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1

Arbatova, N. "The Evolution of the Phenomenon of Terrorism in Italy." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 9 (2022): 29–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-9-29-38.

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European security today faces new challenges that are not directly related to military force. Among them, first of all, is the threat of terrorism, which has both internal and external dimensions. The article is devoted to the study of the phenomenon of terrorism in the European Union on the example of Italy. The author analyses four types of this threat posed by terrorists according to their political motivation: separatism, left- and right-wing domestic political terrorism, and Islamist terrorism. Italian law distinguishes between the concepts of terrorism, radicalism and subversion. According to the 2015 law, terrorism is defined as conduct that, by its nature or context, may cause serious harm to a country or an international organization. It is aimed at intimidating the population or forcing the State or international organizations to commit or refuse to commit any action. The evolution of the phenomenon of terrorism in Italy is of particular interest because it reflects both general and specific features of the terrorist threat in Europe. From the late 1960s to the 1970s and until the beginning of the 1980s, Italian society had been facing the most brutal manifestations of terrorism. During this period, terrorism evolved from ideological far-right extremism to ultra-left revolutionary extremism, which turns to violence against the State and its servants, calling for a communist transformation of society. By the end of the 1980s, the terrorist threat in Italy had been significantly reduced. The decline in terrorist activity in the 1980s is explained, in addition to the increased effectiveness of the intelligence services and the police, by the decline in political activity in Italy after the upheavals of the 1960s and 1970s. The author draws attention to one of the paradoxes of Islamist terrorism in Italy. Despite the fact that Italy bears the main flow of migration waves that can carry the threat of terrorism to Europe, the country has so far been spared from the large-scale threat of such kind. The example of Italy is also important because today the country’s leadership is the most effective in counterterrorism in comparison with other EU states.
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2

Ikeke, Mark Omorovie. "Moral Cosmopolitanism and the Challenge of Global Terrorism." East African Journal of Arts and Social Sciences 5, no. 1 (July 4, 2022): 244–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.37284/eajass.5.1.737.

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The world is bedevilled by terrorism. Of the most recent treats and challenges that the world faces there seem to be none bigger than terrorism. There is hardly a week that passes when you do not hear of terrorist attacks in one place of the order. Terrorist attacks have been perpetuated in places like Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, Nigeria, Somalia, Yemen, and Pakistan, the United States, Britain, Canada, France, Italy and so forth. The effects and impact of terrorism are incalculable. Thousands of lives and properties have been lost to terrorism. If terrorism is not mitigated or stopped it has the capacity to plunge the world into a new dark age. The paper examines the reality, effects, and causes of terrorism. It uses critical analytic and evaluative methods to examine terrorism from the lens of moral cosmopolitanism. The paper proposes that the idea of moral cosmopolitanism that affirms the common humanity of all humans and obligates each human to come to the help of others, even strangers can help to combat global terrorism. The paper finds that there is need to educate, conscientize, and persuade global terrorists with the value of moral cosmopolitanism. If this can be done it will greatly help in mitigating global terrorist attacks.
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3

Falciola, Luca. "Transnational Relationships between the Italian Revolutionary Left and Palestinian Militants during the Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 4 (December 2020): 31–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00966.

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This article examines the transnational ties between the Italian revolutionary left and Palestinian militants from the mid-1960s through the early 1980s. Some observers have cited these connections to explain the magnitude of Italian terrorism in the 1970s and early 1980s. However, in the absence of empirical research, the issue has remained murky. The archival sources and detailed interviews with protagonists used in the article shed light on this phenomenon by addressing four questions: first, the reception of the Palestinian cause within the Italian revolutionary left; second, the way Palestinian terrorist groups established roots in Italy and how the political context facilitated those efforts; third, the interactions between Italian and Palestinian militants both in Italy and in the Middle East; and fourth, the factors that strengthened or weakened the relationships between these entities. The evidence indicates that although Italian revolutionaries forged concrete ties with Palestinian militants and terrorists, these ties were not as extensively developed as some of the Italian leftists had hoped. The interactions encouraged radicalization but did not significantly foster violent escalation and terrorism in Italy.
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4

Bull (book author), Anna Cento, Philip Cooke (book author), and Sciltian Gastaldi (review author). "Ending Terrorism in Italy." Quaderni d'italianistica 35, no. 2 (July 22, 2015): 308–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/q.i..v35i2.23640.

