Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Terrorism – Pakistan'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Terrorism – Pakistan.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Terrorism – Pakistan.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Örming, Lovisa. "Drönarattackers effekt på terrorism : fallet Pakistan." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-3460.
Full textAbstract:
The United States use of Unmanned Combat Aerial Vehicles (UCAV) or drones for targeted killings of terrorists has been on the rise in recent years and the method has become the core element of president Obamas strategy in the war against terror. This study examines the deterrent effect of targeted killings on terrorism using UCAV/drones as a method of counterterrorism. Building on the literature on counterterrorism, UCAV, targeted killings, deterrence theory and statistics on terrorism the study provides a case study of the CIA drone operations in Pakistan between the years 2004-2010. The goal has been to analyze drone operations and the extent of terrorism from the beginning of the drone campaign until 2010. This as a means of identifying possible trends in terrorism activity due to the occurrence of drone strikes. Findings suggest that the possibility of a deterrent effect is far from evident and that there are some indications of increased terrorism.
2
Khan, Haseebullah. "Determinantsof Terrorism in Pakistan: A Time Serie Analysis." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Nationalekonomi, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-71175.
Full text
3
Khan, Gohar Karim. "Narrating Pakistan transnationally : identity, politics and terrorism in Anglophone Pakistani literature after "9/11"." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2013. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/66150/.
Full textAbstract:
Anglophone Pakistani literature has thrived in the country since its inception in 1947, but the past decade has witnessed a momentous development of this corpus and its readership, receiving formal recognition in Granta 112: Pakistan in 2010. Literary criticism on the subject, which was relatively limited when I started my research on Pakistani English writing in 2009, has since grown but there remains considerable scope for further study. My thesis focuses on the major works of four Pakistani writers, namely Mohsin Hamid’s The Reluctant Fundamentalist (2007) and How to Get Filthy Rich in Rising Asia (2013), Kamila Shamsie’s Burnt Shadows (2008), Nadeem Aslam’s The Wasted Vigil (2008) and Daniyal Mueenuddin’s In Other Rooms, Other Wonders (2009). Using 9/11 as a marker, my thesis purports that Anglophone Pakistani writing counterbalances “post-9/11” discourse in American and British fiction which has tended not only to privilege the 9/11 moment as unique, but also assumed essentialist notions of victimhood, violence and identity in its representations. This literature, when it concerns itself with countries such as Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iraq, focuses primarily on their perceived cultural peculiarities, frequently equating them with extremism, violence and female oppression, and thereby reinforcing the dominant non-fictional rhetoric of the international media. As part of this discussion, my study critiques not only Islamophobia but also refutes the erroneous use recent acts terrorism as a justification for rising Islamophobia. My thesis underscores recent Anglophone fiction’s attempts at destabilising the “single story” about Islam and Pakistan. This study examines the contribution of contemporary Anglophone Pakistani writers in providing alternative representational tropes on the subject of Pakistani identity and selfhood, thereby transforming and revitalising the conventional imagining of the country to the international readership. However, I argue that the work of Anglophone Pakistani literature does not stop here. I show that this reimagining of Pakistan operates within the framework of “transnationalism” and aspires to imagine a political state of “togetherness in difference”. Transnationalism is here conceived as attitudinal, covering human collaborations that link people across national boundaries. It is advanced as a progressive and productive alternative to the assumed cultural, political and economic dominations coded into globalization, which is critiqued for its subtexts of cultural and economic domination. Writing from positions of cultural and spatial uncertainty, these writers simultaneously “host” a rigorous interrogation of fundamentalism, violence and oppression in Pakistan but also strive to facilitate a more “hospitable” understanding of Pakistan internationally. Treading the perfidious fault-line between the binaries of home and abroad, native and foreign and extremist and moderate, these writers address two major issues: one, they intervene by exploding the alleged myths of multiculturalism in the so-called “West”; in characterizing this alternative scenario they effectively question the rise of “Islamophobia” and the ill-informed stereotyping of Muslims around the globe, especially after 9/11. Secondly, I argue that the literary resistance offered by these writers constitute a “zone of contact” between the global north and global south. Replacing the discourse of “us and them”, their fictions advocate the phenomenon of what Ien Ang has called “complicated entanglement”. This entanglement envisages a range of transnational narratives—feminist, political, economic and cultural. As border individuals who embody a complex fusion of cultural experiences themselves, these writers are appositely positioned not only to explore the contradictions of human experiences, but also imagine the possibilities of their resolution.
4
Tamana, Aazar. "US-Pakistan cooperation and Pakistan's security post 9/11." Thesis, Curtin University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/501.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis addresses the implications of US-Pakistan cooperation post 9/11 for Pakistan’s security. The terrorist attacks of 9/11 on World Trade Center and Pentagon necessitated US-Pakistan cooperation to combat terrorism, which had mixed consequences for Pakistan’s security. At the domestic level, on the one hand, US-Pakistan collaboration helped strengthen the wide consensus in Pakistani society opposed to terrorism. Further, the US encouraged and supported Pakistan’s transition to democracy in 2007-2008. On the other hand, political violence grew in Pakistan, in part due to Pakistan’s close alliance with the US, especially in Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and Balochistan which eroded Pakistan’s domestic security. At the regional level, US-Pakistan cooperation post 9/11 enhanced Pakistan’s security in two significant ways. First, during India-Pakistan military standoff in 2001/2002, the US played a vital role in averting a war between the two adversaries. Second, the US encouraged composite dialogue between India and Pakistan that played a major role in ensuring peace between the two hostile states post 9/11.
5
Qureshi, Akhtar. "War in Pakistan the effects of the Pakistani-American War on Terror in Pakistan." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/497.
Full textAbstract:
This research paper investigates the current turmoil in Pakistan and how much of it has been caused by the joint American-Pakistani War on Terror. The United States' portion of the War on Terror is in Afghanistan against the Al-Qaeda and Taliban forces that began after the September 11th attacks in 2001, as well as in Pakistan with unmanned drone attacks. Pakistan's portion of this war includes the support to the U.S. in Afghanistan and military campaigns within it's own borders against Taliban forces. Taliban forces have fought back against Pakistan with terrorist attacks and bombings that continue to ravage the nation. There have been a number of consequences from this war upon Pakistani society, one of particular importance to the U.S. is the increased anti-American sentiment. The war has also resulted in weak and widely unpopular leaders. The final major consequence this study examines is the increased conflict amongst the many ethnicities within Pakistan. The consequences of this war have had an effect on local, regional, American, and international politics.B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
6
Akbar, Muqarrab. "Pakistan at crossroads : war against terrorism and international law." Thesis, Glasgow Caledonian University, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.676475.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the contribution of Pakistan in the war on terror and problems faced by Pakistan due to this War. It explores selected legal issues of the War on Terror, particularly those relevant to Pakistan. To achieve this, the existing literature on Pakistan's decision to join the War, Pakistan's contribution in the War and its effects on the country are analysed. The research is focused on the Pak-US relations and selected aspects of International Law. A field work through interviews, short sample survey and focus groups are conducted to investigate the opinion of the people in Pakistan regarding the War. Through a snapshot of the history, this thesis examines the phenomenon of terrorism. It provides a general understanding of the phenomenon of Terrorism and examines the roots of terrorism in Pakistan particularly with reference to the Afghanistan factor. The study shows that Pakistan's support and contribution in the War on Terror have incited anti-war sentiments at home, whereas its sacrifice and efforts in countering terrorism have not been recognised at the international level. This study explains that both the internal factors and external dynamics are playing a negative role in achieving the objectives of the War on Terror. Some attention is paid to selected aspects of International Law especially those that have affected the Pak-US strategic partnership in general and the War on Terror in particular, such as drone strikes and violation of Human rights. The thesis shows how the divided public opinion in Pakistan has affected the War on Terror. The successive divergence of interests between Pakistan and US resulted into mistrust between the partners, and in turn, in achieving the objectives of the War on Terror. It also shows that the Policy makers in Pakistan have been unsuccessful in getting the public opinion on board regarding the policies of the War. The thesis concludes that Pakistan's strategic foundations, US policies and the Indian threat are fundamental problems in the alliance with US in the War against Terrorism. There is, therefore, a need to redefine and restructure the Pakistan's foreign policy in general and in the War on Terror in particular to help in mitigating the issue of terrorism in the country.
7
Colbert, Jason M. "Pakistan, madrassas, and militancy." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/2385.
