Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Terrorism Political aspects Australia'
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Aly, Anne M. "Audience responses to the Australian media discourse on terrorism and the 'other' : the fear of terrorism between and among Australian Muslims and the broader community." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2008. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/176.
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The terrorist attcks on the World Trade Centre and the Pentagon on 11 September 2001 heralded an era of unprecedented media and public attention on the global phenomenon of terrorism. Implicit in the Australian media's discourse on terrorism that evolved out of the events of 11 September is a construction of the Western world (and specifically Australia) as perpetually at threat of terrorism.
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Wise, Gianni Ian Media Arts College of Fine Arts UNSW. "Scenario House." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Media Arts, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/26230.
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Scenario House, a gallery based installation, is comprised of a room constructed as a ???family room??? within a domestic space, a television with a looped video work and a sound componant played through a 5.1 sound system. The paper is intended to give my work context in relation to the processes leading up to its completion. This is achieved through clarification of the basis for the installation including previous socio-political discourses within my art practice. It then focuses on ways that the installation Scenario House is based on gun practice facilities such as the Valhalla Shooting Club. Further it gives an explanation of the actual production, in context with other art practices. It was found that distinctions between ???war as a game??? and the actual event are being lost within ???simulation revenge scenarios??? where the borders distinguishing gaming violence, television violence and revenge scenarios are increasingly indefinable. War can then be viewed a spectacle where the actual event is lost in a simplified simulation. Scenario House as installation allows audience immersion through sound spatialisation and physical devices. Sound is achieved by design of a 5.1 system played through a domestic home theatre system. The physical design incorporates the dual aspect of a gun shooting club and a lounge room. Further a film loop is shown on the television monitor as part of the domestic space ??? it is non-narrative and semi-documentary in style. The film loop represents the mediation of the representation of fear where there is an exclusion of ???the other??? from the social body. When considering this installation it is important to note that politics and art need not be considered as representing two separate and permanent realities. Conversely there is a need to distance politicised art production from any direct political campaign work in so far as the notion of a campaign constitutes a fixed and inflexible space for intellectual and cultural production. Finally this paper expresses the need to maintain a critical openness to media cultures that dominate political discourse. Art practices such as those of Martha Rosler, Haacke and Paul McCarthy are presented as effective strategies for this form of production.
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Bauhn, Per. "Ethical Aspects of Political Terrorism : The Sacrificing of the Innocent." Doctoral thesis, Lund University, 1989. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-3154.
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Kyriakidis, Kleanthis. "21st century terrorism : wrong diagnosis, inadequate remedy /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FKyriakidis%5FNSA.pdf.
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McCarthy, Sharon. "Beyond the polarising constructions of terrorism : Challenging the discourses that silence public debate in Western Australia." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2013. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1011.
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Since the events of the 11 September that saw the downing of the United States World Trade Centre towers and the partial destruction of the Pentagon in 2001, a significant focus politically, academically, and publically has been given to the issue of terrorism. During this past decade a number of labels, assumptions, and narratives have become dominant in an effort to explain what many continue to describe as a contested and complex phenomenon. The evidence indicates that the privileging of the ‘new terrorism’ narrative has functioned to contribute to many of the controversial counter-terrorism policies and practices both in Australia and globally, as well as the demonisation and marginalisation of Muslim communities in much of the Western world. While many studies in the past decade have focused on examining the discourses on terrorism, including but not limited to the War on Terror, Islamic terrorism, and the media constructions of Muslims, few researchers have explored how people work with these typical constructions of terrorism to effect their own social positioning and identity development.
Within a Critical Discursive Psychological framework (see Wetherell, 1998), terrorism is understood as an ontologically unstable and discursively constructed social category. As such the current study explored the various discursive constructions of terrorism at three specific levels. Firstly, an extensive examination of the academic literature was undertaken as a means of situating the often neglected knowledge about terrorism within its historical, cultural and political context. Secondly, a review was conducted of the primary West Australian newspaper reports from 2001 until 2005 to explore how the dominant labels, narratives and assumptions about terrorism have been represented, (re)produced and resisted at an institutional level. Finally, using interviews from 21 local West Australian residents, I examined the identity that individuals constructed for themselves and others in drawing on many of these narratives and assumptions within their responses.
Four interpretative repertoires of terrorism were identified and these repertoires set up a David and Goliath battle ground of binary opposites that functioned to position terrorism, and those seen to engage in terrorist activities, as either morally understandable if not defensible versus culturally dysfunctional and oppressive. These highly polarised repertoires were used by participants to navigate this emotive, troubled and exclusionary phenomenon. However, while the more positive and morally acceptable repertoires initially helped to support individual identity construction and positions of the self, they also functioned to challenge other aspects of the participant’s lives where participants became positioned as responsible for the exclusionary or oppressive practices towards others.
As a consequence, in trying to make sense of terrorism, the participants were confronted with a morally unmanageable situation where full adherence to any one understanding meant being negatively positioned with an unwanted identity. In their attempts to mitigate the shame associated with being stigmatised and socially excluded as a result, the participants utilised a number of moderating practices that functioned to self silence and subjugate their own voices. Ultimately, this meant that while the four repertoires were often deployed together, the need to continuously resist all four positions to varying degrees, ideologically functioned to silence and exclude the participants from the terrorism conversation. It was therefore argued that within the Western understanding, the discourses on terrorism have become discourses of shame. These findings suggest that the discourses on terrorism are much more complex for the average person than has been considered previously and have implications that go well beyond those of the Muslim communities.
