Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Thailand Foreign economic relations Japan'

Japanese involvement in Malaysia dates back to the beginning of this century. From the beginning Japanese interests were predominantly economic in nature Japan looked upon Malaya as a source of raw materials and also as a potential market for its finished products Japan was initially drawn by the rubber industry which became lucrative in 1910 and the iron ore mines which were essential for its steel industries. In 1928 iron ore imports from Malaya accounted for 40 percent of Japan's total consumption. Japanese cotton goods and other manufactures were low priced and therefore popular in Malaysia. However Japanese efforts to make in-roads on the Malaysian economy were impeded by the British colonial administration. For example, the British enacted a Rubber Restriction Act in 1917 which limited rubber exports to Japan. The British also introduced a quota system on Japanese manufactured imports in the late 1930s.

The post-World War II decades witnessed one of the most important economic achievements in recent world history: the rise of Japan as a global economic power. This served notice of Japan's new status as an actor on the world stage and ultimately, of its potential to influence developments around the world. In the South Pacific, Japan's drive to globalise its giant economy over a period of four decades generated a considerable impact on the economies of Pacific Islands countries (PICs). In the period leading up to the mid-1970s, relations between Japan and the South Pacific developed gradually with a continuing emphasis on economic involvement initially through trade and investment. That economic relationship expanded rapidly during the 1980s. Japan's intent for a role beyond a continuing 'economic' emphasis became increasingly apparent during this period with Overseas Development Assistance (ODA), because of its strategic value, becoming a significant component in Japanese involvement. It was the declaration of the Kuranari Doctrine in 1987 that made clear Japan's motivation for a greater political role. Thus, from an initial focus on economic activities in the South Pacific, strategic and political objectives became important considerations for Japan in the growing economic relationship.

The Eisenhower Administration sought to create a large role for U.S. multinational corporations, who could provide a significant amount of the capital needed for trade expansion and industrial growth. This policy became known as "trade not aid." The trade not aid policy reflected both the fiscal conservatism and ideological beliefs of the Eisenhower Administration. By 1957 Eisenhower shifted to a policy of trade and aid. This study examines three foreign economic policies in the context of American-East Asian relations. It focused primarily on Japan, since that country served as the center of the American regional "workshop economy" concept in Asia. Tracing the development of the trade/aid program, this thesis then compares and contrasts governmental policies with business activity and opinion during the 1950s. It concludes that the foreign economic policy of the Eisenhower Administration contained serious flaws, served the needs of only a few countries in the region, and was weighted heavily toward a military support role rather than economic development. (Abstract shortened with permission of author.)

Research on Japanese current foreign policy suffers from neglect of the influence of domestic factors on Japan's decisions and behaviour in world politics. The question of the nature of Japanese foreign policy needs to go beyond the exogenous cause of state behaviour in international affairs. The object of inquiry of this thesis is the influence of social factors on the orientation of Japan's foreign policy. The central concern is: "how" and "why" Japan behaves as it does in world affairs. This examination addresses the question of the interaction of endogenous and exogenous factors on the foreign economic policy of Japan, and postulates that Japanese national identity, national interests, and role conceptions, are the essence of Japan's defensive attitudes in world affairs on the one hand, and that Japanese behavioural patterns in international relations are in conformity with the ends of Japan's foreign policy: economic security and growth under the Japan-US alliance. Japanese response to US pressure and trade adjustment to the changing framework of the world economy from the 1980s up to the present give a relevant outlook to the defensive character of Japan's foreign policy. For Japanese policy-makers, the stability of Japan's economic performance in the world economy, its pacifist attitude in world affairs, its trade relations with the United States, and its protectorate status as a result of the Japan-US Security Treaty, are beyond question.

This research presents an in depth discussion and analysis on U.S. Japanese foreign trade. It is divided into two parts. The first hypothesis states that the appreciation of the dollar in the early eighties is positively correlated with the U.S. trade deficit, especially with Japan. The second hypothesis states that Friedrich Von Hayek's Theory of Social Order applies to the development of capitalism in that country. This can also be divided into two parts, a) this generation of Japanese consumes, saves, and invests differently than previous generations, and b) Japanese consumption and investment patterns follow U.S. consumption and investment patterns with a lag.

The postwar transformation of the international environment has caused economic issues to become a main source of contention among industrial states. The trade imbalance between Japan and its trading partners became a major source of conflict. Reciprocity of access and opening the market of Japan became the main point of debate and the major issue affecting relations between Japan and the United States. While the distinction between the domain of domestic and international politics increasingly is blurred, different domestic political economies create bilateral political and economic conflict. The structure and politics of intercorporate groups or vertical keiretsu are a major feature of Japan's industrial structure and political economy. This case study examines how vertical keiretsu in the automobile and home electric appliance industries affect the Japanese political economy and international trade. A political economy approach focuses on the political context of economic phenomena by analyzing both political and economic variables. Case studies of keiretsu were used in order to gain an understanding of Japan's political economy. A number of propositions or assumptions about the political economy and the dynamics of keiretsu were examined in these studies. It was found that vertical keiretsu influences the industrial sector, trade, and foreign policies in Japan. Japan's industrial policies cannot fully be understood without taking keiretsu into consideration. Scholars have not yet fully considered vertical keiretsu as major actors in the Japanese political process. Their political influence on industrial policies has largely been overlooked. Vertical keiretsu in the automobile and home electric appliance industries were found in the case studies to have been shaping industrial policies since the early post war years. Findings about the nature of Japan's political economy help to explain the conflictive bilateral relationships between Japan and the United States. The findings also show that understanding political economies of nations is increasingly important as the world economy grows and greater trade interaction is imminent.

