from the painting brush of art masters, and intuitively feel the historical customs, dress etiquette and natural scenery of Britain at that time.
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40

Blair, J. "The Oxford Illustrated History of Medieval England." English Historical Review 118, no. 475 (February 1, 2003): 168–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/118.475.168-a.

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41

Corr, Helen. "A History of Women's Education in England." Women's History Review 3, no. 1 (March 1, 1994): 119–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612029400200086.

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42

Phillips, Peter. "Re-Evaluating John Lingard's History of England." Recusant History 28, no. 4 (October 2007): 529–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200011651.

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It has become customary to regard John Lingard as the last, and perhaps finest, of the cisalpine historians, a case powerfully developed in the pages of Joseph Chinnici's The English Catholic Enlightenment, and elsewhere. One of the last generation of students to be trained at the English College, Douai, Lingard would here have been introduced to the Gallican writings of Claude Fleury and his contemporaries which gave shape to English cisalpinism. The first edition of his History of England (1819–1830) was written at least partially with the intention of paving the way for Catholic emancipation which the cisalpine Catholics had so long struggled to achieve. At the same time, this work succeeded in offering a far more forthright challenge to the Protestant reading of English history, fashioned so cogently in the early decades of the eighteenth century, than Lingard's cisalpine forebears would have been prepared to make: Lingard was moving on and is better understood as belonging to a period of transition for the Catholic community in England. Revisions in later editions bring Lingard's intentions even more to the fore. Never quite at ease with figures such as John Milner and Nicholas Wiseman, his onetime pupil and future Cardinal, and certainly not accepting their strident ultramontanism, Lingard is closer to them in his historical studies than sometimes he, or they, realised.
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43

WATANABE, Kazuhiko. "The history of Japanese studies in England." Journal of Information Processing and Management 36, no. 9 (1993): 779–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1241/johokanri.36.779.

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44

Keen, Maurice. "Medieval England: A Social History, 1250–1550." English Historical Review 120, no. 488 (September 1, 2005): 1040–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cei340.

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45

Forrest, I. "A Social History of England 1200-1500." English Historical Review CXXIII, no. 500 (February 1, 2008): 169–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cem414.

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46

Rankin, Mark. "Literature and History in Early Modern England." Reformation 10, no. 1 (January 2005): 143–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/ref_2005_10_1_011.

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47

Barr, Charles. "Rethinking Film History: Bazin's Impact in England." Paragraph 36, no. 1 (March 2013): 133–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/para.2013.0082.

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A new orthodoxy suggests that André Bazin's work had little influence in anglophone countries until decades after his death. This article cites a wide range of evidence, mainly from British publications, in order to challenge this view. Starting with the critics who were associated with the ground-breaking magazine Movie in the early 1960s, it notes also Bazin's early impact in America via the magazine Film Quarterly and the high-profile critic Andrew Sarris. Moreover, Peter Wollen and Laura Mulvey, two of the most prominent British theorists commonly associated with an anti-Bazinian ‘Screen Theory’ of the 1970s, are shown to have been both continuously respectful of, and influenced by, Bazin's work. In short, it is argued that Bazin's influence on anglophone film culture has been continuous and formative rather than sporadic.
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48

Maynard, W. Barksdale, and James L. Garvin. "A Building History of Northern New England." New England Quarterly 75, no. 1 (March 2002): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1559898.

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49

Lawlor, Clark. "Death in England: An Illustrated History (review)." Bulletin of the History of Medicine 75, no. 2 (2001): 307–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bhm.2001.0079.

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50

Alexander, Michael V. C. "An Illustrated History of Late Medieval England." History: Reviews of New Books 25, no. 4 (July 1997): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1997.9952892.

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