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5

HOF, TOBIAS. "From Extremism to Terrorism: The Radicalisation of the Far Right in Italy and West Germany." Contemporary European History 27, no. 3 (May 24, 2018): 412–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731800019x.

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Since the 1960s in Italy and Germany the notion has prevailed that ‘the state’ has given support to right-wing terrorism. This article challenges such views by examining the internal dynamics of right-wing terrorism in both countries with reference to Ehud Sprinzak's theory of ‘split delegitimisation’. To explain the different scale of Italian and West German terrorism one must analyse personnel continuities, the nature of the perceived ‘communist threat’, as well as the national political culture. Thus, without neglecting state support for the far right, this article emphasises how the internal dynamics of terrorist groups respond to political and social frameworks. Only if we acknowledge that right-wing terrorist groups possess their own agency can we fully understand their development. This is even more urgent in a time when – once again – the far right is on the rise in Europe.
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6

Marysyuk, Kostyantyn B., Mykhailo V. Huzela, Nataliia D. Slotvinska, Ivo Svoboda, and Igor G. Kudrya. "Racial and Religious Determinants of Terrorism in Western Europe." Cuestiones Políticas 39, no. 71 (December 25, 2021): 44–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.3971.02.

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The gradual rapprochement between peoples, cultures, beliefs involve numerous conflicts with indigenous peoples on ethnic or religious grounds. These conflicts tend to turn into articulation of radical positions and extremist activities. The aim of this study was to analyze the current state of terrorist acts and identify the determinants of terrorism on racial and religious grounds in Western Europe. The statistical method, comparison, graphic analysis, analysis of the Global Index of Terrorism; The European Union reports on the situation and trends of terrorism, as well as the research on terrorism-related issues for 2011-2021, were used as empirical research methods. It is determined that the UK, France, Germany, Greece, Belgium, Spain, Italy, and Sweden are subject to the highest risk of terrorist acts. It was proved that the determinants of terrorism are localized in relation to key issues related to the state of the economic sphere, social development, as well as the spiritual and cultural sphere. Emphasis is placed on the need to overcome the problems associated with terrorist activities by formulating a policy of national means of resolving ethnic and racial issues and active international cooperation. Further research will identify key determinants of terrorism in Eastern Europe.
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7

Ceci, Giovanni Mario. "Interpretazioni del terrorismo: il primo dibattito scientifico italiano (1977-1984)." MONDO CONTEMPORANEO, no. 3 (December 2009): 49–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mon2009-003002.

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- Giovanni Mario Ceci The aim of the essay is to reconstruct the first scientific debate on Italian terrorism which took place in Italy from 1977 to 1984. The author singles out two main trends in this debate. The first, more consistent trend was made up of the analysis of social scientists, which fundamentally aimed at answering the question "why terrorism had exploded in Italy". The author singles out two main groups of hypothesis, under which he collects the most important shared interpretations in this debate. To the first group, concerned with the description of terrorist individuals, the author ascribes: various psychological-psychiatric explanations (terrorism as a phenomenon related to «youth identity», terrorism as «fantasmatic war», terrorism as a «fruit of the equilibrium of terror», terrorism as a «result of radical and extremist behaviour»); a political interpretation of terrorism as an expression of extremism; a sociological interpretation of terrorism (and more in general of violence) as a production of marginal social strata; and, finally, a philosophical explanation of terrorism as expression of «human conditions» repressed in their desiring vitality. To the second group of hypothesis, focused on the "crisis of the system", the author, instead, relates both the interpretation of terrorism as a response to the crisis of traditional values and the explanation of terrorism as a response to (or an outcome of) a stalemated political system. The second, minority trend of the debate was represented by the historiographical analyses, which aimed at elaborating a complex and articulate research on the «historical problem of Italian terrorism».
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8

Jazic, Aleksandar. "Rise and fall of left wing terrorism." Medjunarodni problemi 65, no. 2 (2013): 238–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1302269j.