The objective of this study is to evaluate the effects of macroeconomic policy variables on bilateral trade between the United States and Japan. An auto-regressive distributed lag model is developed to estimate the effects of government economic policies on four commodity groups: agriculture; materials and chemicals; machinery and transport equipment; and manufactured goods. Results indicate that monetary policy significantly affects U. S. and Japanese imports of manufactured goods and transport equipment. The results also show that changes in government expenditure have a significant long-run effect on U.S. imports of manufactured goods and Japanese imports of materials and chemicals, while the long-run effects of income and exchange rates are significant for most commodity groups.

China’s emergence as an economic powerhouse has often been portrayed as threatening to America’s economic strength and to its very identity as “the global hegemon.” The media’s alarmist response to an economic competitor is familiar to those who remember US-Japanese relations in the 1980s. In order to better understand the basis of American threat perception, this study explores the independent and interactive impact of three variables (perceptions of the Other’s capabilities, perceptions of the Other as a threat versus as an opportunity, and perceptions of the Other’s political culture) on attitudes toward two different economic competitors (Japan 1977-1995 and China 1985-2011). Utilizing four methods (historical process tracing, public polling data analysis, social scientific experimentation, and content analysis), this study demonstrates that increases in the Other’s economic capabilities have a much smaller impact on attitudes than is commonly believed. It further shows that while perceptions of threat/opportunity played a significant role in shaping attitudinal response toward Japan, perceptions of political culture are the most important factor driving attitudes toward China today. This study contributes to a better understanding of how states react to threats and construct negative images of their economic rivals. It also helps to explain the current Sino-American relationship and enables better predictions as to its potential future course. Finally, these findings contribute to cultural explanations of the democratic peace phenomenon and provide a boundary condition (political culture) for the liberal proposition that opportunity ameliorates conflict in the economic realm.