Full textAbstract:
Following the terrorist attacks of September 11th, 2001, the US government has become increasingly concerned with madrassas, Islamic schools of religious education in Central and South Asia. U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld and Secretary of State Colin Powell denounced these religious seminaries as radical institutions which produce Islamic jihadists capable of threatening U.S. national security and interests. This thesis examines the history and current evidence available on madrassas. Specifically, it analyzes their historical evolution and reaction to domestic, regional and international developments. It finds that there is little evidence to connect madrassas to transnational terrorism, and that they are not a direct threat to the United States. However, Pakistani madrassas do have ties to domestic and regional violence, particularly Sunni-Shia sectarian violence in Pakistan and the Pakistani-Indian conflict in Kashmir, making them a regional security concern. This thesis argues that the best path for combating religious militancy in madrassas is by helping to create better alternatives to madrassa education, including state run and private schools, and not by targeting madrassas directly.
8
Fayyaz, Shabana. "Pakistan response towards terrorism : a case study of Musharraf regime." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3451/.
Full textAbstract:
The ranging course of terrorism banishing peace and security prospects of today’s Pakistan is seen as a domestic effluent of its own flawed policies, bad governance, and lack of social justice and rule of law in society and widening gulf of trust between the rulers and the ruled. The study focused on policies and performance of the Musharraf government since assuming the mantle of front ranking ally of the United States in its so called ‘war on terror’. The causes of reversal of pre nine-eleven position on Afghanistan and support of its Taliban’s rulers are examined in the light of the geo-strategic compulsions of that crucial time and the structural weakness of military rule that needed external props for legitimacy. The flaws of the response to the terrorist challenges are traced to its total dependence on the hard option to the total neglect of the human factor from which the thesis develops its argument for a holistic approach to security in which the people occupy a central position. Thesis approach is also shown to hold the solutions for eliminating the causes of extremism on which terrorism feeds and grows. In sum the study deconstructs Musharraf’s regime’s response to terrorism by examining the conceptual mould of the strategic players in the country and postulates a holistic and integrated security framework to deal with terrorism on a pro-active and sustainable basis. An approach such as this would logically entail the redefining of the role of the state vis-à-vis its people as the fulcrum and medium of ensuring traditional and non traditional security of the country.
9
Hassan, Talal. "AFGHANISTAN COMPLEX SITUATION AND ITS IMPLICATIONS ON PAKISTAN." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22705.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this thesis to high lights the Afghanistan complex situation and itsimplications on Pakistan. Though out the history, Afghanistan complex situation andweak government create a security threat for Pakistan. Since the late 1970s Afghanistanhad suffered brutal civil war in addition to foreign interventions in the form of the 1979Soviet invasion and the 2001 U.S. invasion. Pakistan is significantly and directly affectedby the foreign invasion in Afghanistan. Pakistan is facing a variety of security threats; aninternal threat, an Indian threat, and the threat from Afghanistan. In order to comprehendPakistan's security dilemma, it is necessary to start our discussion with analyze theAfghanistan geographically importance, foreign intervention in Afghanistan, pak-afghanrelation, Pakistan’s foreign policies towards Afghanistan, the resistance movement andrefugee problems, and then evaluate the security situation. Admittedly, the India factorcannot be ignored in studying Pakistan's security dilemma.
10
Clarke, Ryan J. "The relationship between terrorism and organised crime in India and Pakistan : dynamics and consequences." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.597737.
Full textAbstract:
Much research has focused on the official government policies of India and Pakistan towards Kashmir. Many choose to focus on the political process, prospects for a peaceful resolution, diplomatic hurdles, or the impact that the stalemate has on the economies of the parties involved. Surprisingly little attention in the West has been paid to several notable Pakistani non-state actors who are increasingly operating on their own and who have the potential to greatly inhibit, if not derail, the peace process between India and Pakistan. This research project will focus on Dawood Ibrahim and D-Company for a variety of reasons. For one, D-Company is the largest organised criminal syndicate in Asia. Its network spans the globe and has operations in India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Thailand, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, and South Africa, amongst others. Secondly, D-Company controls much of the smuggling activity at key ports such as Mumbai, Karachi, and Dubai. Further, D-Company is unique in that it is one of the only criminal syndicates to only include members from a particular religious background (Islam), to have its most senior leadership based overseas (primarily in Karachi), to consist of members ready and willing to attack their own country (India), and to have blurred the line between an organised criminal group and a terrorist network. In-addition to narcotics and weapons trafficking, extortion, racketeering, money laundering and contract killings, D-Company has permitted Al-Qaeda and Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) to use its smuggling routes. The decision was made to focus on the activites of LeT over other Kashmir-centred militant groups because LeT is often referred to as the largest group operating within Indian territory and has the stongest links with D-Company, a relationship facilitated and nurtured by the ISI. This research challenges the conventional wisdom that TTP and Al-Qaeda are Pakistan's most serious security challenges. LeT has benefitted from decades of state patronage and military training, enjoys strong relationships with criminal syndicates and other terrorist groups (Pakistani and otherwise) and, critically, enjoys a favourable perception amongst everyday Pakistanis due to its carefully crafted image of being on the frontline against a hostile India. Neither Al-Qaeda nor the TTP have the level of domestic sympathy of LeT. This research is highly relevant to policymaking in that it attempts to focus attention on a dynamic of the Kashmir impasse that receives an inadequate amount of attention. Although the role of regular military forces are not to be discounted, many of the non-state actors in 1HK, such as LeT, are also very powerful but are not confined by the same restraints as state forces, thus allowing them engage in more violent actions without as much fear of reprisal. LeT is unlikely to be affected by economic sanctions or arms embargoes and neither is D-Company. In order for lawmakers, security personnel, and other Kashmir watchers to develop a sound, comprehensive policy, this underworld relationship and its potential to undermine political initiatives must be fully appreciated.
11
Appel, Henry E. "U.S. Foreign Policy in Pakistan: Bringing Pakistan Into Line with American Counterterrorism Interests." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1117.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is a review of U.S. foreign policy in Pakistan through a realist lens. It critiques the current state of U.S. policy and recommends that the United States prioritize national security interests, particularly with regards to counterterrorism, over building Pakistani democracy and running civilian aid programs. It then further recommends ways for the United States government to account for ground level dynamics in Pakistani politics in crafting foreign policy aimed at bringing Pakistan into line with U.S. counterterrorism priorities.
12
Rehman, Faiz Ur [Verfasser], and Michael [Akademischer Betreuer] Faure. "Essays on the Law & Economics of Terrorism in Pakistan / Faiz Ur Rehman ; Betreuer: Michael Faure." Hamburg : Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1139844199/34.
Full text
13
Soomro, Shuaib Ahmed. "Four essays on the influence of terrorism stress and job stress on employee attitude and behavior." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Aix-Marseille, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019AIXM0207.
Full textAbstract:
Le terrorisme est un fléau qui s’est répandu dans le monde entier. Les événements de ces dernières années au Sri Lanka, en Nouvelle-Zélande, au Royaume-Uni, en France, au Pakistan et dans d'autres zones du monde ont fait des victimes, touchées physiquement et mentalement. Dans certains pays, le terrorisme est une réalité quotidienne. Vivre sous le terrorisme peut être extrêmement stressant pour les sociétés en général et les entreprises en particulier. Jusqu'à présent, peu de recherches ont été consacrées à ce phénomène. Par conséquent, cette étude vise à comprendre le stress lié au terrorisme et ses effets sur les employés travaillant dans des zones qui y sont exposés. Ce travail de thèse constitué de quatre essais, se fonde sur trois cadres conceptuels théoriques, développés à partir d’une revue de littérature complète et une étude de recherche qualitative. Les trois cadres distincts utilisés sont : le modèle du Stress et de l'Evaluation Cognitive (Lazarus et Folkman, 1984), le modèle Déséquilibre Effort/Récompense (Siegrist, 1998) et la théorie de Conservation des Ressources (Hobfoll, 1988). Dans le cas des études quantitatives, un cadre théorique distinct a été développé pour chaque étude de la thèse. Le premier chapitre porte sur la revue de la littérature. Nous avons également exploré le terrorisme et les facteurs de stress au travail, ainsi que leur influence sur les employés, et avons déterminé les différents rôles des ressources personnelles et organisationnelles. Par la suite, une étude qualitative (chapitre 2) et trois études quantitatives distinctes (chapitres 3, 4 et 5) ont été menées pour tester certaines de ces relationsTerrorism is a scourge which has now spread across the globe. The events of the last few years in Sri Lanka, New Zealand, London, France, Pakistan and other cities around the world highlight the fact that terrorism hurt physically and mentally who experience it. Meanwhile, in some areas, discontinuous terrorism is an everyday reality. Terrorism can be stressful for societies in general and business in particular. Until now, there has been scant research focusing on this phenomenon. Hence, this study aims to understand terrorism stress and its influence on job outcomes working in terrorist-ridden areas. Two cities of Pakistan were study setting, as she has suffered from discontinuous terrorism for about two decades. This thesis work has four essays, based on three stress frameworks. The three used are; Stress Framework (Lazarus and Folkman, 1984), ERI Framework (Siegrist, 1998) and COR framework (Hobfoll, 1988). Chapter 1 is about literature review, we explored terrorism and job stressors, and their influence on job outcomes. Afterwards, a qualitative study, 3 separate quantitative studies (Chapter 3, 4 and 5 respectively) were conducted. The qualitative research was based on the literature and semi-structured interviews. It aimed to gain in-depth knowledge about job and terrorism stressors. The study pointed out that the employees at large are exposed to terrorist incidents. The altogether three quantitative studies conjointly found that terrorism stressor and job stressor adversely affect employee health and wellbeing. The thesis concludes with contributions, managerial implications, and directions for future research
14
Örming, Lovisa. "Drone strikes and the spread of al-Qaeda : Process tracing from Pakistan to Yemen." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-4846.