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The author analyses the key features of left-wing terrorism through the Red Brigades, a terrorist organization formed in Italy in the late 1960s. The complex situation in the country after World War II and the changes in international relations had caused the formation of this terrorist organization. The Red Brigades sought a complete transformation of the Italian society in line with the ideology of Marxism-Leninism. This terrorist organization was engaged in many terrorist activities and the most common targets were big capital owners and political officials. After World War II, West Germany had had the same problem as Italy, which prompted the formation of another terrorist organization - the Red Army Faction based in this country. The Red Army Faction acted in line with the same ideological principles and pursued the same goals as the Red Brigades, which resulted in close cooperation between the two. Both organizations established cooperation with other terrorist organizations around the world. After the Cold War, the activities of these organizations weakened and progressively disappeared. Meanwhile, radical Islamic terrorist organizations emerged basing their actions on religious grounds. However, there are some similarities and differences between Islamic and left wing terrorist organizations.
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9

Capone, Francesca. "Criminalising Terrorist Offences and the Phenomenon of Foreign Terrorist Fighters at the Municipal Level without Defining Terrorism in International Law: Does the Trick Really Work?" International Criminal Law Review 21, no. 4 (May 31, 2021): 731–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-bja10059.

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Abstract Although terrorism does not represent a new concern, it keeps evolving and posing new challenges to both the international community and individual States. The efforts to adopt uniform and concerted actions, also in terms of new legal instruments, so far have produced varying and in some instances questionable results. One of the main issues is represented by the lack of a universally agreed-upon definition of terrorism, an issue that resonates also at the domestic level whenever States are called to implement further layers of the existing international counter-terrorism framework. The present article aims at discussing the problems that States face while adopting and enforcing international obligations to criminalise terrorist offences; most recently those connected to the foreign terrorist fighters (ftf s) phenomenon. This article will focus on Italy and it will analyse how the international norms to fight terrorism have been transposed in its domestic legislation and interpreted by its courts.
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10

Legault, Albert. "La dynamique du terrorisme : Le cas des Brigades rouges." Études internationales 14, no. 4 (April 12, 2005): 639–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701578ar.

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The dynamics of terrorism seem to follow a double track evolution. On the one hand, terrorism presents at the beginning a strong ideological component, particularly in the case of left-wings oriented terrorism. As events unfurl, terrorism drifts further apart from its original objectives. In the final stage, the ideological component relate almost exclusively to the ideology of violence for its own sake. On the other hand, the state ideological commitment to the preservation of the state creates a process whereby terrorism movements are being increasingly « marginalized ». The state administrative legal and political functions bring about a process through which terrorists, henceforth, are perceived as criminals. The case of the Red Brigades in Italy is used to illustrate this double track process.
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11

Drake, Richard. "Historical Lessons for Our Time. Italy’s Response to the Challenge of Terrorism." Tiempo devorado 3, no. 1 (May 7, 2016): 99–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/tdevorado.56.

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During the so-called years of lead, Italy had the highest rate of terrorist violence in the industrialized world. Terrorist groups, descending ideologically from the country’s Marxist-Leninist and neo-fascist traditions, sought to destroy its democratic institutions. They failed. The success of the Italian government in ending this scourge merits careful study, for the lessons that might be gained in learning how we might cope with terrorism today.
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12

Weinberg, Leonard, and William Lee Eubank. "Neo-Fascist and Far Left Terrorists in Italy: Some Biographical Observations." British Journal of Political Science 18, no. 4 (October 1988): 531–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005251.

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In recent years a good deal of concern has been expressed about the phenomenon of political terrorism in Italy. The mass media have directed our attention to spectacular acts of international terrorism committed on Italian soil by groups, largely from the Middle East, which have used the country as a teatro in which to stage their operations against targets of opportunity. Scholars and journalists have also drawn our attention to the problem of domestic terrorism. The kidnapping and assassination of the former Prime Minister Aldo Moro in 1978 may serve as the most dramatic example. It seems fair to say that much of this publicity has been focused on the Left. The attempts by various leftist groups, the Red Brigades (BR), Front Line (PL), Worker Autonomy (AO) and others, to use terrorist violence as a means of bringing about a Communist revolution was a source of apprehension in the Western world from the mid-1970s to the early 1980s. Allegations that the revolutionary groups were aided by the Soviets or other Warsaw Pact nations, as part of an effort to destabilize the Western democracies, did much to heighten the concern.
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13

Biscione, Francesco M. "Il delitto Moro. La storia, gli indizi, le lettere dalla prigionia." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 76 (March 2009): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2009-076004.