Thesis (MA)-- Stellenbosch University, 2013.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study applies a modified bureaucratic policy process model to analyse contemporary South African – Japanese relations, particularly in regards to a proposed Economic Partnership Agreement, and the experiences of Japanese agencies within South Africa. South Africa and Japan are major trade partners, and the Japanese government has a significant presence in the African aid scene via the Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD), and through the works of the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA). South African – Japanese relations have been documented in a modest but respectable fashion by a range of researchers, including Alden, Skidmore and Osada. The bureaucratic policy process model has been used in an array of studies on international relations and decision making, notably by Graham Allison. However, it has not been previously applied to South African – Japanese relations. As a result, there is a dearth of information on how bureaucratic dynamics affect Japanese – South African relations. In response to this, a modified bureaucratic policy process model is used to analyse contemporary South African – Japanese governmental relations. A literature review of primary and secondary sources is undertaken, consisting of a historical review of South African – Japanese relations. Following this, a brief overview of contemporary literature on South African – Japanese relations is performed. This includes both secondary sources and primary sources relating to government bureaucracies current priorities and strategies. Material on TICAD is included in this section. Interviews with government officials from both the Japanese and South African governments are carried out using a modified snowball sampling system. The interviews provide insights into the different bureaucratic organization’s priorities and programmes, as well as their relationships with other organizations. From this data, two emergent themes are addressed: the failure of a contemplated Free Trade Agreement / Economic Partnership Agreement and the way in which Japanese agencies, particularly JICA, operate within the South Africa context. It is found that the FTA failed due to welfare concerns from the South African Department of Trade and Industry, as well as greater complications relating to trade agreements in general. These greater complications stem from the involvement of regional bodies such as the South African Customs Union. Japanese agencies are found to be constrained within South Africa by a lack of resources as well as by the independent and somewhat sceptical attitude of South African government agencies towards Japanese aid efforts. It is proposed that the relevance of extra national bureaucracies to the decision making process surrounding the FTA has implications for deploying the bureaucratic policy process model, which has generally only considered national bureaucracies in discussing how decisions are made. It is further suggested that South African trade deals are complicated by the country’s location within the South African Customs Union and the South African Development Community, and the consequent need to consult and negotiate with third parties who are likely to be impacted by such deals. Finally, it is suggested that because both South Africa and Japan face significant, but different economic challenges, they should prioritise improving their economic relations.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie het ’n aangepaste burokratiese beleidsprosesmodel gebruik om die hedendaagse betrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Japan te ontleed, veral wat betref ’n voorgestelde ekonomiese vennootskapsooreenkoms tussen die twee lande en die ervarings van Japannese agentskappe in Suid-Afrika. Suid-Afrika en Japan is groot handelsvennote, en die Japannese regering handhaaf ’n beduidende teenwoordigheid op die Afrika-hulptoneel deur middel van die Tokiose Internasionale Konferensie oor Afrika-ontwikkeling (TICAD) en die werk van die Japannese Internasionale Samewerkingsagentskap (JICA). Verskeie navorsers, waaronder Alden, Skidmore en Osada, het die betrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Japan al op beskeie dog aansienlike wyse beskryf. Die burokratiese beleidsprosesmodel is al in ’n rits studies oor internasionale betrekkinge en besluitneming gebruik, in die besonder deur Graham Allison. Tog is dit nog nooit voorheen op betrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Japan toegepas nie. Dus bestaan daar weinig inligting oor hoe burokratiese dinamiek die betrekkinge tussen hierdie twee lande raak. In antwoord hierop is ’n aangepaste burokratiese beleidsprosesmodel dus gebruik om die hedendaagse staatsbetrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Japan te ontleed. Eerstens is ’n literatuuroorsig van primêre en sekondêre bronne onderneem wat uit ’n historiese oorsig van betrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Japan bestaan het. Daarná is ’n oorsig van kontemporêre literatuur oor die verhoudinge tussen die twee lande onderneem. Dít het sowel sekondêre as primêre bronne met betrekking tot die huidige prioriteite en strategieë van staatsburokrasieë ingesluit. Hierdie afdeling sluit ook materiaal oor TICAD in. Onderhoude met staatsamptenare van die Japannese sowel as die Suid-Afrikaanse regerings is met behulp van ’n aangepaste stelsel van sneeubalsteekproefneming gevoer. Die onderhoude bied insig in die verskillende burokratiese organisasies se prioriteite en programme, sowel as hul verhoudings met ander organisasies. Twee temas wat uit hierdie data na vore gekom het, is vervolgens bespreek: die mislukking van ’n beoogde vryehandel-/ekonomiese vennootskapsooreenkoms, en die funksionering van Japannese agentskappe, veral JICA, in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks. Daar word bevind dat die vryehandelsooreenkoms misluk het weens welsynsbesware van die Suid-Afrikaanse Departement van Handel en Nywerheid, sowel as groter komplikasies met betrekking tot handelsooreenkomste in die algemeen. Hierdie groter komplikasies hou verband met die betrokkenheid van streeksliggame soos die Suider-Afrikaanse Doeane-unie. Voorts blyk Japannese agentskappe in Suid-Afrika aan bande gelê te word deur ’n gebrek aan hulpbronne, sowel as Suid-Afrikaanse staatsagentskappe se onafhanklike en effens skeptiese houding jeens Japannese hulppogings. Die studie doen aan die hand dat die relevansie van bykomende nasionale burokrasieë in die besluitnemingsproses oor die vryehandelsooreenkoms bepaalde implikasies inhou vir die gebruik van die burokratiese beleidsprosesmodel, wat meestal slegs rekening hou met enkele nasionale burokrasieë se rol in besluitneming. Voorts blyk dit dat Suid-Afrikaanse handelstransaksies bemoeilik word deur die land se lidmaatskap van die Suider-Afrikaanse Doeane-unie en die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap, en die gevolglike behoefte om oorleg te pleeg met derde partye wat waarskynlik deur sulke transaksies geraak sal word. Laastens word aangevoer dat aangesien Suid-Afrika en Japan met beduidende dog verskillende ekonomiese uitdagings te kampe het, die verbetering van ekonomiese betrekkinge tussen die twee lande nou voorrang behoort te geniet.

This thesis set out to ascertain the position of recent Australian Governments on the latest instalments of Asian regionalism in the context of an assessment of whether there has been a redefinition of Asia and thus a redefinition of Australia???s engagement with Asia. It will concentrate on the broad themes of politico-strategic and economic engagement. Whilst there has been extensive research and documentation on the Asian economic crisis there has been less work on the issue of a new Asian regionalism and the implications for Australia???s complex and variable engagement with the region. This is the basis for the claim to originality of this thesis, a claim supported by its focus on the practical and policy implications of Australia???s engagement, or lack of it, with regional institutions. The process of regional integration has been extremely slow, thus supporting the conclusion that there is no evidence of a major redefinition of Asia. Efforts at Asian regionalism are meeting obstacles that pose immense challenges. Asian regionalism remains nascent and poorly defined. This reflects the diversity and enormous disparities in cultures, political systems and the levels of economic development and differences over economic philosophies within East Asia. What is discernible is that the regionalism is proceeding more rapidly on financial issues than on trade, and in the security area it is conspicuously absent. This research highlights the fact that the question of Asian engagement remains a sensitive issue in Australia and continues to grow more complex. Australia???s engagement with Asia since 1996 has been variable because of the Howard Government???s broader balance of priorities between global and regional issues, and because of the changing nature of the Asian region. The perception gleaned from sources is that, for the Australian Government, regionalism initiatives are characterised by much discussion but lack substance. Consequently, this appears to have led the Government to the position that exclusion from some manifestations of regionalism is not so important. Australia is excluded from some of the regional architectures being constructed. In its efforts to seek inclusion in ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, Australia is facing the same barriers that have stood in the way of an AFTA-CER agreement. Exclusion would be important if the performance of regional groupings was not so indifferent. Exclusion from ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, however, does not equate to Australia???s exclusion from the region.