Full textAbstract:
The use of Unmanned Combat Aerial Vehicles (UCAV) or drones have in recent yearsbecome the modus operandi of US counterterrorism strategy to eliminate sought out terrorists.Since the initiation of systematic drone strikes in Pakistan 2004, their use has increased andalso expanded into other countries. In 2012 Yemen experienced equal levels of strikes asPakistan. Thirteen years have passed since the “war on terror” began and although Osama binLaden has been killed, al-Qaeda still prevails and might be expanding. This study examines apossible spread of al-Qaeda from Pakistan to Yemen, since the initiation of drone strikes, byprocess tracing. Building on the literature of al-Qaeda, counterterrorism and UCAV, the aimhas been to analyze drone strikes affect on terrorism by tracing al-Qaeda’s development.Findings suggest there are indications of a spread from al-Qaeda in Pakistan to Yemen,although further research is required to confirm uncertainties in the material.
15
Sayed, Abdul. "The rise of militancy in the Muslim youth : Discourse analysis of recruitment tactics of militant groups in Pakistan for inciting youth to violence after 9/11." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-60546.
Full textAbstract:
This study is focused on the spreading wave of militancy in the Muslim youth after 9/11 era. The role Al Qaeda is researched in understanding this problem in the case study of Pakistan. Al Qaeda is considered as the nursery for the rising of militancy in the Muslims while Pakistan is the birthplace of Al Qaeda. The problem of militancy rose to the alarming level in Pakistan after 9/11 when the Pakistani state started to support the US in the war against terror which Al Qaeda and other Islamists consider as the war against Islam. The recruitment strategies of Al Qaeda and other Pakistani militant groups like Tihreak Taliban Pakistan (TTP or Pakistani Taliban movement) are studied through the discourse analysis. The primary data from the militant sources like the speeches, books and interviews of their leadership and ideologues, their official magazines and press releases are selected for this research. All this data is available in Urdu language which is translated to the English for this research. The theoretical framework of this research is based on the “Soft theory” of Josef Nye (2006) and the “three dimensions of Power” theory of Steven Lukes (2005). The results of this research show that the militants mostly use different types of arguments in their messages to the youth in their efforts for recruiting them to the path of militancy which include mostly the religious arguments. Along with it, they also attract youth to their path on targeting their grievances and hopes. They present to them the path of militancy as an end and the only way of revenge for their all grievances. These results also show that the militants also present militancy to the youth as the only mean for achievement of their various hopes which they believe these Muslims youth cannot get without militancy.
16
Middleton, Samuel L. "The new fight on the periphery : Pakistan's Military relationship with the United States /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FMiddleton.pdf.
Full text
17
Riaz, Shamreeza. "Freedom of expression and the criminalisation of online glorification of an offence: A case study of Pakistan." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2020. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/200252/1/Shamreeza_Riaz_Thesis.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyses Pakistani legislation which criminalises speech that glorifies an offence. It examines Islamic Law and Western Liberal perspectives on freedom of expression. The thesis develops a synthesized legal framework for the protection of freedom of expression to assess whether the Pakistani glorification of an offence provision maintains an appropriate balance between 'protected expression' and 'prohibited expression' under international law and Pakistani law.
18
Hedberg, Nicholas J. "The exploitation of a weak state Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula in Yemen." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FHedberg.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.Thesis Advisor(s): Hafez, Mohammed M. ; Second Reader: Springborg, Robert. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Yemen, al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, Terrorism, Weak States. Includes bibliographical references (p. 89-95). Also available in print.
19
Samad, Yunas. "The Pakistan-US conundrum: Jihadists, the military and the people : the struggle for control." C. Hurst, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5840.
Full text
20
Neves, Júnior Edson José. "Morrer pelo paraíso : o terrorismo internacional na Caxemira : entre a guerra por procuração e o Jihadismo instrumental : 1989-2009." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/25409.
Full textAbstract:
O objetivo desta dissertação é efetivar um estudo de casos acerca da atuação das três principais organizações terroristas islamitas atuantes na região da Caxemira, uma região disputada por Paquistão e Índia, no período que vai de 1989 a 2009. O conflito pela Caxemira persiste há pouco mais de seis décadas e pelo seu domínio foram travadas duas grandes guerras, em 1947-1948 e em 1965, alguns conflitos efêmeros e embates recorrentes. Como resultado prático dos conflitos, o território da Caxemira foi dividido entre os contendores, tendo por referência limítrofe uma Linha de Controle reconhecida bilateralmente em 1972. A hipótese que orienta a dissertação defende que, seguindo as diretrizes de uma estratégia de política externa do Paquistão, de Guerra por Procuração, em finais dos anos oitenta atores privados religiosos fundamentalistas islâmicos passaram a atuar no conflito utilizando técnicas de ataque terrorista contra autoridades e população civil habitantes da porção caxemir administrada pela Índia. Ademais, estas organizações receberam o patrocínio e foram controladas pelo principal Serviço Secreto militar paquistanês, o ISID – Diretoria de Serviços de Inteligência Interligados. Assim, contando com o respaldo de setores do Estado paquistanês, como o referido Serviço Secreto, estas organizações terroristas aumentaram seu poder relativo dentro do Paquistão e no contexto regional da Ásia Meridional, trazendo problemas relacionados ao incremento da ingovernabilidade do poder central e das disputas sectárias no Paquistão, bem como, a disseminação da ação terrorista transnacional no subcontinente indiano e no Oriente Médio.This dissertation presents a case study on the performance of three major Islamic terrorist organizations operating in the region of Kashmir, a region disputed by Pakistan and India from 1989 to 2009. The conflict over Kashmir lasts for more than six decades now and two major wars were fought over its control, in 1947-1948 besides other ephemeral conflicts and clashes. As a practical result of conflict, the territory of Kashmir has been divided between the contenders, the 1972 Line of Control being a reference frontier acknowledged bilaterally. The hypothesis that guides the dissertation argues that, following the guidelines of a Pakistani foreign policy strategy, the “war by proxy”, civil religious Islamic fundamentalists started, in the late eighties, to launch terrorist attacks against authorities and the civilian population of the territory under Indian control. These organizations received the patronage and were controlled by the main military Secret Service of Pakistan, the ISID - Inter-Services Intelligence Directorade. With the support of sectors of the Pakistani state, such as the Secret Service, these terrorist organizations have increased their relative power within Pakistan and in the regional context of Southern Asia, bringing problems related to a growing crisis of governability and sectarian disputes in Pakistan, as well as the spread of transnational terrorist action in the Indian subcontinent and the Middle East.
21
Latimer, William Scott. "What can the United States learn from India to counter terrorism." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FLatimer.pdf.
Full text
22
Ekvall, Niklas. "Relativ överlägsenhet i kriget mot terrorismen : en teoriprövande tvåfallsstudie om specialförbandsteori." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-10084.