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- Analyses some recently acquired aspects of the case and, particularly, a recent book on the Moro's letters from the prison. The most relevant tendency in the recent research on the Moro murder case is the enlargement of the perspective from a strictly "criminal" point of view toward a more complex historical interpretation; this includes the crisis of the Italian political system, the international scene and the whole biography of one of the most important leaders of post-war Italy. Keywords: Italy, History, Terrorism, '70, Moro. Parole chiave: Italia, Storia, Terrorismo, '70, Moro.
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14

Drake, Richard. "Terrorism and the Decline of Italian Communism: Domestic and International Dimensions." Journal of Cold War Studies 12, no. 2 (April 2010): 110–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2010.12.2.110.

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This essay looks at two recent Italian books about the evolution of the Italian Communist Party (PCI). Drawing on archival materials, the books trace the conflict between the radicals and the reformers within the PCI's ranks, a conflict that gave way to violent splinter groups that regarded the PCI as too staid and conciliatory. As the far left took a violent turn in Italy in the late 1960s, it paved the way for the spasm of grisly far-left and far-right terrorism in Italy in the 1970s and early 1980s. The books lend weight to the view that the PCI, through its exaltation of Communist revolution and its demonization of the Christian Democratic establishment, facilitated the emergence of extremist groups that perpetrated more than 8,400 terrorist attacks in the latter half of the 1970s.
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15

Boltivets, Sergij, and Olga Okhremenko. "Psychology of Terrorism: Intimidation by Destroying One’s Own Life in the Donetsk Basin." Internal Security 13, no. 1 (September 27, 2021): 61–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0015.2900.

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The article presents the psychological genesis of terrorism in eastern Ukraine, referred to as the Donetsk Basin, during the Soviet era, which resulted from prioritising coal over the lives of Ukrainians affected by famine, executions, evictions and repression imposed by Russians. The replacement of the ethnic composition of the population by people from Russia led to the formation of a group of colonisers of Ukraine. This required creating an atmosphere of constant tension, fear and criminalised violence. As a consequence, the Donetsk Basin has become a favourable environment for Russians and their supporters, who were potentially prone to terrorist acts, and the most dangerous category of such persons — suicide bombers. The paper describes the emergence of a wave theory concerning terrorism in Europe, radical movements in Ireland, Macedonia, Serbia, Italy and Spain, as well as the current state of terrorism in Italy, Germany, Japan and many other countries. It covers the first terrorist act of Russia’s hybrid war against Ukraine near the village of Kamyanka, in the Donetsk region, where a checkpoint of the Armed Forces of Ukraine was attacked by a suicide bomber using a minibus loaded with explosives. It was also a place where other similar terrorist acts took place and the manifesto of Australian terrorist Brenton Tarrant was distributed in the centre of Ukraine by a terrorist group from the Russian Federation in order to involve prone persons in subversive activities on racial and religious grounds. The study was created using a nonparametric typology, based on the analysis of at least two parameters: the nuclei of vulnerabilities (targets of influence) and the features of intrapsychic formations arising under their influence. This allowed identifying five psychotypes of potential suicide bombers: of a person who has lost emotional connection with the outside world; of a fanatic of faith, associated with the activation of ‘mortido’ — the desire for death; of a fanatic of an idea, which considers the cessation of life as a spiritual transformation, and martyrdom as an integral element of the spiritual path; of a potential suicide bomber associated with extreme manifestations of protest behaviour; persons with psychopathic changes in personality structure. The paper establishes the prevalence of these psychotypes and comparative possibilities of influencing each of them.
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16

Clark, Simon. "The revolutionary mystique and terrorism in contemporary Italy." International Affairs 66, no. 2 (April 1990): 397. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621415.

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17

Collin, Richard Oliver, and Richard Drake. "The Revolutionary Mystique and Terrorism in Contemporary Italy." American Historical Review 96, no. 1 (February 1991): 204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164135.

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18

Marone, Francesco. "The rise of insurrectionary anarchist terrorism in Italy." Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict 8, no. 3 (June 29, 2015): 194–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17467586.2015.1038288.

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19

Pacini, Matteo, and Icro Maremmani. "Political terrorism and affective polarization in “black” and “red” terrorists in Italy during the years 1968–1988." CNS Spectrums 23, no. 2 (January 21, 2018): 151–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1092852917000475.