This thesis examines the deep bilateral tensions surrounding the East China Sea (ECS) disagreements between Japan and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the period from August 19th 2003 to June 18th 2008 from an actor-centred constructivist liberal viewpoint. The East China Sea disputes could be described as a conflicting difference of opinion over a) the demarcation of maritime territory and Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZ) in which potentially significant energy deposits exist and b) the ownership of the strategically important and historically sensitive Pinnacle (Senkaku/Diaoyu) Islands. This research addresses the question of why, given the fact that China and Japan have a strong interest in co-operation and stable relations with each other, small incidents in the ECS blow up into larger problems, cause approaches to the East China Sea to wax and wane, and move the relationship in a direction that goes against preferred national objectives? In attempting to unravel this puzzle, this work argues that domestic politics and popular negative sentiment have been the major issues that have greatly amplified and politicised the ECS problems and have significantly affected positive progress in negotiations aimed at managing and stabilising these disputes. By examining these, the thesis addresses the question of why China and Japan have been so constrained in their attempts to find a workable bilateral agreement over disputed energy resources and demarcation in the East China Sea. It also indirectly deals with the question of why the conflicting legal complexities surrounding these disagreements contributed to both states so fervently maintaining and defending their claims.

Orientador: Carlos Eduardo Ferreira de Carvalho
Banca: Filipe Almeida do Prado Mendonça
Banca: Tullo Vigevani
O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"
Resumo: A dissertação analisa as dificuldades domésticas apresentadas à formulação e à aprovação de política externa comercial nos EUA durante o governo de Bill Clinton (1993-2001) e a forma pela qual o Executivo se ajustou a esses obstáculos. Faz-se uma narrativa analítica, tendo com ênfase 1) a aprovação do NAFTA (1993), 2) os entraves ao processo de renovação do fasttrack (1997), 3) as relações comerciais com a China (1993-1996) e com o Japão (1993-1995), 4) a normalização das relações comerciais com a China e reunião ministerial da OMC em Seattle (1999-2000). O quadro analítico contém elementos de distintas abordagens, como a das unidades de decisão e da política burocrática, partindo da premissa de que o processo decisório em política externa comercial se dá por meio de coalizões. Argumenta-se que a forma como se elaborou a política comercial durante o governo Clinton foi essencial para que se chegasse aos resultados obtidos, sendo que os entraves no processo foram resultado das divisões no Congresso, na sociedade e no Executivo e das dificuldades de coordenação entre esses atores. Conclui-se que a análise oferecida, ao considerar os principais atores e seu relacionamento no processo decisório, permite entender com mais clareza os entraves domésticos à política externa comercial, bem como o modo pelo qual o Executivo se ajustou a tais entraves.
Abstract: This dissertation analyzes the domestic constraints that arose during the formulation and voting of US trade policy throughout Bill Clinton's administration (1993-2001) and the manner in which the Executive adjusted to these obstacles. An analytical narrative is undertaken with emphasis on: 1) the approval of NAFTA (1993); 2) the constraints to the renewal of fast-track authority (1997); 3) trade relations with China (1993-1996) and with Japan (1993-1995), 4) the normalization of trade relations with China and the WTO ministerial conference in Seattle (1999-2000). The analytic framework contains elements of different approaches such as decision units approach and bureaucratic politics model, based on the assumption that decision is made through coalitions. We argue that the way trade policy was formulated was essential for the results achieved and that the constraints were the result of divisions in the Congress, society and Executive and the difficulties related to the coordination of these actors. We conclude that the analysis provided allows us to understand more clearly the domestic constraints to the US trade policy and the manner in which the Executive adjusted to these obstacles by considering the relationship among the main actors within the decision-making process.
Mestre