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Blomquist, Lars Borge. "Political-security risk in the oil and gas industry : the impact of terrorism on risk management and mitigation." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96673.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: International oil and gas companies are experiencing an increase in terrorist attacks. After the oil and gas industry became a legitimate target for terrorist groups in the 1990s the number of attacks have increased yearly, with a spike after the 9/11 attacks. In today’s interconnected world political risk is not only about the relationship between the host government and the company. Oil and gas companies may experience risks on a transnational, national and human security level. Because of this, the success of new investments often depends on the successful utilization of risk management strategies. This research study focuses on the importance of political-security risk in the oil and gas industry. This is a risk-management tool to be used before and during international operations; it enables companies to be better prepared to deal with risks that may arise. In January 2013 the oil and gas industry experienced one of its deadliest attacks. The In Amenas gas facility in Algeria was attack by terrorists and in a four-day siege 40 people lost their lives. This forced the oil and gas industry to reconsider its focus on security management. As one of the contractors at the facility, Statoil undertook a thorough analysis of security at the site as well as of the company´s corporate security risk management. The report revealed a lack of focus on political-security risk. Accordingly, the main research question in this study concerns the effect of terrorism on politicalsecurity risk in the oil and gas industry; it specifically analyzes the In Amenas attack. The aim of this study is to answer this question along with two sub-questions, which complement and support the main research question. The first sub-question concerns the factors that contributed to the attack in In Amenas: why was risk mitigation not successful? The second sub-question looks at the possibilities for international oil and gas companies to mitigate the risk of terrorism; or is this a risk that can only be managed? This study argues that political-security risk has not been used to its full potential in the oil and gas industry. The oil and gas industry has always focused on site security, but a broader more holistic approach to risk management has been lacking. However, as a result of the In Amenas incident, the industry has become more willing to have a new discussion on security and this has resulted in small changes in the way companies operate.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Internasionale olie- en gasmaatskappye ondervind ‘n toename in terreur aanvalle. Nadat die olie en gasindustrie ‘n wettige teiken vir tereurgroepe in die 1990s geword het, het die aantal aanvalle per jaar toegeneem, met ‘n skerp styging na die 9/11 aanvalle. In vandag se onderling verbonde wêreld hou die politiese risiko nie net verband met die verhouding tussen die gasregering en die maatskappy nie. Olie- en gasmaatskappye mag risiko’s op trans-nasionale, nasionale en menslike sekuriteitsvlak ervaar. As gevolg hiervan maak die sukses van nuwe beleggings dikwels staat op die suksesvolle gebruik van risiko-bestuur strategieë. Hierdie navorsingstudie fokus op die belang van ‘n politiese veiligheidsrisiko in die olie en gasindustrie. Hierdie is ‘n risiko-bestuur gereedskap wat gebruik sal word voor en tydens internasionale operasies; dit stel die maatskappye in staat om beter voorbereid te wees om die risiko’s wat mag voorkom te hanteer. In Januarie 2013 het die olie en gasindustrie een van die dodelikste aanvalle beleef. Die In Amenas olie-aanleg in Algerië is deur terroriste aangeval en tydens ‘n 4 dae lange inval het 40 mense hul lewens verloor. Dit het die olie en gasindustrie gedwing om hul fokus op veiligheidsbestuur te heroorweeg. As een van die kontrakteur by die aanleg het Statoil ‘n deeglike ontleding van die sekuriteit by die plek sowel as die maatskappy se korporatiewe veiligheid risikobestuur onderneem. Die verslag het ‘n gebrek aan fokus op die politiese veiligheidsrisiko getoon. Die hoof navorsingsvraag in hierdie studie het betrekking op die effek van terreur op politiese veiligheidsrisiko in die olie- en gasindustrie; dit ontleed spesifiek die In Amenas aanval. Die doel van hierdie studie is om hierdie vraag tesame met twee sub-vrae wat die hoof navorsingsvraag komplimenteer en ondersteun. Die eerste sub-vraag het betrekking op die faktore wat bygedra het tot die aanval in In Amenas: hoekom was risiko mitigasie onsuksesvol? Die tweede sub-vraag kyk na die moontlikhede vir internasionale olie- en gasmaatskappye om die risiko van terreur te versag; of is hierdie ‘n risiko wat slegs bestuur kan word? Hierdie studie argumeneer dat politiese veiligheidsrisiko nie tot sy volle potensiaal in die olie en gasindustrie gebruik is nie. Die olie en gasindustrie het altyd gefokus op die veiligheid van die plek, maar ‘n breër holistiese benadering tot risiko-bestuur het ontbreek. As gevolg van die In Amenas insident, het die industrie meer gewillig geword om ‘n nuwe bespreking oor veiligheid te hê en dit het klein veranderinge in die manier waarop maatskappye opereer tot gevolg gehad.
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Wittig, Timothy Simon. "Power, value, and the individual exchange : towards an improved conceptualization of terrorist finance." Thesis, St Andrews, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/902.
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Quartermaine, Angela. "Pupils' perceptions of terrorism from a sample of secondary schools in Warwickshire." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2014. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/71324/.
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Concerns about terrorism, radicalisation and extremism are found within many of the discourses surrounding the safety of young people within modern British society. The current UK Counter-Terrorism Strategy, known as Prevent (2011), suggests that the education system should be responsive to these concerns and that schools in particular need to include certain counter-terrorism measures into their administrative and teaching procedures. However, despite the increased literature on these issues, very little has been done to investigate or incorporate pupils' views into the discussion. Most young people are not, nor have the desire to be, involved in terrorist activities, yet they are still witnesses to the discourses associated with the preventative measures expressed by the State and by the discourses from other sources, such as the media. Therefore, this exploratory study into their perceptions of terrorism provides a unique insight into how these discourses affect young people's views of others and of society-wide ideologies, such as religion. It does not provide suggestions for educationalists and policy makers, since it was conducted separate to State procedures, but rather provides young people with a voice in this ever-growing field of study. The research participants included pupils aged 13-15 years old, from a selection of six schools in Warwickshire, including four comprehensive and two grammar schools. The research drew on the theoretical foundations of Foucault and used Case Study Research methods to uncover the pupils' perceptions of terrorism. By exploring the pupils' language and those influential power-knowledge processes that contributed to the formulations and expressions of their knowledge, this study investigated the affects that external influences can have in the pupils' perceptions and, in doing so, it demonstrated how capable young people are of engaging with a variety of complex and sensitive issues associated with the topic of terrorism.
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Reinke, Leanne 1964. "Community, communication and contradiction : the political implications of changing modes of communication in indigenous communities of Australia and Mexico." Monash University, School of Political and Social Inquiry, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8812.
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Watson, Elliott L. "America and Sri Lanka : terrorism ignored?" Thesis, Swansea University, 2010. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa43109.
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The central investigation of the thesis is an exploration of why the US has, historically, done very little in terms of assisting the various Sri Lankan governments in their fight against, what the US Department of State determined as, one of the most deadly terrorist organisations on the planet. The thesis traces the development of the US-Sri Lanka relationship from independence (1948) to present day, identifying trends and motifs in the bi-lateral connection. Once identified, these trends and motifs are used to place the American response to the emerging conflict in a clear historical context. The work makes it clear that there are unambiguous historical indicators in the US-Sri Lanka relationship that help determine the nature of it, and that these indicators become ever more apparent, even dominant, as the war between the Tamil insurgents and the Sri Lankan state intensifies. These historical indicators are then used to frame the impact of the War on Terror on America's orientation towards the conflict. The investigation draws together the historical dynamics that have shaped, and continue to impact upon, the US-Sri Lanka relationship, giving a very definite set of parameters within which the US is prepared to accommodate the Sri Lankan state. Ultimately, the question of whether the War on Terror, prosecuted by the administration of President George W. Bush, marked a 'turning point' in the relationship between America and Sri Lanka is answered. The judgment, clearly supported by a broad range of original and, at times peerless, primary sources, is that the US operates a very restrictive foreign policy with Sri Lanka, and that this policy has done very little in material terms, to assist against the LTTE - despite the Bush administration's War on Terror.