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Psychiatric evaluations of violent political crime were mostly performed on a case-by-case basis in a forensic environment, which made them unduly dependent on categories of presumed dangerousness and legal responsibility, rather than on a clinical definition of their mental status. In referring to such “clinical” definitions, the disorder we have in mind is not limited to the major, agitated psychotic manias or mixed states. The presence of a dominant temperament, or protracted hypomania, is enough by itself to explain an individual’s engagement in a wide range of activities, not necessarily sociopathic or violent. We put forward the hypothesis that formal and transpolitical radical choices, either in favor of an illegal lifestyle or of activities involving a high level of risk, may be linked with certain mental states, especially when considering small clandestine groups showing a high level of internal ideological consensus, and a no-return attitude toward a commitment to radical choices. Available data about the psycho(patho)logical profile of terrorists are still hard to come by. The only available studies are those on identified living terrorists (judging by the trials of those who personally admitted to having been terrorists), and statistical data imply a number of documented cases belonging to the same terrorist organization. In Italy, the period often called the “years of lead [bullets]” displays an interesting viewpoint for the study of terrorist psychology, for two main reasons: first of all, it is a historically defined period (1968–1988), and second, the number of ascertained participants in terrorist activities was quite large.
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20

Jensen, Richard Bach. "Criminal Anthropology and Anarchist Terrorism in Spain and Italy." Mediterranean Historical Review 16, no. 2 (December 2001): 31–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714004581.

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21

Drake, Richard. "Ideology and terrorism in Italy autobiography as historical source." Terrorism and Political Violence 4, no. 2 (June 1992): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546559208427148.

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22

Chigara, Ben. "On the Jurisprudential Significance of the Emergent State Practice concerning Foreign Nationals Merely Suspected of Involvement with Terrorist Offences." Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law 16, no. 3 (September 2009): 315–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1023263x0901600304.

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This article examines emergent state practice of European States concerning foreign nationals that are merely suspected but not charged with involvement with terrorist offences, including deportation to destinations where they risk torture, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment – usually their own country of origin, contrary to the foremost rules of international human rights law. The article attempts a rule of law analysis with a view to evaluating the difficulty posed for States by the absence still of alternative mechanisms for ensuring both the national security interest on the one hand, and on the other, the human rights interest of terrorist suspects. The article argues that sustainable counter-terrorist strategies will be distinguished and characterised by their insistence on the recognition, promotion and protection of the dignity inherent in all individuals – including terrorist suspects whether or not they have been charged with terrorist offences. This calls for the urgent development of human rights steered national security policies that prioritize the recognition, promotion, protection and reinforcement of the dignity inherent in all individuals. Such policies will have at their core, strategies for the efficient resolution of the question of how best to deal with the individuals that are ‘merely suspected by States agents' of involvement in terrorist offences, particularly foreign nationals. The article examines jurisprudence arising from cases involving among others the UK, Italy, Sweden, Spain, the Netherlands and France and shows a worrying appetite by these pro-democracy States to minimize human rights protection of terrorist suspects as a means of progressing the fight against international terrorism. This approach contradicts the international paradigm of over six decades whereby the establishment and maintenance of international peace and security was premised on human rights. The article advocates the development of human rights steered policies and strategies to deal with foreign nationals suspected of involvement with international terrorism.
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23

Castronuovo, Donato. "The “Years of Lead” in Italy and Reward Models as Counterterrorism Measures in Europe." European Criminal Law Review 11, no. 2 (2021): 177–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/2193-5505-2021-2-177.

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The subject is addressed by focusing on two aspects: i) the identification of constant political-criminal models in emergency legislation, with particular reference to the fight against terrorism; ii) diachronic and synchronic dissemination of such constants in other legal experiences, both of the past and contemporary with Italian legislation of the 1970s/1980s. The concluding paragraph will offer some brief remarks regarding the relevance of such tools today in the fight against international terrorism in Europe, taking into special consideration one of the aforesaid constants, namely, reward-based legislation aimed at so-called pentiti.
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24

Sierp, Aline. "Anna Cento Bull and Philip Cooke, Ending Terrorism in Italy." Tijdschrift voor Sociale en Economische Geschiedenis/ The Low Countries Journal of Social and Economic History 12, no. 1 (January 15, 2015): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/tseg.46.

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25

Drake, Richard. "Italy in the 1960s: A Legacy of Terrorism and Liberation." South Central Review 16, no. 4 (1999): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3190077.