Depuis 2001 et la recomposition des équilibres de puissance, l'Inde s'affirme comme l'un des acteurs qui compte dans un espace international de plus en plus multipolaire. Les mouvements de fond actuels provoquent une redistribution de cette puissance imposant de nouvelles alliances et de nouveaux jeux de pouvoirs. L'Inde n'est pas étrangère à cette tendance et encore plus depuis l'arrivée au pouvoir, en 2014, de l'actuel Premier ministre, Narendra Modi. Ce dernier conduit une politique extérieure ambitieuse pour que son pays accède à un statut de puissance mondiale. C'est dans ce cadre que se pose notre problématique qui est de savoir dans quelle mesure la place de l'Afrique dans la politique étrangère indienne permet-elle justement à l'Inde de parvenir à se hisser à ce statut de puissance. Pour y répondre, cette thèse investigue trois directions. D'abord, la place de l'océan Indien dans la relation indo-africaine doit rendre compte du rôle de l'Afrique dans la volonté indienne de faire de cet océan un espace pacifique et sécurisé sur lequel l'Inde puisse être un acteur incontournable face à des acteurs politiques puissants et hétérogènes. Ensuite, cette thèse s'attache à déterminer le rôle que l'Afrique joue dans la volonté de l'Inde d'être une puissance ayant une capacité d'influence politique sur la scène internationale au travers des instances internationales, de ses relations bilatérales avec les États africains et de la diaspora indienne installée dans ces pays. Enfin, cette recherche de statut passe par le champ économique et la nécessaire évaluation de l'empreinte économique que l'Inde souhaite imprimer en Afrique pour mieux asseoir ses capacités d'influence. Cette étude doit permettre de donner un éclairage sur la politique extérieure indienne à l'heure où les États-Unis réévaluent leur implication dans l'océan Indien, où la Chine met en place la « One Belt, One Road » et où l'Inde et le Japon viennent de s'unir pour proposer un nouveau partenariat à l'Afrique
Since 2001 and the reshuffling of the balance of power, India has become one of the influential actors in an increasingly multipolar international context. The current groundswells are reshuffling powers between Nations in shaping new alliances and new power games. India is, more than ever, involved in this trend since the current Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, came to power in 2014. He conducts an ambitious foreign policy as a means to make his country a global and respected power. The context of the issue detailed in this document is: to what extent does Africa's place in India's foreign policy enables India to reach this status of power? This thesis investigates the following three themes: Firstly, the Indian Ocean's place in the Indo-African relationship should reflect Africa's role in India's will to make the Indian Ocean region a peaceful and secured space in which India is a decisive player in front of powerful and heterogeneous political actors. Secondly, this thesis focuses on assessing Africa's role in India's initiatives to be an influential player on politics on the international agenda through international bodies, its bilateral relations with African states and the Indian diaspora settled down in these countries. Thirdly, India's search for that particular status goes through the economic area and the assessment of India's economic footprint in Africa to better establish its influence on that Continent. This study tries to shed the light on India's foreign policy while the United States are reassessing their involvement in the Indian Ocean, and while China is setting up its "One Belt, One Road" and India and Japan have just come together to propose a new partnership to Africa

This study traces the course of Japanese economic relations with Siam from the late 19th century, when Japanese began going to Siam for economic purposes follow - ing the end of the Tokugawa Bakufu, to the beginning of the Pacific war, when Japan was at the apex of its power in Southeast Asia and had formulated a new economic policy towards Siam, one which dealt with Siam as a member of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. During the decades before the Pacific war, Japanese capital investment in Siam remained negligible and trade was the most important feature of economic relations between the two countries. This trade fell roughly into three phases: ihe first and longest lasted until the onset of the Depression and was a period of gradual trade growth, when Japanese products began to establish themselves in the Siamese market; the second phase ran from around 1932 until 1937 during which Japan's exports to Siam experienced an extraordinary expansion, a result of the Depression which reduced Siamese purchasing power making low-priced Japanese products very attractive and which made Japan Siam's preeminent trading partner; the third phase started with the outbreak of the "China Incident" in mid 1937 and continued until the outbreak of the Pacific war in December 1941, a period when political and military factors began to affect Siam-Japan economic relations until by 1941 these factors, most importantly the growing Japanese confrontation with Britain and the United States, were able to completely reorient Japan's trade relations with Southeast Asia. This reorientation took Siam from the position of an unimportant Southeast Asian trading partner with Japan to one of the most if not the most important by 1941. The events of the months surrounding the outbreak of the Pacific war are dealt with at some length as these make up a period of great significance in Siam-Japan relations, culminating as it did in Siam's alliance with Japan and finally its declaration of war on Britain and the United States. Strong evidence is set forth from contemporary Siamese, Japanese and English sources showing that the Siamese were not the reluctant Japanese ally as has come to be commonly accepted since the war. In chapters nine through twelve, which discuss this important period in Siam-Japan relations, a critique is made of the now accepted postwar interpretation of Siam's relations with Japan at the time the Pacific war began. It is argued that important postwar Siamese memoirs and reminiscences have not been forthright in their rendering of events with Japan at the beginning of the war, and that the Siamese government, especially Phibun, was ready to commit Siam totally to the Japanese side by the second day of the war. This study ends with an investigation of aspects of Japan's wartime economic relations with Siam. One was the introduction of a wartime Japanese money system into Southeast Asia; a second was the negotiations that took place during much of 1942 over the lending of baht to the Japanese to pay for their expenditures in Siam during the war, both show that Japan recognized Siam as an independent nation and an ally and accorded it distinctly different treatment from that given to its occupied areas. Another aspect of wartime relations looked at is the intro - duction of a new Japanese economic policy for Siam which was to pave the way for that country's economic integration into the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. The approach taken in formulating this policy and its thrust followed the pattern that the Japanese had employed from the time they began building their colonial empire in Taiwan and Korea. For this reason it provides an indication of Japanese intentions for Siam-Japan economic relations had the war gone in Japan's favour.