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Risely, Melissa. "The politics of precaution : an eco-political investigation of agricultural gene technology policy in Australia, 1992-2000." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2003. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phr5953.pdf.
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au, Zsuzsanna Millei@newcastle edu, and Zsuzsa Millei. "A genealogical study of the child as the subject of pre-compulsory education in Western Australia." Murdoch University, 2007. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20081002.80627.
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The study produces a genealogy of the child as the shifting subject constituted by the confluence of discourses that are utilized by, and surround, Western Australian precompulsory education. The analysis is approached as a genealogy of governmentality building on the work of Foucault and Rose, which enables the consideration of the research question that guides this study: How has the child come to be constituted as a subject of regimes of practices of pre-compulsory education in Western Australia?
This study does not explore how the historical discourses changed in relation to the child as a universal subject of early education, but it examines the multiple ways the child was constituted by these discourses as the subject at which government is to be aimed, and whose characteristics government must harness and instrumentalize. Besides addressing the research question, the study also develops a set of intertwining arguments. In these the author contends that the child is invented through historically contingent ideas about the individual and that the way in which the child is constituted in pre-compulsory education shifts in concert with the changing problematizations about the government of the population and individuals. Further, the study demonstrates the necessity to understand the provision of pre-compulsory education as a political practice.
Looking at pre-compulsory education as a political practice de-stabilizes the takenfor-granted constitutions of the child embedded in present theories, practices and research with children in the field of early childhood education. It also enables the de- and reconstruction of the notions of childrens participation, empowerment and citizenship. The continuous de- and reconstruction of these notions and the destabilization of the constitutions of the child creates a framework in which improvement is possible, rather than a utopian, wholesale and, thus revolutionary, transformation in early education (Branson & Miller, 1991, p. 187). This study also contributes to the critiques of classroom discipline approaches by reconceptualizing them as technologies of government in order to reveal the power relations they silently wield.
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Ahmed, Tanveer. "The role of moderate Muslims in combating violent Jihad." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Dec%5FAhmed.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2007.Thesis Advisor(s): Simons, Anna. "December 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 18, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-72). Also available in print.
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Lovric, Ivo Mark. "Ghost Wars : the Politics of War Commemoration." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150317.
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Ghost Wars: the politics of war commemoration: research into dissenting views to war and other aspects of the Australian experience of war that are marginalised by the Australian War Memorial. A study taking the form of an exhibition of a filmic (video) essay, which comprises the outcome of the Studio Practice component, together with the Exegesis which documents the nature of the course of study undertaken, and the Dissertation, which comprises 33% of the Thesis.
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Huntley, Rebecca. ""Sex on the Hustings" : labor and the construction of 'the woman voter' in two federal elections (1983, 1993)." Connect to full text, 2003. http://setis.library.usyd.edu.au/adt/public_html/adt-NU/public/adt-NU20040209.113517/index.html.
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Featherstone, Lisa. "Breeding and feeding: a social history of mothers and medicine in Australia, 1880-1925." Australia : Macquarie University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/38533.
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Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Division of Humanities, Department of Modern History, 2003.Bibliography: p. 417-478.
Introduction: breeding and feeding -- The medical man: sex, science and society -- Confined: women and obstetrics 1880-1899 -- The kindest cut? The caesarean section as turning point -- Reproduction in decline -- Resisting reproduction: women, doctors and abortion -- From obstetrics to paediatrics: the rise of the child -- The breast was best: medicine and maternal breastfeeding -- The deadly bottle and the dangers of the wet nurse: the "artificial" feeding of infants -- Surveillance and the mother -- Mothers and medicine: paradigms of continuity and change.
The late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries saw profound changes in Australian attitudes towards maternity. Imbibed with discourses of pronatalism and eugenics, the production of infants became increasingly important to society and the state. Discourses proliferated on "breeding", and while it appeared maternity was exulted, the child, not the mother, was of ultimate interest. -- This thesis will examine the ways wider discourses of population impacted on childbearing, and very specifically the ways discussions of the nation impacted on medicine. Despite its apparent objectivity, medical science both absorbed and created pronatalism. Within medical ideology, where once the mother had been the point of interest, the primary focus of medical care, increasingly medical science focussed on the life of the infant, who was now all the more precious in the role of new life for the nation. -- While all childbirth and child-rearing advice was formed and mediated by such rhetoric, this thesis will examine certain key issues, including the rise of the caesarean section, the development of paediatrics and the turn to antenatal care. These turning points can be read as signifiers of attitudes towards women and the maternal body, and provide critical material for a reading of the complexities of representations of mothers in medical discourse.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
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Tickle, Sharon. "Assessing the "real story" behind political events in Indonesia : email discussion list Indonesia-L's coverage of the 27 July 1996 Jakarta riots." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1997. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/35887/1/35887_Tickle_1997.pdf.
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The government-backed invasion of the Indonesian Democratic Party's Jakarta headquarters on the morning of27 July 1996, and the resulting violent riots in which
at least five people died marked a pivotal point in Indonesian politics generally, and the pro-democracy movement specifically. This was a newsworthy event which was covered extensively by the broadcast and print media globally, however the time taken to relay the story and the credibility of the reports was highly variable for
domestic as well as foreign media. Coverage by a national and regional Indonesian newspaper, as well as a national and regional Australian newspaper was compared
with the email discussion list Indonesia-L's coverage for the news values of timeliness and accuracy. The October 1996 reports into the incident by the Indonesian National Commission for Human Rights and Human Rights Watch/ Asia
were used as reference materials to evaluate the accuracy of the media reporting. The degree of government involvement in the attack on the PDI HQ was not reported by the Indonesian daily newspapers which also under-reported the number of victims while focussing on the law and order aspect of the story. Reportage by both the
national and regional Australian papers focussed on the violence of the riots which
posed a threat to President Soeharto 's rule, the role of the armed forces in
maintaining law and order, and also underestimated the number of victims. Indonesia-L disseminated the fastest and most accurate reports of the event with eyewitness
accounts providing considerable detail. Only two of the 18 postings were found to be sensationalistic and inaccurate. Implications for the future use of
computer-mediated communication, such as email discussion lists, as an alternative source of news which circumvents government control, as well as the time and commercial constraints of print media are discussed.
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Davies, Evan. "Mandatory detention for asylum seekers in Australia : an evaluation of liberal criticism." University of Western Australia. Political Science and International Relations Discipline Group, 2007. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0202.