Full textAbstract:
In 1993 William McRaven developed a theory about how special forces units could achieve relative superiority against a larger, well-defended force. To achieve relative superiority, the unit mustconsider the six principles that in one way or other effects the result and makes the difference between failure and success. But a lot have happened since 1993. September 11, 2001 marks as a turning point in the war against terror when al-Qaeda hijacked airliners and flew them straight into World Trade Center and Pentagon. President George Bush declared war against terror immediately, a war that still is beingfought today. Since then, the use of special operations forces has increased dramatically but studies about them remains far behind. The aim of this study is to analyze if McRavens theory remain relevant in modern conflictsagainst terror organizations. This was achieved by applying McRavens theory on two cases, Operation Neptune Spear and The Raid on Yakla. The result shows that the theory has explanatory power but when operating under highest secrecy, information remains restricted for scholars and researchers. Making it difficult to generalize a theory of units of this character.
23
Dutta, Sunil. "History as the Architect of the Present : What Made Kashmir the Nucleus of South Asia Terrorism India-Pakistan Conflict and its Impact on U.S. Homeland Security." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/6788.
Full textAbstract:
Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedThis thesis focuses on the root causes of conflict in South Asia that have created the environment in the Afghan Pakistan border areas, which nurtures insurgency. The causes are rooted in the decisions, made by the British Empire in the 19th and 20th centuries, to perpetuate her rule in the Indian subcontinent. A disregard for the history and its impact on the current events has lead to prolonging of U.S. war in Afghanistan. The conclusion is that colonial history of South Asia has shaped current conflicts in Afghanistan, India, and Pakistan. These conflicts have manifested in spawning of terrorism from the region. Ever since the partition of India in 1947 by the British, India and Pakistan remain locked in an enduring conflict over Kashmir. This conflict is tied to destabilization of South Asia, including competition between India and Pakistan over influence in Afghanistan. Thus, the U.S. focus on elimination of al Qaeda is short sighted, as it ignores the reasons for al Qaedas survival in South Asia. Without Pakistans support for the Afghan Taliban and associated terrorist organizations, al Qaeda would not have a sanctuary in South Asia. Without a resolution of the conflict between India and Pakistan, the terrorism problem emanating from South Asia remains a potential threat. Therefore, it is imperative that U.S. policy should expand to include a resolution of India-Pakistan conflict.
24
Husain, Samir. "Madrassas: The Evolution (or Devolution?) of the Islamic Schools in South Asia (1857-Present)." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1525347741957091.
Full text
25
Lundquist, Joel. "Killing Terrorists - Armed Drones and the Ethics of War." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22322.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this thesis is to answer the question whether the U.S. policy on targeted killings with combat drones is compatible with the legal doctrine of just war theory, applicable international law, and human rights law. Moreover, this paper intends to examine the legal issues arising from the U.S. practice of international law in relation to the justification of targeted killings. The purpose of this thesis is to determine whether the practice of targeted killings can be considered lawful and, if not, to provide knowledge about how the method violates applicable international law and the ethics of war. The focus is placed on relevant treaties and customary international law, and just war theory is used as a theoretical complement to explain the meaning and purpose of selected laws in order to determine their applicability to the research problem. Furthermore, this procedure has been conducted by using a legal method to identify the legal problem and interpret relevant sources of law in order to determine their applicability to the research problem. The thesis has determined that the U.S. policy on targeted killings with combat drones is not consistent with applicable international law and fundamental human rights law. In particular, the practice of targeted killings violates the principle of distinction.
26
Gupta, Ananya. "The Politicization of Water: Transboundary Water-Conflict in the Indian Subcontinent." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin159016833466416.
Full text
27
Rafiq, Muhammad Ahsen, and Mohsin Raza. "Countering terrorism through control of Pakistan's information environment." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/43983.
Full textAbstract:
Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedPakistan has a peculiar information environment that has not been researched in detail. The dynamics of the information environment have changed in urban areas due to technological advancements; however, the rural areas are still far from the effects of such advancements. This thesis explores the peculiarities of the information environment in Pakistan and draws lessons from the Sri Lankan fight with the LTTE and U.S. efforts to contain terrorism (on U.S. soil) since 9/11. It brings out the root causes of terrorism in Pakistan and the role played by the information environment in strengthening this menace (especially Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan). The thesis is useful in learning the ways and means to optimally utilize the information environment of Pakistan for fighting terrorism. It might also be beneficial in formulating an information policy for Pakistan, for long- and short-term effects.
28
Lundquist, Joel. "RIKTAT DÖDANDE - Lag och moral i en asymmetrisk värld." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23845.
Full textAbstract:
Som ett resultat av attackerna mot USA den 11 september 2001 förklarade dåvarande president George W Bush krig mot terrorismen den 20 september samma år. Sex dagar senare undertecknade Bush ett direktiv vilket auktoriserade den civila amerikanska underrättelsetjänsten Central Intelligence Agency att utföra riktat dödande mot fördefinierade individer i syftet att förhindra nya attacker från terroristnätverket Al Qaeda, talibanerna och associerade styrkor. Bush initierade det amerikanska bruket av så kallade ”drone strikes” i anslutning till krigsförklaringen med intentionen att eliminera misstänkta terrorister utan möjlighet till en rättvis rättegång, Obama-administrationen har valt att fortsätta utöva policyn. Syftet med studien är att fastställa huruvida USA:s juridiska rättfärdigande och bruk av folkrätt i relation till genomförandet av riktat dödande och användandet av obemannade luftfarkoster i kriget mot terrorismen kan betraktas vara förenligt med doktrinen för just war theory och gällande internationell rätt. Vidare undersöker studien effekterna av det amerikanska bruket av folkrätten i relation till civilbefolkningen och den internationella humanitära rätten. Relevant lagtext och krigsetikens sedvanerättsliga principer jämförs med USA:s bruk av folkrätt för att fastställa agerandets legalitet. Vidare påvisar studien att programmet för riktat dödande inte kan anses vara förenligt med just war theory och gällande internationell lag och att bruket av drönare hamnar i konflikt med gällande internationell rätt i relation till hur de används under kriget mot terrorismen.As a result of the attacks against the United States on September 11, 2001 then President George W Bush declared a war on terror. Six days later, Bush signed a directive which authorized the Central Intelligence Agency to carry out targeted killings against predefined individuals with the purpose to prevent any future attacks from the terrorist network Al Qaeda, as well as the Taliban and associated forces. In conjunction with the declaration of war president Bush initiated the American practice of so-called "drone strikes" with the intention to eliminate suspected terrorists without access to a fair trial, the practice has continued under the mandate of the Obama-administration. The aim of this study is to examine whether the US legal justification for the use of targeted killings and unmanned aerial vehicles in the war against terrorism can be regarded as compatible with the doctrine of just war theory and applicable international law. Furthermore, the study examines the effects of the US practice on international humanitarian customary law in relation to the civilian population. The U.S. justification of targeted killing is compared with international law to determine the lawfulness from a legal perspective. Furthermore, the study demonstrates that the practice is not compatible with the doctrine of just war theory and applicable international law. The use of drones violates international customary law in relation to how they are used under the current conflict.
29
Mahmood, Tariq. "The Durand Line : South Asia's new trouble spot /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FMahmood.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2005.Thesis Advisor(s): Peter R. Lavoy, Feroz Hassan Khan. Includes bibliographical references (p. 97-104). Also available online.
30
Khan, Dilawar. "Pakistan's law enforcement agencies harnessing their potential to combat terrorism." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2008/Dec/08Dec%5FKhan.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008.Thesis Advisor(s): O'Connell, Robert. "December 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 29, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 95-105). Also available in print.
31
Mirza, Muhammad Nadeem. "Determinants of the American Foreign Policy towards Pakistan." Thesis, Toulouse 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013TOU10031.