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26

Eubank, William L., and Leonard B. Weinberg. "Terrorism and democracy within one country: The case of Italy." Terrorism and Political Violence 9, no. 1 (March 1997): 98–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546559708427390.

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27

Guizzi, Vincenzo. "Craxi’s Italy." Government and Opposition 20, no. 2 (April 1, 1985): 166–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1985.tb01076.x.

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IT IS NOT EASY TO EXPLAIN THE REASONS THAT LED TO THE appointment of Bettino Craxi as Prime Minister. First of all, there was certainly the political fatigue of the Christian Democratic Party which had held the premiership for 35 years. AIdo Moro, a great man and leader, had tried to mediate between the various currents within the party, as well as between the party and other allied parties (the Republicans, the Social Democrats, the Socialists). But what Moro really dreamt of was a possible alliance with the Communist Party to solve at least the most serious issues, such as terrorism and economic decline. He thought of repeating with the Communists the experience the DC had had in the early 1960s with the Socialists: widening the democratic area with the view of transforming the PCI into a social democratic trend. In order to obtain this he even considered letting the PCI take part in the majority at least if not in the government itself. His disappearance had serious repercussions, especially in the Christian Democratic Party where internal friction grew even stronger than in the past. This resulted in a great drop in the party's power and ability to manage the country politically even if, at least in part, it regained in the 1979 and 1983 elections the votes lost in the 1976 elections.
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28

Marcovina, Marco, and Bruno Pellero. "A Mathematical Analysis of Domestic Terrorist Activity in the Years of Lead in Italy." Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy 21, no. 3 (August 1, 2015): 351–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/peps-2014-0049.

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AbstractThe data-set of the casualties of terrorist attacks in the Years of Lead in Italy is analyzed in order to empirically test theoretical open issues about terrorist activity. The first is whether Richardson’s law holds true when the scale is narrowed down from global to only one epoch of domestic terrorism in a single country. It is found that the power law is a plausible model. Then, the distribution of the inter-arrival times between two consecutive strikes is investigated, finding (weaker) indications that also for this parameter a power law is a plausible model and that this is the result of non-stationary dynamics of terrorist activity. The implications of this finding on the models available today for explaining a power law in the severity of attacks are then discussed. The paper also highlights the counter-intuitive implications that a power law distribution of the waiting times has for a State inferring the time to the next strike from the observation of the time already elapsed since the previous one. Further, it is shown how the analysis of the inter-arrival times provides estimates about the temporal evolution of terrorist strength that can help discriminating among competing hypotheses derived from qualitative analysis. Finally, a simplified mathematical model of the policy decision-making process is constructed to show how the nature of power laws biases the prioritizing of the policy agenda and the consequent allocation of resources to concurring issues. It is shown how the bias causes systematical relative underfunding of policy issues whose severity follows a power law distribution and that this trend is likely to persist until a major event will reverse the behavior of the decision-maker, then causing relative overfunding.
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Nomikos, John M. "Combating Illegal Immigration, Terrorism, and Organized Crime in Greece and Italy." International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence 26, no. 2 (June 2013): 288–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08850607.2013.732444.

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30

Bull, Martin. "Villains of the peace: Terrorism and the secret services in Italy." Intelligence and National Security 7, no. 4 (October 1992): 473–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684529208432181.

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31

Alicino, Francesco. "The Legal Treatment of Muslims in Italy in the Age of Fear and Insecurity." Journal of Law and Religion 37, no. 3 (September 2022): 478–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jlr.2022.42.

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AbstractAlthough diverging influences have always characterized the relation between religion and democracy, in Italy, tensions arising from these divergences are especially exacerbated by the country’s current religious diversity and plurality, and they are magnified when combined with chronic emergencies such as immigration and international terrorism. These critical factors complicate the application of freedom of religion and the supreme principle of secularism (principio supremo di laicità), which are essential parts of the Italian legal system. This article analyzes these aspects of the law by considering the relation between Islamic communities and the state. In particular, the article focuses on both endogenous influences (Italy’s traditional system of state-church relationship) and exogenous influences (immigration and international terrorism). These factors muddle the interpretation of constitutional rights, including the right of Muslims and Islamic groups to be equal and equally free before the law.
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Murphy, Timothy S. "I Play for You Who Refuse to Understand Me." Journal of Popular Music Studies 30, no. 4 (December 2018): 143–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jpms.2018.300410.