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This thesis evaluates the policy of mandatory detention for asylum seekers maintained by successive Australian governments against several core liberal principles. These principles are derived from various accounts of liberal political thought and the major themes and criticisms inherent in the public debate over the policy. The justifications of the policy given by the Australian government and the criticisms enunciated by scholars, refugee advocates and non-government organisations with respect to the policy strongly correspond with the core liberal principles of fairness, protecting the rights of the individual, accountability and proportionality. The claims of the critics converge on a central point of contention: that the mandatory detention of asylum seekers violates core liberal principles. To ascertain the extent to which the claims of the critics can be supported, the thesis selectively draws on liberal political theory to provide a framework for the analysis of the policy against these liberal principles, a basis for inquiry largely neglected by contributors to the literature. This thesis argues that, on balance, the mandatory detention policy employed by successive Australian governments violates core liberal principles. The claims of the critics are weakened, but by no means discredited, by the importance of the government's maintenance of strong border control. In the main, however, criticisms made by opponents of the policy can be supported. This thesis contributes to the substantial body of literature on the mandatory detention policy by shedding light on how liberal principles may be applicable to the mandatory detention policy. Further, it aims to contribute to an enriched understanding of the Australian government's competence to detain asylum seekers.
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Dedman, Stephen. "Techronomicon (novel) ; and The weapon shop : the relationship between American science fiction and the US military (dissertation)." University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0093.
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Techronomicon Techronomicon is a science fiction novel that examines far-future military actions from several different perspectives. Human beings have colonized several planets with help from the enigmatic and more technologically advanced Zhir, who gave spaceships and habitable worlds to those they deemed suitable and their descendants. The Joint Expeditionary Force is the military arm of the Universal Faith, called in when conflicts arise that the Faith decides are beyond the local government and militia and require their intervention. Leneveldt and Roader are JEF officers assigned to Operation Techronomicon, investigating what seems to be a Zhir-built defence shield around the planet Lassana. Another JEF company sent to Kalaabhavan after the murder of the planets Confessor-General loses its CO to a land-mine, and Lieutenant Hellerman reluctantly accepts command. Chevalier, a civilian pilot, takes refugees fleeing military-run detention camps on Ararat to a biological research station on otherwise uninhabited Lila. The biologists on Lila discover a symbiote that enables humans to photosynthesize, which comes to the attention of Operation Techronomicon and the JEF's Weapons Research Division. Leneveldt and Roeder, frustrated by the lack of progress on Lassana, are sent to Lila to detain the biologists, who flee into the swamps. Hellerman's efforts to restore peace on Kalaabhavan are frustrated by the Confessors, and his company finds itself besieged by insurgents. The novel explores individuals' motives for choosing or rejecting violence and/or military service; the lessons they learn about themselves and their enemies; and the possible results of attempts to forcibly suppress ideas.
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Jennings, Reece. "The medical profession and the state in South Australia, 1836-1975 /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1998. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09MD/09mdj54.pdf.
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Douglas, Steven Murray, and u4093670@alumni anu edu au. "Is 'green' religion the solution to the ecological crisis? A case study of mainstream religion in Australia." The Australian National University. Fenner School of Environment and Society, 2008. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20091111.144835.
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A significant and growing number of authors and commentators have proposed that ecologically enlightened (greened) religion is the solution or at least a major part of the solution to the global ecological crisis. These include Birch, 1965 p90; Brindle, 2000; Callicott, 1994; Gardner, 2002, 2003, 2006; Gore Jr., 1992; Gottlieb, 2006, 2007; Hallman, 2000; Hamilton, 2006b, a, 2007b; Hessel & Ruether, 2000b; Hitchcock, 1999; King, 2002; Lerner, 2006a; McDonagh, 1987; McFague, 2001; McKenzie, 2005; Nasr, 1996; Oelschlaeger, 1994; Palmer, 1992; Randers, 1972; Tucker & Grim, 2000; and White Jr., 1967. Proponents offer a variety of reasons for this view, including that the majority of the worlds and many nations people identify themselves as religious, and that there is a large amount of land and infrastructure controlled by religious organisations worldwide. However, the most important reason is that religion is said to have one or more exceptional qualities that can drive and sustain dramatic personal and societal change. The underlying or sometimes overt suggestion is that as the ecological crisis is ultimately a moral crisis, religion is best placed to address the problem at its root.
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Proponents of the above views are often religious, though there are many who are not. Many proponents are from the USA and write in the context of the powerful role of religion in that country. Others write in a global context. Very few write from or about the Australian context where the role of religion in society is variously argued to be virtually non-existent, soon to be non-existent, or conversely, profound but covert.
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This thesis tests the proposition that religion is the solution to the ecological crisis. It does this using a case study of mainstream religion in Australia, represented by the Catholic, Anglican, and Uniting Churches. The Churches ecological policies and practices are analysed to determine the extent to which these denominations are fulfilling, or might be able to fulfil, the proposition. The primary research method is an Internet-based search for policy and praxis material. The methodology is Critical Human Ecology.
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The research finds that: the greening of these denominations is evident; it is a recent phenomenon in the older Churches; there is a growing wealth of environmentalist sentiment and ecological policy being produced; but little institutional praxis has occurred. Despite the often-strong rhetoric, there is no evidence to suggest that ecological concerns, even linked to broader social concerns (termed ecojustice) are core business for the Churches as institutions. Conventional institutional and anthropocentric welfare concerns remain dominant.
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Overall, the three Churches struggle with organisational, demographic, and cultural problems that impede their ability to convert their official ecological concerns into institutional praxis. Despite these problems, there are some outstanding examples of ecological policy and praxis in institutional and non-institutional forms that at least match those seen in mainstream secular society.
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I conclude that in Australia, mainstream religion is a limited part of the solution to the ecological crisis. It is not the solution to the crisis, at least not in its present institutional form. Institutional Christianity is in decline in Australia and is being replaced by non-institutional Christianity, other religions and non-religious spiritualities (Tacey, 2000, 2003; Bouma, 2006; Tacey, 2007). The ecological crisis is a moral crisis, but in Australia, morality is increasingly outside the domain of institutional religion. The growth of the non-institutional religious and the spiritual but not religious demographic may, if ecologically informed, offer more of a contribution to addressing the ecological crisis in future. This may occur in combination with some of the more progressive movements seen at the periphery of institutional Christianity such as the eco-ministry of Rev. Dr. Jason John in Adelaide, and the Creation Spirituality taught, advocated and practiced by the Mercy Sisters Earth Link project in Queensland.
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Baum, Chris W. "Nationalism in United States Foreign Policy in the Post 9/11 Era." PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2531.