Full textAbstract:
Cette étude vise à identifier les facteurs ou déterminants de la politique étrangère américaine envers le Pakistan. Les relations pakistano-américaines affectent la vie de millions de personnes dans le monde, ce qui établit l'importance de cette étude. Le Pakistan occupe une position vitale dans le dispositif américain de politique étrangère en raison de la guerre en cours contre le terrorisme mais aussi des desseins américains dans la région de l'Asie du Sud. Le paradigme théorique réaliste néoclassique et la théorie de la prise de décision ont été choisis pour la réalisation de l'étude. Deux catégories de déterminants de la politique étrangère américaine envers le Pakistan ont été identifiées. Tout d'abord, les déterminants au niveau de l’individu et de l'Etat, comprenant l’intérêt national américain dans la région, l’amoralité, la politique intérieure et les acteurs, le leadership, et la promotion de la démocratie au Pakistan. En second lieu, les déterminants aux niveaux régional et international d'analyse, à savoir l'importance géostratégique du Pakistan, les armes nucléaires du Pakistan, la considération de puissance, le facteur indien, l'Afghanistan et la guerre contre le terrorisme. L'étude conclut que la méfiance endémique prévaudra parmi les alliés, mais que ses effets négatifs seront atténués par les considérations géostratégiques de la régionThis study intended to find out the factors or determinants that shape the American foreign policy towards Pakistan. Pak-US relations affect the lives of millions of the people around the globe, thus establishing the importance of the study. Pakistan holds a vital position with the American foreign policy dispositions because of: the ongoing war against terrorism, and the American grand designs in the South Asian region. Neoclassical realism as the theoretical paradigm, and the lenses of poliheuristic theory of decision-making were used for the conduct of the study. Two categories of the determinants of the American foreign policy towards Pakistan were pointed out. First, Individual and State level determinants, comprising the American national interest in the region, amoralism, domestic politics and actors, leadership, and democracy promotion in Pakistan. Second, determinants lying at Regional and International level of analysis, namely: the geostrategic importance of Pakistan, Pakistan’s nuclear weapons, power considerations, the Indian factor, Afghanistan and the War against terrorism. The study concludes that the endemic mistrust will prevail among the allies, but that its negative effects will be mitigated by the geostrategic considerations in the region
32
Blom, Amélie. "La violence d’Etat en partage : le Pakistan et la privatisation de la guerre au Cachemire (1947-2007)." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018IEPP0042.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse plaide pour une approche contextualisée de la violence jihadiste à partir d’une étude des mouvements politico-religieux menant une lutte armée au Cachemire mais basés au Pakistan. Elle questionne les conditions spécifiques au contexte historique, politique et social qui expliquent cette forme de radicalisation politique. La démonstration déploie un large spectre, tant au niveau de la durée que des champs d’étude et des focales de l’analyse. La première hypothèse, méthodologique, est que seule une démarche croisant la sociologie historique de l’Etat et la sociologie politique de l’engagement peut rendre intelligible la complexité du processus. Les mouvements jihadistes sont alors réinscrits dans le temps long d’une pratique, la « privatisation de la violence extérieure autorisée », dont cette thèse démontre qu’elle est une propriété structurante de la trajectoire de l’Etat pakistanais depuis 1947. La seconde hypothèse, développée à partir d’une analyse du point de vue de l’armée, des milices et des recrues, souligne la dimension équivoque des relations entre ces acteurs. Ainsi, le rapport entre le secteur militarisé régulier et le secteur milicien oscille entre convergences idéologiques, transaction collusive et conflit. Les liens des combattants avec les groupes armés ne sont pas plus stables. L’absence de transitivité entre les différents temps de la radicalisation suggère qu’à chaque étape, les idéaux et émotions mobilisés par les entrepreneurs de violence et ceux qui mobilisent les recrues peuvent entrer en collision. D’où l’intérêt de croiser approche processuelle de l’engagement et études sur les émotions dans l’analyses de la radicalisation jihadisteThis thesis makes the case for a contextualized approach to jihadist violence. From an analysis of politico-religious movements based in Pakistan and engaged in an armed struggle in the disputed territory of Kashmir, it investigates the conditions – related to the historical, political and social context – that can explain this particular form of political radicalization. The argumentation rests on a large analytical spectrum, in terms of timeframe, disciplinary fields and empirical focus. The first hypothesis, of a methodological nature, is that the complexity of the process should be apprehended through an approach mixing the historical sociology of the state and the political sociology of mobilisation. Jihadist movements are indeed understood as being part of a long-term “state-authorized privatization of extra-territorial violence”, a practice that proves to be a structural property of the trajectory of the Pakistani state since 1947. The second hypothesis, based places the focus on the perspective of the army, the militias, and the recruits so as the highlight the ambivalent nature of the relations between these different actors. Links between the military and the militias vary from ideological agreement to “collusive transactions” to conflict. Relations between combatants and armed groups are not stable either. The lack of transitivity between different phases of radicalisation (recruitment, training, self-sacrificial violence) suggests that at each step, the narratives and emotions mobilized by entrepreneurs of violence can clash with those that actually mobilize recruits. Hence the importance of bridging the processual approach of militancy with emotions studies
33
Mirza, Naeem Ashraf, Adda Hocine, and Abu Helaleh Riad. "The emergence of transnational terrorist safe havens: a comparative analysis of the federally administered tribal areas in Pakistan and Kabylia in Algeria." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/27873.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyzes the similarities and unique conditions that have made the FATA and Kabylia safe havens for transnational terrorist groups. The thesis uses five variables to compare the cases geography, governance, society, security, and outside influences on both areas. The thesis finds that geography has a strong influence on the creation of safe havens, particularly terrain that is difficult to access, as does weak federal governance and strong tribal societies. Furthermore, both Kabylia and the FATA have suffered chronic instability, which has provided opportunities for terrorists to establish safe havens. External influences have also played an important role in both areas by creating competing loyalties that have weakened the legitimacy of the federal government in the area, thus helping to create favorable conditions for terrorist safe havens. Socioeconomic conditions were not a consistent cause of safe havens in this study, nor was the presence of international borders. These findings suggest that improving communications infrastructure in places like the FATA and Kabylia is an important first step in making these areas less hospitable to terrorist organizations, as is improved infrastructure, especially roads, that grant access to security forces in these areas.
34
Harouit, Farid. "Les facteurs de la radicalisation islamiste violente en Grande-Bretagne à la lumière des attentats de Londres du 7 juillet 2005 : la dimension pakistanaise." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCA163.
Full textAbstract:
Les attentats du 7 juillet 2005 à Londres ont causé un choc et un effroi dans la société britannique non seulement à cause du nombre important des victimes mais aussi en raison de la citoyenneté britannique des kamikazes. A l’exception de Germaine Lindsay qui était d’origine jamaïcaine, les autres membres de la cellule – Mohammed Siddiq Khan, Shehzad Tanweer et Hussib Hussain - étaient tous d’origine pakistanaise. Les kamikazes du 7 juillet 2005 n’étaient pas les seuls Britanniques d’origine pakistanaise impliqués dans des actes de terrorisme. Avant 2005, ils étaient nombreux à aller combattre auprès d’organisations djihadistes pakistanaises au Cachemire ou à commettre des tentatives d’attentat sur le sol britannique, comme ce fut le cas de la cellule de Luton en 2004. Après 2005, d’autres cellules, comme celle de Birmingham en 2011, ont essayé de commettre des attentats à une plus grande échelle. L’origine pakistanaise des auteurs, leur intérêt pour le conflit au Cachemire et leur entrainement paramilitaire dans les camps d’organisations djihadistes pakistanaises sont autant d'éléments communs qui nous ont conduit à nous interroger sur la nature de la radicalisation violente en Grande-Bretagne. Cette thèse examine la dimension pakistanaise de la radicalisation islamiste violente en Grande-Bretagne en se basant sur la théorie des mouvements sociaux, notamment le modèle de Quintan Wiktorowicz, selon lequel la radicalisation est le fruit de griefs politiques, socio-économiques et d’idéologie. Elle s’appuie sur dix études de cas : trois organisations djihadistes pakistanaises (Lashkar e-Toiba, Harakat ul-Mujahideen et Jaish e-Mohammed), trois organisations extrémistes transnationales (Hizb ut-Tahrir, Al-Muhajiroun et Supporters of Sharia) et quatre mouvements de l’islam sud-asiatiques (Ahl e-Hadith, déobandi, Tablighi Jamaat et Jamaat e-Islami). La thèse démontre qu’il y a une dimension spécifiquement pakistanaise de la radicalisation islamiste violente en Grande-Bretagne en raison de l’histoire coloniale, le conflit au Cachemire, la « guerre contre la terreur » et l’intervention militaire en AfghanistanThe 7 July 2005 London bombings caused shock and awe in the British society not only because of the important number of casualties, but also due to the British citizenship of the bombers. With the exception of Germaine Lindsay, who was of Jamaican descent, all the other members of the cell - Mohammed Siddiq Khan, Shehzad Tanweer and Hussib Hussain - had Pakistani background. The London bombers were not the only British Pakistanis who were involved in acts of terrorism. Before 2005, many went to fight alongside the Pakistani jihadi organisations in Kashmir or plotted against Britain such as the Luton cell in 2004. After 2005, other cells, like the one in Birmingham in 2011, planned attacks on a bigger scale on British soil. The Pakistani origin of the perpetrators, their interest in Kashmir and their paramilitary training in camps belonging to Pakistani jihadi organisations were common features that have raised questions about the nature of violent radicalisation in Britain. This thesis examines the Pakistani dimension of violent radicalisation in Britain by building on social movement theory, especially on Quintan Wiktorowicz’ model, according to which radicalisation is the result of political, socio-economic grievances and ideology. This research is based on ten case studies: three Pakistani jihadi organisations (Lashkar e-Toiba, Harakat ul-Mujahideen and Jaish e-Mohammed), three extremist transnational organisations (Hizb ut-Tahrir, Al-Muhajiroun and Supporters of Sharia) and four South-Asian Islamic mouvements (Ahl e-Hadith, Deobandi, Tablighi Jamaat and Jamaat e-Islami). The thesis shows that there is specifically a Pakistani dimension to the violent islamist radicalisation in Britain due to the colonial history, the conflict in Kashmir, the ‘’war on terror’’ and the military intervention in Afghanistan
35
Su, Hui-Er, and 蘇慧娥. "US-India-Pakistan Triangle Relationship in the War on Terrorism." Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/13596867907169497779.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立中興大學
國際政治研究所
100
After September 11 attacks, South Asian countries became more strategically important on the global war on terrorism because of their geopolitical location and their historical relations with Afghanistan. The US has orchestrated a policy toward South Asia based on the idea of protecting its interest, yet acts differently from time to time. After 2001, the US government realized that success of the war against Taliban in Afghanistan relies on cooperation with India and Pakistan. Consequently it formulated a policy of maintaining balance in its relations toward both countries. By doing so, the US could assure a stable relationship with both India and Pakistan and further promote a peace process between them. This study employs the Strategic Triangle model developed by Realist scholars to explain the dynamic changes of US-India-Pakistan relations. The study finds that there exists a gap between the model’s expected result and its application to empirical cases. Simply put, triangle relationship does not necessarily moves toward manage-a-trios as argued by theorists of strategic triangle.