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In Italy, the counterculture of the Sixties lasted until 1979, when it perished in the clash between two paranoias: the Italian state’s fear of terrorism and the radical social movements from which it arose, and the terrorists’ fear of the state’s authoritarianism. Popular musicians were trapped between these paranoias, and their music searches to escape from both while chronicling the closing of the space between them, the only space in which countercultural social and artistic experimentation could take place. This essay focuses on the Italian “international POPular group” Area, which acted, in opposition to the generalized paranoia of the period, as a switching station linking progressive rock, electronic music, free jazz, global indigenous music, Fluxus sound experiments and postmodernist poetics with anti-militarist, anti-racist, socialist-feminist politics independent of the existing political party system. To create those links, the band was compelled to subvert the conventions of pop music from within and to move beyond pop’s traditional boundaries into unstructured improvisation and avant-garde formal exploration. Area singer Demetrio Stratos’s death in 1979 coincided with the Italian state’s final crackdown on terrorism and the counterculture and marked the end of the richest countercultural experiment on earth, which still has much to teach us.
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33

Bodrožić, Ivana. "Criminal law response to terrorism in the legislation of Spain and Italy." Strani pravni zivot, no. 3 (2018): 109–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/spz1803109b.

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Tota, Anna Lisa. "Ethnographying Public Memory:The Commemorative Genre for the victims of Terrorism in Italy." Qualitative Research 4, no. 2 (August 2004): 131–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468794104044429.

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35

Mahmud, Lilith. "In The Name of Transparency: Gender, Terrorism, and Masonic Conspiracies in Italy." Anthropological Quarterly 85, no. 4 (2012): 1177–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/anq.2012.0054.

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36

Pecorella, Giulia. "Book review: The Law on Terrorism: The UK, France and Italy Compared." New Journal of European Criminal Law 8, no. 3 (September 2017): 405–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2032284417723418.

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37

Kagel, Laura Tate. "Germany's Involvement in Extraordinary Renditions and Its Responsibility under International Law." German Politics and Society 25, no. 4 (December 1, 2007): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2007.250402.

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This article investigates Germany's role in CIA "extraordinary renditions" of terrorist suspects, focusing on two cases involving German citizens of Middle Eastern descent (Khaled el-Masri and Mohammed Zammar), and one case of an Egyptian cleric who had resided in Italy and was likely transferred to Egypt via a U.S. military airport in Germany (Abu Omar). Amid recent revelations about the extent of the CIA program for transferring and interrogating terrorism suspects, the question of Germany's potential responsibility under international law has gained public attention. Against the background of international legal rules governing responsibility of assisting states, this article examines what was known in Germany about human rights abuses in the above cases and evaluates official steps taken by the government to prevent or uncover violations. In the conclusion, the article addresses the need for increased institutional safeguards to hinder German involvement in questionable U.S. counterterrorism practices.
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Nikšić Radić, Maja, Daniel Dragičević, and Marina Barkiđija Sotošek. "The tourism-led terrorism hypothesis – evidence from Italy, Spain, UK, Germany and Turkey." Journal of International Studies 11, no. 2 (June 30, 2018): 236–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.14254/2071-8330.2018/11-2/16.

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39

Hajek, Andrea. "Teaching the history of terrorism in Italy: The political strategies of memory obstruction." Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression 2, no. 3 (September 2010): 198–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19434471003597456.

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Tejkal, Martin, Jakub Odehnal, and Jaroslav Michálek. "Economic and Political Determinants of Terrorism in Selected European Countries." Acta Universitatis Agriculturae et Silviculturae Mendelianae Brunensis 68, no. 6 (2020): 1019–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.11118/actaun202068061019.

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In this paper, we aim to assess the connection between terrorist attacks and socioeconomic and political indicators through an empirical study of selected 16 European countries. In order to reduce the dimension of the problem, factor analysis is applied in order to transform the indicator variables into factors. The countries are classified into clusters based on similarity of their economic and political indicator development, using loadings of the indicators onto the factors. For countries in each cluster, the connection of their political and socioeconomic indicators with terrorist attacks is then studied via correlation analysis of the attacks and the aforementioned factors. We propose two hypotheses – the hypothesis of opportunity costs, and the hypothesis of economic deprivation. For countries in each cluster, the hypotheses are examined with the use of correlation analysis. The results indicate that economic development affects the frequency of terrorist attacks in Belgium, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, Portugal, Spain, the United Kingdom, Ireland, and Switzerland.
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41

International Monetary Fund. "Italy: Detailed Assessment Report on Anti-Money Laundering and Combating the Financing of Terrorism." IMF Staff Country Reports 16, no. 43 (2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781475539370.002.