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One year after the terror attacks of September 11, 2001, the administration of President George W. Bush introduced a revolutionary foreign policy strategy--the Bush Doctrine. Proponents of this strategy advocated the use of American 'hard power' as a tool to promote freedom and democracy, beginning with the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq. Opponents of the doctrine saw it as dangerously nationalistic, with the potential to entangle the United States in a myriad of protracted international conflicts. This thesis will identify aspects of nationalism within post-9/11 American foreign policy and illuminate the incompatibility of nationalism and the fundamental tenets of conflict resolution. This study theorizes that nationalism played a significant role in the development of the Bush Doctrine. Although its advocates promote specific policies historically associated with nationalism, as a rule they have not acknowledged its influence. Conversely, opponents of the doctrine acknowledge this influence and warn of its destructive characteristics. The study presented herein identifies nationalism as a powerful force in American culture and politics--one that has a profound influence on American foreign policy and on the longevity of our foreign wars.
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Hough, Gys. "The systemic analysis of the establishment of torture as foreign policy measure in modern democratic institutions with special reference to the use of torture during the “War on Terror”." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4284.
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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University 2010.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation’s primary focus is why torture is used when torture is not an effective means of gathering intelligence. To answer this question the argument for the use of torture, commonly known as the ticking time bomb argument, is discussed. Due to psychological and physiological processes during torture interrogation it was found that torture cannot be relied upon to deliver truthful information. Torture was also found to adversely affect the institutions that are needed for its establishment. After torture has been found to be of no utility in terms of the appropriation of information the question of why torture is still used is answered by means of discussing societal dynamics as well as the political process surrounding torture. On the societal front it was found that American public opinion towards torture is ambivalent. The reason for this includes a host of socio-psychological factors such as the in-group out-group bias as well the War on Terror as a political ideology in its own right. The notion that anybody is likely to torture is also explored by means of discussing the Milgram’s Obedience Experiment as well as the Stanford Prison Experiment. On the political front the notion that the abuses at Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo Bay were the work of a few bad apples is dispelled since it formed part of a deliberative political process that tried to make torture a legitimate foreign policy measure. The reason for the existence of this process is the failure of international and domestic checks and balances. On the international front U.S. unilateralism as foreign policy principle is cited as the reason for the ineffectiveness of international measures to stop torture. On the domestic front the permanent rally around the flag effect due to the permanent state of mobilization in the War on Terror is cited as the reason for the failure of domestic checks and balances. The lessons learnt from the research enables the creation of measures on how to stop torture even when it is found that the necessary political will is not present within the Obama administration. In the absence of political will it must be manufactured by means of the actions of civil society, the free press and the international community. It was found that the most effective means would be the creation of a committee of inquiry to create the political memory of the use of torture and how it was established. Additionally a memorial must be erected as well seeing that inquiries create political memories but they do not sustain it.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis se fokus is om na te vors waarom marteling gebruik word as dit nie ‘n effektiewe wyse is om inligting in te win nie. Om hierdie vraagstuk te beantwoord word die argument vir die gebruik van marteling naamlik die tikkende-tydbom-argument bespreek. Asgevolg van sielkundige en fisiologiese prosesse tydens ondervragings wat gebruik maak van marteling kan daar nie op marteling staatgemaak word om die waarheid op te lewer nie. Dit was ook bevind dat marteling die instansies, wat nodig is vir die gebruik daarvan, op ‘n negatiewe wyse beïnvloed. Nadat daar vasgestel is dat marteling geen nutswaarde aangaande die inwinning van informasie bied nie word die vraagstuk waarom marteling steeds gebruik word beantwoord. Op die samelewingsvlak kan daar gestel word dat die Amerikaanse samelewing onseker is oor of marteling gebruik moet word al dan nie. Verskeie redes vir hierdie opinie word aangevoer waarvan die in-group out-group bias en die Oorlog teen Terreur as politieke ideologie slegs twee daarvan uitmaak. Dat enige persoon in staat is tot marteling onder die regte stel omstandighede word ook bespreek na aanleiding van die Milgram’s Obedience Experiement en die Stanford Prison Experiment. Op die politiese vlak is daar vasgestel dat die menseregteskendings in Abu Ghraib en Guantanamo Bay nie die werk was van slegs `n paar indiwidue was nie, maar deel uitmaak van ‘n doelbewuste politiese proses wat marteling as ‘n legitieme buitelandse beleidskwessie wil afmaak. Die rede waarom die beleidsproses bestaan kan toegeskryf word aan die mislukking van inter- en intranasionale wigte en teenwigte. Op die internasionale vlak kan daar gestel word dat die Verenigde State se unilateralistiese modus operandi die rede is vir die mislukking van internasionale maatreëls teen marteling. Op die intranasionale front kan daar gestel word dat die Amerikaanse publiek verkeer in ‘n permanent rally around the flagtoestand asgevolg van die permanent mobilisasie in die Oorlog teen Terreur. Uit die lesse wat geleer is uit die navorsing kan daadwerklike stappe gedoen word om die gebruik van marteling stop te sit alhoewel die Obama-administrasie se politiese wil ontbreek. Met die tekort aan politiese wil moet die politiese wil geskep word deur die burgerlik samelewing, the vrye pers asook die internasionale gemeenskap. Daar was gevind dat die mees effektiewe wyse om marteling stop te sit sal deurmiddel van ‘n kommissie van ondersoek wees. Die kommissie se doel sal wees om te bepaal hoe marteling tot stand gekom het en ‘n politiese herinnering te skep. Daar moet ook ‘n bykomende maatreël wees, naamlik die oprigting van ‘n monument aangesien kommissies van ondersoek politiese herinneringe skep maar nie in stand hou nie.
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Gottschalk, Michel Y. J. J. "Profil psychologique clinique et organisationnel du terroriste: recherche empirique et étiologique qualitative et quantitative sur les paramètres critiques de personnalité de 90 terroristes appartenant à 10 organisations terroristes au Moyen-Orient et sur le degré d'homogénéité organisationnelle en termes des caractéristiques psychologiques des individus qui les composent." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212263.
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Muller, Denis Joseph Andrew. "Media accountability in a liberal democracy : an examination of the harlot's prerogative /." Connect to thesis, 2005. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/1552.