Research report submitted towards the award of Master of Arts Department of International Relations University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2017
This dissertation investigates FOCAC and TICAD contributions towards development on the African continent. The research explains the architecture of the latter conference diplomacy institutions. Japan and China are argued to be competing through evidence from the different fields that give foreign assistance to. Jospeh Nye’s soft power as theoretical framework will guide the research’s understanding of Chinese and Japanese engagements in African development. The research found that FOCAC outweighed TICAD in financial contributions however TICAD through JICA had more grassroots level contributions. China was seen to be focused on bilateral relations aimed at supporting state-led companies in big infrastructure development. Japan is argued to be more engaging with external actors while supporting African development and in addition, showed more support for the African Union’s policies. China has ‘win-win’ and Japan has ‘partnership’ both in line with African Pan -African ideals. Africans are lacking policy and guidelines in dealing with foreign partners and argued to organise themselves and respond to Japanese and Chinese interests collectively. Agenda 2063 that mentions external partners as a source of funding for development is not enough to use a policy. African development policies are seen to have failed previously due to unfulfilled promises from external partners. The research argues that African people should take FOCAC and TICAD as learning spaces and take a leadership role in their own development.
XL2018

This sub-thesis deals with Sino-Japanese and Sino-Australian trade relations from 1960 to 1972. During this period, both Japan and Australia maintained trade ties with China (the People's Republic of China), although they had broken off diplomatic relations with her.1 The main interest here is how and why these trade relations were maintained without diplomatic relations. This, then, is a study of trade relations between states which have no diplomatic relations.

Japanese foreign direct investment (FDI) in Europe has undergone significant change in the last decade. Between 1985 and 1990, the stock of Japanese FDI directed to Europe increased more than five times, and the annual flow of new investment grew from about $2 billion to over $14 billion. Europe's share of Japan's total FDI also increased substantially. However, with the end of the 'bubble economy', new investment in Europe fell sharply. The purpose of this thesis is to analyse the trends in Japanese FDI in Europe in the context of Japanese FDI worldwide. The thesis will analyse the reasons for and implications of these trends. In addition, attention will be given to the attitudes towards this investment and the resulting conflicts, and prospects for the future.

This study of the trade and investment relationship between Japan and China asks what drives it and whether the vagaries of their political relationship have affected these elements of their economic relationship. Tools are developed to account for the determinants of trade and investment flows and to measure resistances to trade and investment. This allows benchmarking and cross country comparisons of trade and investment performance. A world trade frontier and an FDI frontier are estimated using an approach that incorporates a consistent framework for isolating core determinants and resistances. The results suggest that the proximity of Japan and China, their complementary economic structures and the multilateral settings in which both are deeply integrated have been more powerful drivers of trade than the ups and downs of politics. While the economic relationship is not independent from the politics it has not been diminished or disturbed by politics to a significant extent. The analysis is complemented by examination of the electronics and automobile sectors, investigation of the dynamics of the link between politics and trade, and discussion of the role of the WTO. China's commitment to the global trading system from the mid 1980s and its accession to the WTO in 200 I have meant that tensions from time to time in the political relationship have not derailed, but have increasingly come to be dominated by, the economic relationship.

The thesis examines the functions of the AustraliaJapan Business Cooperation Committee (AJBCC) and the Japan-Australia Business Cooperation Committee (JABCC) in · the context of mechanisms used by the business communi ties in both countries to expand communication with foreign countries. It also evaluates the role of the committees in the development of Australia-Japan relations. The concept of private economic diplomacy is used to explain how the significance of each committee in its own domestic environment reflected the importance of the other country as a trading partner. How each committee functioned as an instrument of private economic diplomacy was influenced by the structure of business representation in each country. In particular, the characteristics of the individuals who took the ini tiative in establishing the committees and the peak business organisations that provided administrative backup for the committees tended to determine the limits of committee activities. The two committees made different inputs into their own business communi ties. The AJBCC made an important impact on the development of Australia's private economic diplomacy by introducing the concept of an organised, cross-sectoral approach to foreign countries. fvlany similar commi ttees wi th other countries were later established modelled on the AJBCC. Involvement of these committees in Australia's foreign policy formulation and implementation, however, was limited, mainly because of the service-orientated nature of their umbrella organisations. The AJBCC established more formalised operations and contacts with its own government than the JABCC. The inauguration of the JABCC was significant step in the evolution of Japan's private economic diplomacy, because it represented the establishment of a permanent channel of communication with a foreign country. Throughout its history, the JABCC continued to raise issues at joint meetings with the AJBCC, which strongly reflected the basic goals of Japan's private economic diplomacy at the time. The domestic impact of the JABCC, however, was relatively minor. Compared with other business cooperation committees in Japan, less emphasis was given to domestic political functions in the operation of the JABCC. Both committees' activities centred on holding joint meetings, which provided a channel between the two legitimate communication countries and important opportuni ties for business leaders to extend their personal contacts. The two committees also acted as a medium of communication between the Australian and Japanese governments. As time went by this channel became relatively less significant.