36
Mustafa, Fatima. "Violence, political parties and counter-terrorism: three essays on Pakistan." Thesis, 2018. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/42213.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation uses quantitative methods and archival research to study three aspects of political violence in Pakistan –1) the effect of political party ideology on political violence, 2) the relationship between the electoral cycle and political violence, and 3) the effectiveness of cellphone shutdowns in reducing political violence. The first essay focuses on whether the political party in power in a region influences the forms of political violence prevalent in that region – i.e. does political violence vary when left-wing, right-wing, religious, ethnic or ethno-nationalist parties come into power? The results show that a) riots increase when ethnic parties come into power in a district, and b) violent demonstrations increase when ethno-nationalist and center-right parties hold seats. Based on newspaper reports from 1988 to 2011, it is argued that ethnic parties in power often create conditions that are conducive for rioting to occur by favoring their own ethnic group with privileged access to public sector jobs, land and other resources and creating resentment amongst other ethnic groups. In addition, it is argued that ethno-nationalist parties engage in a politics of grievance and rely on demonstrations to protest the actions and policies of the national government with regards to their ethnic group. The second essay focuses on the nature and timing of election violence over the course of six elections in Pakistan between 1988 and 2011. It looks at how four different forms of violence – assassinations, riots, demonstrations and terrorist attacks – vary before, during and after elections. The paper shows that riots and terrorist attacks sharply increase on election day, in line with the existing literature. However, assassinations are not affected by the onset of elections and violent political demonstrations see a slight decline in the week after the election which challenges important work on election violence. My final essay examines the effectiveness of disrupting cellphone networks as a counter-terrorism strategy to tackle terrorist violence. The paper shows that when cellphone shutdowns occur unexpectedly they disrupt terrorist attacks, although the effect is short-term as terrorist groups carry out their attacks when cellphone services resume on the next day.
37
Huang, Li-Wen, and 黃麗文. "War on Terrorism Influenced by Great Powers—Take Pakistan for Example." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/3tuzym.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立中興大學
國際政治研究所
101
Pakistan had always been where terrorism flourished and developed in south Asia. Due to historical, political, religious and regional factors, Pakistan had been suffering terrorism. Therefore, after 911 Attack, Pakistan chose to join global anti-terrorism front to declare war against terrorism, and meanwhile, it cooperated with great powers to launch anti-terrorism actions. Basically, the anti-terrorism policy of Pakistan was mainly influenced by great powers such as America, China and India which had different purposes and considerations to support the policy of Pakistan: America hoped that Pakistan could be an anti-terrorism outpost in south Asia to help America strike terrorism. India supported Pakistan to prevent terrorism in Pakistan from spreading to India. China, based on the consideration of regional strategy, thought it could effectively strike and block terrorist attacks of “East Turkestan” by cooperating with Pakistan. The study analyzed the causes, measures and national interests and goals of America, China and India to collaborate with Pakistan to counter terrorism. In addition, through the establishment of bipartite anti-terrorism cooperation, such as meetings of leaders of both parties, military drills, exchanges of anti-terrorism information and so on, the best anti-terrorism results and the greatest cooperation could be determined in the hope that related researches of anti-terrorism strategy in south Asia could be more accurate and be of study values.
38
Wilkey, Nicholas John. "Suicide attacks in Afghanistan and Pakistan." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/87865.
Full textAbstract:
The campaigns of suicide attacks in Afghanistan and Pakistan are some of the largest on record, surpassing, for instance, those in Palestine and Sri Lanka. Despite this, they have received relatively little scholarly attention. This thesis redresses this omission through a systematic analysis of suicide attacks in both countries. It utilises the evidence from Afghanistan and Pakistan to critically question many widely accepted arguments and propositions in the existing literature on suicide attacks. The study employs a multi-disciplinary approach to consider a number of inter-linked aspects of the phenomena, both from the point of view of the individual “martyrs,” and the organisations who employ them as weapons. One of the thesis’ most notable contributions is that it draws attention to the atypical nature of the suicide bombers in these countries and the similarly unusual nature of their recruitment and training. The thesis provides a theoretical explanation for these facts by analysing the recruitment of suicide bombers as a type of labour market. Drawing upon a variety of behavioural science findings, the thesis also explains the means by which individuals’ normal motivational and cognitive mechanisms are exploited in their indoctrination as martyrs. Finally, it also demonstrates how the typical characteristics of suicide bombers in these countries make them particularly vulnerable to such indoctrination. In addition to these contributions to the understanding of individual participation, the thesis also presents a number of novel findings regarding organisations’ decision to adopt the tactic and the ways in which they use it. In particular, through the use of quantitative data, the thesis demonstrates that a number of influential theories about the adoption of the tactic are implausible in these countries; alternative mechanisms which are consistent with the evidence from these cases are then presented in their stead. With regards to the use of suicide attacks, the thesis critiques existing theory and subjects it to extensive quantitative testing. By drawing upon theoretical literature from the study of irregular warfare, the thesis also provides a novel explanation for the victimisation of civilians by suicide attacks. The thesis concludes by suggesting that in order to progress, the study of suicide attacks should be integrated with the broader study of political violence.Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, 2014
39
Gregory, Shaun R. "The ISI and the 'War on terrorism'." 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3216.
Full textAbstract:
NoPakistan's Directorate of Inter-Service Intelligence [ISI] plays an ambiguous role in the War on Terrorism. An important ally for Western intelligence with whom it has very close links, the ISI also has a long history of involvement in supporting and promoting terrorism in the name of Pakistan's geostrategic interests. This article explores the nature of the ISI and its aims and objectives in the post-9/11 era. It argues that the focus of the ISI's actions are to shore up Pakistan's ruling elite and to destabilize Pakistan's enemies by the promotion of Sunni Islamism at home and of pan-Islamist jihad abroad. The ISI's strategy, however, deeply conflicts with that of the West, a point underlined by the resurgence of Al Qaeda and the Taliban almost six years after the War on Terrorism began. With grave new trends evident in Pakistan, reliance on the ISI is failing and a Western rethink of its intelligence strategy toward Pakistan is now imperative.
40
Ning, Chiang, and 姜寧. "U.S.-Pakistan Anti-Terrorism Cooperation in George W. Bush Administration ：2001-2008." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/t28k72.