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This thesis is both a normative and empirical study of media accountability in a liberal democracy. While its focus is predominantly on Australia, it contains some international comparisons. Media ethics and media performance in relation to quality of media content are identified as the two main dimensions of media accountability. They may be conceived of as the means and the ends of media work. The thesis represents the first combined survey of both external mechanisms of accountability in Australia – those existing outside the various media organisations – and the internal mechanisms existing within three of Australia’s largest media organisations. These organisations span print and broadcasting, public and private ownership. The thesis is based on substantial qualitative research involving interviews with a wide range of experts in media ethics, law, management, and accountability. It is also based on two quantitative surveys, one among practitioners of journalism and the other among the public they serve. This combination of research is certainly new in Australia, and no comparable study has been found in other Western countries. In addition to the main qualitative and quantitative surveys, three case studies are presented. One deals with media performance in relation to quality of media content (the case of alleged bias brought against the Australian Broadcasting Corporation by the then Senator Richard Alston); one deals with media ethics (the “cash-for-comment” cases involving various commercial radio broadcasters), and one deals with accountability processes (the “Who Is Right?” experiment at The Sydney Morning Herald).
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Harland, Michael Ian. "Democratic Vanguardism: Modernity, Intervention and the making of the Bush Doctrine." Thesis, University of Canterbury. History, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/10365.
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The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 transformed the way in which Americans and their leaders viewed the world. The tragic events of that day helped give rise to a foreign policy strategy commonly referred to as the “Bush Doctrine.” At the heart of this doctrine lay a series of propositions about the need to foster liberal democracy as the antidote to terrorism. President George W. Bush proclaimed in a variety of addresses that democracy now represented the “single surviving model” of political life to which all people aspired. In the course of making this argument, President Bush seemed to relate his policies to an overarching “teleology” of progress. This discourse implied that the United States might use force to hasten the emergence of liberal norms and institutions in selected states. With a sense of irony, some commentators soon referred to the Bush administration’s position as “Leninist” because of its determination to bring about the so-called “end of history” today. Yet, surprisingly, these critics had little more to add. This thesis is an attempt to assess in greater depth the Bush administration’s claim to comprehend historical eschatology. Developing a concept termed “democratic vanguardism,” this study investigates the idea of liberal modernity, the role of the United States as a force for democracy, and the implications of using military intervention in the service of idealistic ends. It examines disputes among political theorists, public intellectuals and elected statesmen which help to enrich our understanding of the United States’ efforts under President Bush at bending history to its will.
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Raftery, David Jonathon. "Competition, conflict and cooperation : an ethnographic analysis of an Australian forest industry dispute." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2000. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09armr139.pdf.
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Bibliography: leaves 135-143. An anthropological analysis of an industrial dispute that occurred within the East Gippsland forest industry, 1997-1998 and how the workers strove to acheive better working conditions for themselves, and to share in the wealth they had created.
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Kinuthia, Wanyee. "“Accumulation by Dispossession” by the Global Extractive Industry: The Case of Canada." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/30170.
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This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.
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Mitts, Tamar. "Terrorism, Islamophobia, and Radicalization." Thesis, 2017. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8Z03FHZ.
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Why do ordinary people become supportive of violent, extremist ideologies? Over the past several years, tens of thousands of individuals across the world have become attracted to propaganda disseminated by the Islamic State (ISIS), and many have left their home countries to join the organization. This dissertation closely examines possible explanations for pro-ISIS radicalization in Europe and the United States. I argue that anti-Muslim hostility is an important driver of pro-ISIS radicalization, leading individuals who feel isolated to become attracted to the organization's propaganda. I also contend that groups like ISIS are aware of this pattern, and thus seek to purposefully provoke hostility against potential supporters by carrying out terrorist attacks. I maintain that efforts to stop radicalization should focus on ways to reduce hostility and increase inclusion of minorities in the West. The various dissertation papers empirically examine different aspects of these arguments.
In the first paper, I examine whether anti-Muslim hostility might be driving pro-ISIS radicalization in Europe, by analyzing the online activity of thousands of ISIS sympathizers in France, Germany, Belgium, and the United Kingdom. Matching online radicalization indicators with offline data on vote share for far-right, anti-Muslim parties, I show that the intensity of anti-Muslim hostility at the local (neighborhood/municipality) level strongly correlates with support for ISIS on Twitter. In addition, I show that events that stir anti-Muslim sentiment, such as terrorist attacks and anti-Muslim protests, lead ISIS sympathizers to significantly increase pro-ISIS rhetoric, especially in areas with high far-right support.
In the second paper, I argue that armed groups strategically use terrorism to manipulate levels of anti-Muslim hostility in Western countries. I test whether terrorism leads to greater expressions of anti-Muslim hostility using data on thirty-six terrorist attacks perpetrated by radical jihadists in the West from 2010 to 2016, examining how they shaped anti-Muslim attitudes among individuals in targeted countries. I find that individuals systematically and significantly increase posting of anti-Muslim content on social media after exposure to terrorism. The effect spikes immediately after attacks, decays over time, but remains significantly higher than pre-attack levels up to a month after the events. The results also reveal that the impact of terrorist attacks on anti-Muslim rhetoric is similar for individuals who already expressed hostility to Muslims before the attacks and those who did not. Finally, I observe that the impact of terrorist attacks on anti-Muslim hostility increases with attacks resulting in greater numbers of casualties.
In the third paper, I examine what might be done to stop online radicalization and support for ISIS in the West. I collected data on community engagement events performed in the United States by the Obama Administration, which aimed to increase trust and relationships between the Muslim population and the American government, and combined them with high-frequency, geo-located panel data on tens of thousands of individuals in America who follow Islamic State accounts on Twitter. By analyzing over 100 community engagement events in a Difference-in-Differences design, I find that community engagement activities are systematically and significantly associated with a reduction in pro-ISIS rhetoric on Twitter among individuals located in event areas. In addition, the observed negative relationship between community engagement activities and pro-ISIS rhetoric is stronger in areas that held a large number of these events.
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Sheppard, Jillian Eve. "The internet, society and politics : political participation in Australia." Phd thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/156018.
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This thesis examines the effects of internet use on Australian citizens' propensity to participate in political activity. The study applies the 'civic voluntarism' model of political participation to the Australian case, theorising that internet use comprises a resource. It hypothesises that participation in Australia is a factor of an individual's free time, time spent using the internet, money, civic skills, internet-related skills, recruitment and engagement. Australia is an appropriate case study due to its institutional and cultural similarities with other advanced democracies, as well as its notable differences. Voting is compulsory for Australian citizens, and they are compelled to vote frequently and in complex systems. Previous research has found that compulsory voting has positive effects on participation between elections, as well as on the stability of the country's political parties. Australians have ample opportunity to participate in politics. The thesis analyses 2010 (and earlier) Australian Election Study data, supplemented by data from previous Australian Election Studies, the World Values Survey and Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. Descriptive, logistic regression and ordinary least squares regression analyses find that internet use leads to participation earlier in life than would occur otherwise, but that participants possess the high socioeconomic status of participants in other advanced democracies. Skills are particularly important: across a range of behaviours including electoral, campaign, communal and protest participation, the positive influence of internet proficiency over time spent online is evident. However, the determinants vary greatly between types of participatory act, revealing lowered costs of entry, and opportunities for low-resourced citizens to equip themselves to participate. The findings have implications for understanding how the internet impacts the changing face of participation in Australia, how citizens can be mobilised in the future and the prognosis for the health of Australia's participatory democracy.