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The aim of this study was to analyse the trade between South Africa and Thailand. The relation between factor endowments and comparative advantage of the Heckscher-Ohlin (H-O) theory as well as the alternative theory of the modern international trade theory were used in the analysis. The trade opportunities and the future trade prospectives of both countries were being presented according to the theory on international trade. The relation between factor endowments and comparative advantage of Thailand and South Africa were presented in the case of labour cost, labour productivity, skilled labour, economic indicators, natural resources as well as technology, research and development. The methodology of the study was based on statistics obtained from different sources in South Africa and in Thailand. These included information from The Royal Thai Embassy in Pretoria. The data were obtained from institution like the Bank of Thailand, the South African National Productivity Institute and the Central Statistic Service of South Africa. The comparative advantage of factor endowments according to the H-O theory and the alternative theory were used in the comparison of both Thailand and South Africa. The result of this comparison clearly points to the fact that Thailand has a comparative advantage in labour intensive manufactures and agricultural land intensive products, while South Africa has a comparative advantage in minerals and higher technology. It is true to state that according to the findings of this study, Thailand has the potential to export labour intensive manufactures and agricultural land intensive products such as garments, fabrics, footwear & parts, computer & parts, rice and natural rubber. South Africa has the potential to export minerals and high technology products (raw material products, mineral products, steel & iron, pipe & parts, chemical products) to Thailand. The study succeeds in confirming the relation between comparative advantage and factor endowments of the H-O theory and the alternative theory. It is also clear that future trade prospects of the two countries are based on comparative advantage and factor endowment. Furthermore, the trade opportunities identified will be beneficial to South African and Thai businessmen.

Due to the strategic economic role that Da Nang City plays in the development of Central Vietnam, and the advancement of the whole country of Vietnam and the Mekong Region, this city has become the main receiver and focal point of Japan's Official Development Assistance (ODA). This research analyzes the impacts of Japan's ODA projects over Vietnam's development by closely studying the ODA's experiences of Da Nang City. Two representative projects that were funded using Japan's ODA in Da Nang City were chosen as case studies to analyze the crucial role of Japan's ODA projects in the economic and social development of Da Nang City, Vietnam. Because of the importance of Japan's ODA projects in the overall development of Vietnam and in various localities, Vietnam's locality, Japan's ODA has greatly influenced the diplomatic relationships that exist between Vietnam and Japan. This research illustrates how Japan's ODA has been used in furthering the foreign policies of Vietnam and Japan and studies its impacts on the two countries' diplomatic relationships. The findings of this research have helped the author in making some recommendations on the effective handling of Japan's ODA at the local and national scales. The findings and recommendations in this study are expected to provide useful information which could help in the efficient management of ODA in Vietnam, and consequently lead to the improvement of the diplomatic relationships between Vietnam and Japan.

This thesis is a study of the factors that influence and shape Japan’s official development assistance to the Pacific island countries. It is a case study of Japan’s aid diplomacy and contributes to the broader debate about what drives Japan’s aid program and how to interpret Japan’s role as an aid donor. The thesis argues that the issue of access to the region’s fisheries resources has profoundly influenced and politicised Japan’s aid relations with the Pacific island countries. But other political and strategic agendas have also shaped Japan’s aid diplomacy with the region. These motivated the Kuranari Doctrine, Japan’s major statement of principles underlying its foreign policy with the Pacific islands. Through analysis of Japan’s fisheries aid diplomacy, the Kuranari Doctrine and Japan’s approach to multilateral aid policy frameworks, the thesis shows how, over time, policies may be driven by competing interests and objectives. The study demonstrates how different aid policies may be formulated by different parts of the aid bureaucracy, often without close coordination. This analysis builds on perspectives of Japan’s aid administration, especially the bureaucratic politics approach and the ‘modified strong state paradigm’. While the former emphasises inter-ministry conflicts and rivalry, the latter stresses coordination between government and private sector interests in ODA policy. This study suggests that neither perspective, on its own, provides an adequate explanation of the economic, political and bureaucratic factors shaping Japan’s aid policies to the Pacific island countries, and the way these have changed over time. While there is close coordination between government and private sector actors in order to advance strategic economic interests, coordination within the aid administration is more problematic. The thesis challenges assumptions, implicit in much of the literature on Japan’s ODA, that there is a coherent set of aid policies and that Japan’s ODA program has evolved in a rational way from a narrow economic focus to encompass broader diplomatic and political considerations. It suggests, instead, that there are tensions within the aid program, especially between economic and political objectives. The study highlights the way the Pacific island countries have challenged Japan’s economic dominance through a combination of collective diplomacy, alliance building and exploiting international regimes (the Law of the Sea Convention). The Pacific islands case is of interest in that it shows how extreme disparities between Japan and aid recipients may be balanced, to some extent, by both bureaucratic and diplomatic factors. The study shows how Japan’s aid diplomacy has reacted to challenges and threats in the regional context, but argues that external pressures and domestic political processes may pull Japan in different directions and give rise to a disjointed, ad hoc set of aid policies.