Full textAbstract:
碩士東吳大學
政治學系
101
This thesis is researching into the cooperation between United States and Pakistan's anti-terrorism, the time range is from 2001 September 11 until 2008, which is the George W. Bush administration and Pakistani's anti-terrorism cooperation. Objects of study are the United States and Pakistan. This research is focus on their interaction and effectiveness, in anti-terrorism cooperation. To examine, how these two countries cooperate on anti-terrorism issue, in such huge differences on economic, political, and religious. How this lack of trust basis cooperation goes on? What were the challenges and difficulties for both countries? What were achieved in 8 years? For South Asia, China and India, what are the influences caused by Anti-terrorism cooperation between the two countries? Especially India, it is one of the most important countries - the largest country in South Asia. Their competitor - Pakistani were cooperate with U.S. on Anti-terrorism. What will India react? This study answers these questions. By researching the cooperation between United States and Pakistan's anti-terrorism, we learned how a powerful country, like United States, uses diplomatic strategies to collaborate with a totally different country, and thus we have a better understanding about international terrorism.
41
Chang, Hsu-Yen, and 張胥諺. "Study of the counter-terrorism cooperation between China and Pakistan(2004-2018)." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/796227.
Full text
42
Shattuck, Thomas, and 善學. "Unmanned Aerial Vehicles in Pakistan and Yemen: Effective or Destabilizing Tactic in the U.S. War on Terrorism?" Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/qv8p63.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立政治大學
國際研究英語碩士學位學程 (IMPIS)
104
The American use of unmanned aerial vehicles in Pakistan and Yemen has become the sole mechanism to combat al Qaeda and its affiliates. This study evaluates four U.S. counterterrorism goals to determine whether or not drone strikes in these countries can defeat al Qaeda. The four goals are (1) disrupt, degrade, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda and its affiliates; (2) eliminate safe havens; (3) build enduring counterterrorism partnerships and capabilities; and (4) counter al Qaeda ideology and its resonance and diminish the specific drivers of violence that al Qaeda exploits. Drones strikes in Yemen and Pakistan do not achieve any of these goals, and in some cases, work against them. They are not effective at eliminating the proper targets, increase anti-American sentiments and the desire for revenge, demonstrate Yemen’s and Pakistan’s incompetence at fighting al Qaeda, and provide al Qaeda with a reverberating message to exploit with propaganda. The U.S. must reform its use of drones in order to truly eliminate al Qaeda as a serious threat to its national security and interests abroad.
43
Chen, Chia-I., and 陳嘉儀. "The Impacts of Terrorism in Pakistan toward the Security in South Asia After 9/11 : The Case of Lashkar-e-Toiba." Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/94406887565495563820.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立中興大學
國際政治研究所
98
After the 9/11 attacks, anti-terrorism has become a primary issue in the U.S. Because of the historical religions and territorial backgrounds of Pakistan in South Asia, many organizations were formed to carry out aggressive activities. The big event in Mumbai of India in 2008, Lashkar-e-Toiba, awakes the world and brings the issue of terrorism to the center of attention. In 2009, the U.S. government of Obama announced a new policy, Afpak strategy, toward South Asia. The strategy is the corporation between U.S., Afghanistan, and Pakistan. However, the new policy is not effective. Because of the continuing conflicts in the border of Afganistan, the terrorist activities in Pakistan have become more and more active. The corporation between Taliban and Al Qaeda and the policy of Pakistan government elevate the threat to the peace in South Asia. Besides, there are four countries which want to become the dominate power in South Asia: U.S., Russia, China and India. Even though each of the four countries attempts to control the terrorist activities in South Asia, there are, so far, no effective solutions due to their competitive status. This thesis suggests that, for the interest of the global peacefulness, the corporation of the four nations is necessary.
44
Pereira, Brunna Santana Bonfatti. "Reshaping Wars and Borders - Conflict in the time of the All-seeing eye." Master's thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10316/84619.
Full textAbstract:
Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações Internacionais apresentada à Faculdade de EconomiaA presente dissertação pretende examinar a política de utilização de veículos aéreos não tripulados, comumente conhecidos como drones, da administração dos Estados Unidos da América, sob a égide da Autorização para Uso da Força Militar, como uma ferramenta da estratégia antiterrorista em áreas remotas do globo. Esta pesquisa examina assim como os avanços da tecnologia do armamento afetam profundamente a forma como o conflito é travado, para todas as partes envolvidas, e como a dimensão territorial da guerra vem sendo consideravelmente desvalorizada, dada a capacidade dos UAVs de observar, registar e realizar ataques armados à longa distância, criando uma situação de constante consciência de vulnerabilidade entre os grupos afetados.Ao estudar as áreas tribais administradas pelo governo federal do Paquistão, esta dissertação tenta ilustrar como os processos de definição dos grupos e indivíduos sujeitos aos ataques podem impactar profundamente as minorias que habitam estas áreas, como estes ataques alimentam o círculo vicioso de radicalização numa área já repleta de sentimento antiocidental, e, finalmente, contribuem para o gradual desaparecimento da fronteira afegã-paquistanesa, uma vez que o Estado paquistanês permitiu, propositalmente, uma certa porosidade da sua fronteira com o Afeganistão, devido à sua política de islamização da região. A integridade física das Áreas Tribais administradas pelo governo federal Paquistanês, e a sua população, cresce cada vez mais ameaçada por tensões económicas, étnicas e religiosas, exacerbadas pela constante ameaça dos olhos que tudo vêm dos UAV.
This dissertation attempts to examine the United States’ administration policy for the employment of Unmanned Aerial Vehicles, commonly known as drones, under the Authorization for Use of Military Force, as a tool to carry on its counterterrorism policy in remote areas of the globe. This research examines how modern warfare technology advancements have deeply affected how conflict is waged, for all parties involved, and how the territorial dimension of war seems to be increasingly disregarded, given UAVs ability to observe, record, and carry on armed strikes from afar, creating a situation of constant consciousness of permanent vulnerability amongst affected groups. By studying the Federally Administrated Tribal Areas of Pakistan, this dissertation attempts to illustrate how profiling processes and exclusionary measures can deeply impact minority groups living thousands of miles away from where UAV attacks are planned, how such attacks fuel the vicious circle of radicalization over an area already splattered with anti-western sentiment and, contribute to the gradual disappearance of the Afghan-Pakistani border, as the Pakistani state has purposefully allowed a certain porosity of its border with Afghanistan due to its Islamisation policy of the region. The physical integrity of the Federally Administrated Tribal Areas, and its population, grows increasingly threatened by economical, ethnic and religious tensions, which are furthered by the constant menace of UAVs’ all-seeing eyes.
45
Zaman, Aly. "Compliance and defiance in patron-client state relationships: a case study of Pakistan’s relationship with the united states, 1947-2013." Phd thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/101232.
Full textAbstract:
By employing the theoretical construct of patron-client state
relationships, this thesis conducts a historical analysis of the
relationship between Pakistan and the United States from
Pakistan’s independence in 1947 to its first successful
transition from one elected government to another in 2013.
Specifically, the thesis places particular emphasis on two
conflicts with global implications in which the United States and
Pakistan were closely aligned with each other: the covert war
against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan (1979-1989) and the
ongoing war in Afghanistan since 2001 against the Taliban and
al-Qaeda. Throughout these two periods, the US provided billions
of dollars in military and economic assistance to Pakistan in
exchange for services deemed essential for the attainment of
America’s vital strategic and national security objectives. On
both occasions, the client regime benefited from considerable
latitude provided by the patron to pursue domestic and foreign
policies aimed at consolidating its own hold on power and
protecting what were regarded as fundamental national interests
but not necessarily serving the avowed objectives of its patron.
The US-Pakistan case study serves to highlight a fundamental
contradiction that can characterise strategically driven
patron-client state relationships. Instead of making the client
more susceptible to the patron’s influence, increased
assistance by the patron can actually make the client less likely
to comply with the patron’s demands. This is especially true of
relationships in which the patron regards the client’s
cooperation as vitally important for the attainment of the
patron’s core security interests. Paradoxically for the patron,
the assistance that it provides to a strategically important
client can end up undermining the very reasons that led to the
provision of such assistance in the first place. Chief amongst
those reasons are ensuring the client’s compliance and
maintaining its internal stability. At the same time, as long as
the patron’s own strategic interests necessitate a degree of
client cooperation, it will find itself compelled to keep the
relationship going, thereby giving the client continued room to
deviate from the patron’s script to an extent where it can
pursue its own national interests with relative impunity,
confident in the knowledge that while its defiance might lead to
occasional tensions with the patron, its continuing strategic
importance will prevent a complete rupture and the consequent
termination of material assistance.