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Klugman, K. "Democracy and the new communication technologies." Phd thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/145937.
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Clark, Julie. "Parliamentary debates about fear-of-crime : knowledge, identity, and responsibility." Phd thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/147348.
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Leon, Lucien. "On the use of the digital moving image in retooling the australian political cartooning tradition to a new media context." Phd thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/125136.
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This research clarifies the position of the contemporary Australian political cartoonist in the context of a changing media landscape, and examines the implications of the shift of dissemination of news and current events away from news print media to the Internet. The observation that the political cartoon has, throughout its history, adapted and evolved in response to various socio-political and technological changes invites the question of how the art form might continue to endure as a vehicle for subversive political comment in the digital media age. In exploring the creative possibilities afforded by new media technologies and analysing where these outcomes intersect with the conventions and functions of political cartoons, the study specifically locates the digitally constructed, political moving image within the Australian political cartooning tradition. This position is investigated and supported through three key activities: critical engagement with the extant literature; insights gained through interviews with professional, practising political cartoonists deemed to be pioneers of the political moving image; and my development of a creative practice centred on production and dissemination of political animations. The provision of a new, revised taxonomy for the critical analysis and classification of political images compels practitioners, scholars and prize-givers to eschew hitherto inviolable determinants in the characterisation of political cartoon images so that the tradition can endure in the foreseeable future.
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Edwards, Daniel Martin. "The use of Internet communications technologies by global social movements in Australia." Phd thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149939.
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Husband, Charles H., and M. Yunis Alam. "Social cohesion and counter-terrorism: a policy contradiction?" 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5834.
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Risely, Melissa. "The politics of precaution : an eco-political investigation of agricultural gene technology policy in Australia, 1992-2000 / Melissa Risely." Thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/21968.
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Cameron, Robin W. "When foreign policy turns upon its self : the folding of national security discourse into domestic order and social control." Phd thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/148432.
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Francis, David J. "US strategy in Africa: AFRICOM, terrorism and security challenges." 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5826.
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Pramono, Siswo. "The international politics of genocide." Phd thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151178.
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Powell, Phillip. "A study of the theoretical aspects of ANC mobilisational methods in the Eastern Cape townships of Cradock and by Port Alfred, 1980-1988." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/12526.
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M.A. (Political Studies)This dissertation investigates theoretical aspects of the mobilisational strategies of the African National Congress and its surrogate organisations within the context of the development of their strategic doctrine and utilises the townships of Port Alfred and Cradock as examples. The study focuses on the mechanisms utilised by the African National Congress to mobilise support for its programme during the period 1980-1988. This thesis argues that the activities and actions of the ANC which took place in certain select areas in the Eastern Cape Region of the Republic of South Africa can be correctly described as a People's War insurgency. It examines the concept of People's War within the context of revolutionary warfare or insurgency and identifies the essential characteristics of this doctrine. It then examines the development of the military doctrine of the African National Congress and traces the various strategic influences which have shaped ANC military thinking. It counterpoises the development of ANC People's War doctrines against the model of People's War as formulated by Mao and the Vietnamese theorists. The ANC's People's War doctrine is examined within the context of the various mobilisational, military and organisational mechanisms employed in the townships. These are in turn examined within the framework of the specific township examples selected in the Eastern Cape region. The military dimension of ANC People's War strategy is explained and the reasons for its failure examined. The counter-strategy of the RSA Government is also briefly examined. Conclusions about the changing face of ANC strategy are drawn in the final chapter and the various hypothesis propounded in this dissertation are concluded
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Davis, Robert Brent. ""Economics, politics and the uncommitted voter : econometric analyses for Australia"." Phd thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/148791.
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Thornley, Phoebe. "Broadcasting policy in Australia political influences and the federal government's role in the establishment and development of public/community broadcasting in Australia - a history 1939 to 1992." Diss., 1999. http://www.newcastle.edu.au/services/library/adt/public/adt-NNCU20021202.031413/index.html.
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Cox, Patrick Charles. "Surviving regional restructure : the networks and technology sustaining rural Australia." Phd thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/146544.
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Campos, Joseph H. "The state, terrorism, and national security discourse forging the state in a time of terror, in the face of fear /." Thesis, 2005. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?index=0&did=913513431&SrchMode=1&sid=1&Fmt=2&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1236900678&clientId=23440.
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Hardy, Robyn Mary. "Cost shifting : an Australian perspective." Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150827.
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This is a study about cost shifting and how it might be more precisely defined and explained. Cost shifting is essentially a public policy issue, although it can and does occur between private sector agents. Cost shifting has been variously defined by academics and practitioners, however, the definitions to date mix cost shifting with cost sharing and subsidisation. Mostly they mention the transfer of costs from one level of government to another through direct or indirect action. The definitions to date concentrate on a few claimed causal factors such as unclear roles and responsibilities in government, multiple tiers of governance, and budget maximising behaviour. These are not satisfactory explanations because they do not provide sufficient depth of analysis about the parties to cost shifting, the drivers nor the policy conditions in which cost shifting transactions take place in Australia. Despite the numerous claims made by government actors in Australia about cost shifting to and from other governments, it is usually not recognised as a significant policy issue; although it is regarded as contentious. Where it is recognised as an issue, it is addressed through the application of rules of funding and inter-governmental agreements. Cost shifting is closely associated with government and policy power and inter-governmental power relationships. This thesis suggests that cost shifting begs further analysis because it continues to be regularly raised as a public policy issue. The exact quantum of cost shifting is unknown, but the Australian Local Government Association would argue that it is in the order of $1 billion per annum in terms of cost shifting to local government from higher levels of government - Commonwealth and state (House of Representatives, 2003). Even if this is remotely accurate, this is not an inconsiderable sum. The contribution of this thesis is a better definition of cost shifting. Direct and indirect, deliberate and unintentional cost shifting are all examined in this study. Three case studies are provided to demonstrate different facets of cost shifting in Australia. These explorations will show the original contribution of this thesis in providing a deeper definition and a more comprehensive explanation of the sites and scope of cost shifting in Australia.
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Thomas, Matthew David. "Citizenship and the politics of common sense." Phd thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150256.
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Lindley, Jade Alice. "Somali piracy, 2002 - 2011 : the convergence of routine activity theory and regulatory pluralism." Phd thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/156344.