It is widely acknowledged that the Pacific Island Countries (PICs) are particularly vulnerable to the effects of climate change and that they have limited resources and capacity to deal with the problems of adaptation without assistance from the international community. While PICs might logically take a regional approach in requesting international assistance to implement adaptation measures, climate change affects a wide range of activities. This study examined Pacific Island responses to donors' assistance, with particular focus on Australian and Japanese assistance and explored cross-sectoral issues associated with planning and implementation of adaptation measures by PICs. Australia asserts that a scientific knowledge base and capacity to use timely locally tailored scientific data is a fundamental requirement for guide policy makers and planners to provide cost-effective resource management and the implementation of locally appropriate adaptation measures. Australia has provided assistance on that basis through its overseas aid program from the early 1990s. However, given the diversity of local concerns, the different stakeholders have different perceptions of the threat and risks of climate change and preferred response measures. Under these conditions, robust scientific knowledge alone does not necessarily translate into sensible decision-making processes, in the absence of further assistance to assist PIC in enhancing their institutional capacity and to implement climate change projects. Japanese assistance, which specifically targets climate change in PICs, was found to be limited to the promotion of climate change research and human resource development. More broadly, Japanese ODA has prioritized PICs' environmental problems and the improvement of their livelihood over time, because the primary objective of Japanese assistance is to support PICs' taking ownership of their own development through capacity development with its grant aid and technical cooperation. Interviewees' opinions, particularly those of government officials, regarding Japan's assistance indicated that PICs adaptation needs were generally consistent with their needs for livelihood improvement and economic growth. Responses also revealed that it was of fundamental importance to PICs that donors' recognize and understand the diverse condition in each country and develop individually tailored responses through comprehensive program-based assistance. The delivery of Japanese ODA on a bilateral basis was thus welcomed by many PICs. It is clear that PICs are unable to implement the necessary adaptation responses without significant financial and technical assistance from donors. Interviewees responses tended to highlight their personal or agencies' preferred process for obtaining and delivering aid. Both Australian and Japanese assistance to date have provided little impetus for institutional change to promote a long-term commitment to the implementation of adaptation measures by PICs. In addition, the different funding mechanisms have caused institutional fragmentation between agencies in PICs, resulting in limited information sharing and lack of policy coordination across agencies. Donor expectations and PICs' adaptation needs are unlikely to be met until PICs' institutional challenges, including the ability to effectively utilize existing funds, are addressed.

The purpose of this thesis is to contribute to the literature on global production sharing by examining the case of the Japanese automobile industry in the global context. The key hypothesis is that the unique characteristics of the production system and supplier relationships in Japan matter in determining the extent and modality of production sharing. The analysis focuses specifically on the implications of the 'following-leader' pattern (that is, parts and components suppliers following car producers) of Japanese overseas investment and of the interlocking relationships among firms (keiretsu networks). The analysis is conducted at both the macro and micro levels. The macro-level analysis examines whether the following-leader investment and keiretsu network serve to differentiate patterns of Japan's parts and components and final trade from that of the other five major auto-producing nations (the United States, Germany, France, Italy, Sweden). The methodology involves estimating an augmented gravity model using a newly-constructed three-dimensional (country-partner-product) panel dataset. The micro-level analysis focuses on exports and imports separately. The export-side analysis examines whether the following-leader investments by Japanese suppliers substitute or complement auto parts exports from Japan. The import-side analysis probes the role of keiretsu networks through an in-depth case study of the supplier network of Toyota Motors, focusing specifically on the role of domestic and overseas parts suppliers in determining Toyota's global procurement patterns of parts and components. The analysis makes use of a unique product{u00AC}level dataset compiled from customs records. The thesis begins with an overview of the globalisation process of the automobile industry, with emphasis on the comparative performance of Japanese automakers in the global automobile industry. Chapter 3 undertakes a comparative analysis at the macro-level to investigate unique features of global production sharing by Japanese automakers. Chapters 4 to 6 report the results of micro-level analyses. Chapter 4 provides a profile of the Japanese automobile industry with a particular focus on Toyota, including its history, management, and production networks in order to set the stage for the empirical analyses in subsequent chapters. Chapter 5 explores the effect of the following-leader investment by Japanese suppliers on auto parts exports from Japan. Chapter 6 examines how domestic and global keiretsu networks impact on auto parts imports. Chapter 7 summarises the key findings and policy implications. A number of interesting results emerge from the analyses. First, there is clear evidence of a following-leader pattern in foreign direct investment (FDI) by Japanese auto parts suppliers, and therefore the magnitude of the relationship between Japanese auto parts exports and FDI is much smaller compared to the other major auto-producing countries. Second, the micro-level analysis shows that the following-leader investment by Japanese auto parts suppliers plays an important role in increasing exports from Japan. Third, in contrast with previous studies, there is no evidence to support the hypothesis that the domestic keiretsu network constrains auto parts imports to Japan: there seems to be a clear division of labour between local auto parts producers and their overseas counterparts operating within global automobile networks.