46
Mollaun, Alicia Hayley. "US Aid to Pakistan: Nation-Building and Realist Objectives in the Post 9/11 Era." Phd thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/109277.
Full textAbstract:
The United States (US) has always used its aid program as a
strategic lever in foreign policy. In the early days of aid, it
was used to prosecute the Cold War. Now aid supports the United
States in its effort to win the war on terror. Aid is used both
to pursue short-term or “realist” objectives (e.g., to win
support for US foreign policy goals) and long-term or
“nation-building” ones (e.g. to strengthen governance). The
trade-offs and tensions between these goals have been examined
for the Cold War period (e.g., Seitz 2012), but not the post 9/11
one.
This research takes a case-study approach and examines US aid to
Pakistan. It is based primarily on interviews with the Pakistani
and American elite collected in Pakistan between October 2011 and
October 2013 and the United States in March 2012.
The period of research (2011-2013) is one in which the Obama
Administration tried to pivot its relationship with Pakistan away
from a focus on realist objectives (principally, the war in
Afghanistan) towards nation-building ends, for example, through a
much larger civilian aid program to improve Pakistan’s
governance and the economy. This thesis examines the success of
that pivot, and argues it was limited, on three main grounds
First, both groups of elite view Pakistan’s challenges are
mostly nation-building in nature, and particularly related to its
economy (and, in the case of the Pakistani elite, internal
security needs). But both groups nevertheless perceive that the
US still primarily wants cooperation on countering terrorism and
in Afghanistan. Second, the leverage and goodwill that US aid
provides is seen to be undermined by the pursuit of its realist
objectives. Third, US aid is seen by many in the elite as
targeted at the elite not the masses.
Some interesting differences in views between the two groups of
elite are observed. In general, more importance was attached to
nation-building objectives by US respondents than by Pakistani
respondents. For example, US respondents were more likely to
think that the US was concerned with trying to improve Pakistani
governance and was trying to influence public opinion in
Pakistan, whereas Pakistani respondents viewed US aid as much
less concerned with governance and more directed to the Pakistani
elite.
Despite these differences, which are suggestive of at least a
genuine US intent to engage in nation-building, the findings of
the thesis point to a failure by the Obama Administration to
follow through on its nation-building objectives in Pakistan.
Nation-building floundered, it is argued, because of ongoing
disputes in relation to realist goals, especially in relation to
the war on Afghanistan.
Several published studies of US-Pakistan relations argue for a
further nation-building push. In my interviews, I find
considerable support for such a position in the US elite.
However, I also find little sympathy for it on the Pakistani
side. The Pakistani elite is concerned rather to regain equality
in their relationship with the US. They see the need to put
their own house in order, but have little appetite for US
assistance. This calls into question the likely success of any
further nation-building push on the part of the US in Pakistan.
The academic contribution of this thesis is to establish the
relevance of Cold War aid analysis for the post-9/11 era. The
findings are consistent with much of the Cold War literature,
though some nuances are provided to earlier conclusions. The
policy contribution is to suggest that in cases such as Pakistan
where short-term foreign policy goals are of great importance the
US should put nation-building on the back-burner.
47
Snášel, Filip. "Pakistán: klíčový faktor pro americké působení v Afghánistánu (za vlády George W. Bushe)." Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-311222.
Full textAbstract:
American relations with Pakistan went through various ups and downs from being allied during the Cold war to imposing sanctions in last decade of the twentieth century. After 9/11 attack on World Trade Center and Pentagon Pakistan quickly joined the United States in the War on Terror. In my thesis I analyze positions and influence of Pakistan during invasion to Afghanistan. and seven next years of the Operation Enduging Freedom during George W. Bush administration. At first I concentrate on historical experience of Pakistan and development in the area before american invasion to Afghanistan. I also surveying terrorist movements on Pakistani soil, which are important for later development and are connected to Pakistani secret service ISI. ISI tried some years after 2001 to maintain friendly relations with Taliban and other terrorist groups along Afghan - Pakistan border, but terrorists, basically anti-system movements, wanted to establish in Pakistan and Afghanistan states constituted as Islamic emirates. President Musharraf under pressure of forthcoming events and the United States understood that supporting Taliban is no longer sustainable policy and decided to act against terrorist groups home in Pakistan. This move however triggered suicide bombings and massive uprising which hit in 2006/2007...
48
Tesařová, Šárka. "Mezinárodní intervence - příčina sebevražedného terorismu?" Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-404168.
Full textAbstract:
This diploma thesis aims to explore whether international intervention can be the main cause of suicide terrorism. To determine this causal relation between suicide terrorism and international intervention, it tests Robert Pape's nationalist theory. The research sample of the cases of Afghanistan, Iraq, Pakistan, and Palestine was selected based on the Suicide Terrorism Attack database. The thesis applies the empirical-analytical methodology and the method of multiple case study to confirm or refute the validity of the research hypotheses. The outcome of the thesis is that the main trigger for a suicide terrorist campaign is a significantly stronger adversary, a social climate conducive to self- sacrifice, and an individual sense of hopelessness. The presence of international intervention fulfils all these features, but the theory has its limits - an exclusive focus on foreign intervention and state centrality.
49
Huang, Yuan-Chun, and 黃元俊. "Influence of India and Pakistan Terrorist Activities in South Asia Security: Observation Based on 2008 Mumbai Attack." Thesis, 2011. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/87103454122238471674.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立臺灣師範大學
政治學研究所
99
In this study, 2008 Mumbai terrorist attack is the observation basis in order to explain the relation that between terrorist attacks and India-Pakistan conflict. All contents strive to explore "What are the impacts in the context of India-Pakistan conflict and terrorism development to the South Asia regional security?" This study used four research methods, they were literature review method, historical research methods, case study analysis and induction method. Purpose of this study is integrated exploring on the following items : First, the India-Pakistan conflict attributions and meanings under history development; Second, the impacts of India-Pakistan conflict’s to the South Asian regional security; Third, the impacts of India-Pakistan terrorist development to South Asia regional security; Fourth, making example about major terrorist attack, exploring the impacts of India-Pakistan relation; Fifth, India, Pakistan and international actions to the terrorism. This study found the following three points: First, solving the economic, social and political problem of uneven development in India and Pakistan are both urgent. Kashmir is the priority region. Second, India and Pakistan must to make greater effort to "inner force" and "external force" on anti-terrorism actions. Third, using the international powers (international organizations) to exert pressure in order to promote peaceful development between India and Pakistan, and the South Asia regional security stability as well.
50
Vasko, Timothy. "Human, not too human: a critical semiotic of drones and drone warfare." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/4417.
Full textAbstract:
Taking as its starting point Nietzsche’s and Foucault’s theses on liberalism and war, and Dillon and Reid’s extensive engagement thereof, this thesis offers a critical conceptualization of drones and drone warfare. I argue that deployment of drones specifically over and against bodies and communities in conflict zones in and between Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iraq, Yemen, Somalia, and until recently, Libya, is the material practice of a legal and political doctrine and precedent that has been established and policed most prominently by the United States and its military and intelligence apparatuses since the end of the Cold War. This novel precedent, however - due to its necessarily mutually constitutive relationship with a perceived danger said to be emerging from specific spaces, bodies, and communities in the decolonized and still-colonized worlds - locates its ontological and thus political genealogy in the anthropological knowledge that legally justified the (in)humanity of peoples and communities in these spaces during the era of high imperialism that lasted roughly from the nineteenth to mid-twentieth centuries. I theorize this as a mode of political, tragic nihilism through a reading of some key theories of Deleuze and Guattari, Foucault, and Nietzsche and specifically, their import to the field of critical security and international relations theory. I demonstrate that the semiotic image of the drone is a highly pertinent point of departure through which we can understand these political stakes of strategic discourses enunciating the imperatives of both the Revolution in Military Affairs as well as recent global counterinsurgency/counterterrorism operations, specifically as they relate to claims about what it is drones are said to productively offer such militaristic projects. Ultimately, I argue that it is through the semiotic image of the drone as a clean, precise tactic that furthers the strategic goals of counterterrorism to target specific bodies that we can begin to politically theorize a particularly malignant political nihilism symptomatic of contemporary liberal societies. However, I also suggest that it is through Nietzsche’s politics of nihilism that we can begin to think about radical critical interventions that resist such a dangerous mode of politics.Graduate