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Maritime piracy off the coast of Somalia was first recognised as a global concern in 2008 after the hijackings of World Food Programme vessels. It remains a serious impediment to international maritime trade and a significant risk to seafarers. This thesis analyses Somali piracy from the perspectives of Routine Activity Theory and regulatory pluralism. The supply of motivated offenders is all but guaranteed by a number of persistent factors. Somalia has suffered almost a quarter century of limited governance, weak rule of law, ongoing civil conflict, and a feeble economy with few opportunities for lawful employment. Vulnerable targets for piracy, not all of which are capable of self-protection, abound in the Gulf of Aden and off the Horn of Africa. Capable guardianship has also been lacking; there is no effective Somali state to safeguard shipping in the region, requiring the involvement of assistance from foreign naval forces. Based on data from a range of sources, including published documents and in-depth interviews with representatives of industry, government, and international organisations, the thesis concludes that no one institution or policy will suffice to control Somali piracy. Accordingly, a number of different actors and institutions have a role to play in reducing the supply of motivated offenders, the vulnerability of prospective victims, and in enhancing guardianship. The thesis envisages a pluralistic model for the ideal configuration of institutions to control Somali piracy in both the immediate future and the longer term.
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Jennings, Reece. "The medical profession and the state in South Australia, 1836-1975 / Reece Jennings." Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/38334.
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Includes bibliographical references.2 v. ;
Primarily a study of the reasons for the rise, after 1840, of the medical profession in South Australia. The principal argument is that the basic power and influence of the medical practitioner derived from statute. Of almost equal importance was the organised profession's adoption of, and association with, science and technology.
Thesis (M.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Public Health, 1998
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Nier-Weber, Daneryl M. "“The gloves are coming off” : a mixed method analysis of the Bush administration’s torture memos." 2011. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1639721.
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This dissertation seeks to delineate some of the
fault lines of the disparate worldviews and assumptions that have polarized our national
discourse, as well as the imbalances of power
they support or disrupt. Building on previous case studies of ideologically oppositional political blogs, the dissertation examines thirty-nine key documents from the website torturingdemocracy.org, primarily legal memos written by Bush Administration lawyers (the “Torture Memos”), to analyze a rhetoric of torture that, as a subset of the war on terror, serves as a “ground zero” of political values and motivations. Further, it seeks to combine
mixed methods of analysis from various disciplines
to help reveal the underlying beliefs and values
that inform current national discourse.
The cross-disciplinary methods combine rhetorical,
linguistic, and critical discourse analyses to
examine and interrogate the language that created
metaphorical and actual spaces in which torture
was legalized, employed, and legitimated. Applying a grounded theory approach to Huckin’s
four levels of linguisticgranularity--context,
text, phrase, and word (including the use of
concordancing software)--the research reveals
the logical fallacies, faulty argumentation,
slippery word usage, linguistic and rhetorical
manipulations, and finally, authoritarian
underpinnings that characterize the memos. The
research further uncovers multiple strategies
used to create the Other, such as Lazar and Lazar’s four micro-strategies of “outcasting”
(criminalization, (e)vilification, orientalization, and enemy construction), and
strategies of minimizing or maximizing the positive and negative traits of in-versus
out-groups in van Dijk’s “ideological square.”
The research shows how, in the language of the
war on terror, words take on different, even
opposite, meanings from previous significations,
shifting the national debate about the legitimacy
of torture as a hypothetical means of protection.
Further, close examination reveals a different
intent behind the memos than the purported
defense of the country used repeatedly to
justify torture. Findings illuminate the memos
as the products of authoritarian followers
who enabled what Altemeyer calls “double
highs”—ideological social dominants with an authoritarian worldview--in a wide-reaching
and largely successful bid for power. Lastly,
the dissertation points to the need to further
investigate and articulate an anti-authoritarian,
social egalitarian worldview as a challenge
to power structures that, enshrined in language,
may constitute a serious threat to democracy.The great divide -- Review of the literature -- Methods and methodology -- The scene, the agents, their agency and their purpose : conceptions of power and the torture debate -- Torture and the law -- Thirty-nine documents -- The "semantic tap-dance" : discursive, rhetorical and lexico-grammatical strategies in the torture memos -- Constructions of identity -- Constructing torture -- Analysis and conclusions.
Department of English
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Cartwright, Sophie Louise. "Policy, obligation and justice in Australia's tobacco growing industry." Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150307.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis provides an account of the responses of the tobacco growers of Myrtleford to the closure of the domestic tobacco industry, the growth of an illegal tobacco (known as chop-chop) market and the role that regulatory and policy measures have played in the history of the industry. Within the framework of neoliberalism, Individuals are perceived as having the capability and potential to be self-sufficient and 'enterprising' in creating their capital. In the case of Myrtleford tobacco growers, a neoliberal model fails to recognise the extent to which human agency can be constrained by structural forces. Such constraint not only prevented the tobacco growers from becoming economically self-sufficient but also harmed their capacity to rebuild their lives. This thesis brings together sociological and regulatory literatures to examine the history of the regulatory policy arrangements underpinning the domestic tobacco industry. Pierre Bourdieu's theory of field and habitus is applied to frame the research with various theories operating within it. The field of tobacco growing is a complex social environment in which government, the tobacco manufacturers, the anti-tobacco movement and the tobacco growers struggle for resources using different types of capital to maintain their power. The administration, change and removal of regulation and policies reveal transformations and power struggles for different types of capital between actors in the field of the domestic tobacco industry. The thesis employs a narrative approach to demonstrate how regulation and agricultural policy have affected the lives of tobacco growers. The development of the chop-chop market is analysed through the narratives of growers. These narratives show how different market layers are developed that represent different behaviours and relationships between buyers and sellers. Engagement in different layers involved the growers and the broader community in using their social capital and reinventing their habitus in the field of chop-chop tobacco. This model sets up a further analysis using a motivational postures framework to understand why people became active participants in the chop-chop market. An integrative analysis of market response and motivational behaviour of a collective illuminates the processes that lead to the growers' disempowerment, which is often neglected in the development and implementation of regulation and policy programs. It goes beyond formal analyses constrained by what the law says and what economic modeling predicts will occur to reveal the complex problems that arise within communities and how new social arrangements create social distance between a collective and the authorities. The last part of the thesis takes a psycho-social approach to show how collectives manage regulatory and policy changes through focusing on the justice of respect. To demonstrate the potential of a justice of respect framework, a critical evaluation of processes and outcomes of the growers' Co-operative identifies how a culture of disrespect developed that failed growers and further exacerbated the growers' disempowerment. The research concludes by arguing that if those holding economic and political power adopted a justice of respect approach, they might enable collectives to maintain their dignity and resilience in times of policy change, and have a better chance of earning trust and thereby eliciting cooperation in the future.