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42

Coco, Vittorio. "Conspiracy theories in Republican Italy: the Pellegrino Report to the Parliamentary Commission on Terrorism." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 20, no. 3 (May 27, 2015): 361–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2015.1026148.

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43

K, Umaraj. "Paaliyam, Salma's Short Story Collection: Fascism by Umberto Eco." International Research Journal of Tamil 4, S-18 (December 8, 2022): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.34256/irjt224s181.

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In many countries around the world, fascism is a very large political theory. This theory, which claims to save people from suffering, has often led to the destruction of people. This theory was developed in Italy by Mussolini. But the theory itself destroyed Mussolini, who is the father of fascism. However, the theory is seen in different forms in different countries, and it is seen as a theory that is sharpened on the basis of racism and religion. Thoughts about the nature of fascism have emerged in literature. Umberto Eco's novel The Name of the Rose depicts the characteristics of fascism in symbolic language. Fourteen characteristics are described by him. Terrorism, religious fundamentalism, and monogamy are the basis of fascism. Salma in her short story called Darkness, points out that such terrorism in India works with the dual nature of Hindu-Muslim. In her story she explains that each individual is a fascist.
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Storchi, Massimo. "Post-war Violence in Italy: A Struggle for Memory." Modern Italy 12, no. 2 (June 2007): 237–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701362755.

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The Resistance at the root of Italian democracy is still the object of political and often controversial debate, 60 years on. This is related to the various phases of political development in Italy: from the early post-war years, characterized by the conflict associated with the ideological clashes of the Cold War, to the 1960s and 1970s, afflicted by terrorism, to the fall of the Berlin Wall and then to the collapse of the party system. Diverse, sometimes conflicting memories of the Resistance have emerged, linked not only to the numerous forms characterizing the struggle against Nazi–Fascism, but also to the varying motives, ideals and politics which animated fighters on both sides. With the new bipolar political system and the rise of the Right, the Resistance has returned to being one of the most prominent features of political controversy. This manifests itself in editorial strategies and extensive media operations in which memories representing those people who are opposed to the ideals of the Resistance seem to have the upper hand.
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Bartali, Roberto. "Red Brigades (1969–1974): An Italian Phenomenon and a Product of the Cold War." Modern Italy 12, no. 3 (November 2007): 349–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701633817.

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With the removal of Khrushchev in 1964 the Soviet Union adopted—at the level of the secret service—a more aggressive policy towards western countries, with a more intensive recourse to so-called ‘covert operations’. These operations regarded even western communist parties, such as the Italian Communist Party (PCI), which were close to being viewed as ‘orthodox’ by the Soviet leadership. The so-called ‘active measures’ which resulted were realised through the infiltration of agents, the training of (usually young) extremists, and (through them) the sending of warnings to the PCI leadership about its divergence from the Soviet line. This context helps us to understand better than before three key events of the years 1968–1973: the emergence of the first terrorist groups in Italy (the Partisans Action Groups and the Red Brigades); the bombing of the electric mains line where Giangiacomo Feltrinelli lost his life; and the car crash in which Enrico Berlinguer was involved in 1973 during an official visit to Bulgaria. An analysis of the Cold War context in which Italian terrorism (and specifically the Red Brigades) developed reveals origins and patterns that are different to those usually identified in the literature.
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Greco, Donato. "Italy and the Enforcement of Foreign Judgments on Third States’ Tort Liability for Sponsoring Terrorism." Italian Review of International and Comparative Law 2, no. 1 (September 30, 2022): 123–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725650-02010006.

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Abstract The present comment deals with the much-debated issue of the denial of foreign States’ jurisdictional immunity for acta iure imperii resulting in serious violations of human rights. This question came to the fore in Italy in the early 2000s and has since led to a stark contrast between the International Court of Justice, on the one hand, and Italian courts, in particular the Constitutional Court, on the other. Against this backdrop, these pages are aimed at analysing Order No. 39391/2021 of the Italian Corte di Cassazione, which concerns a proceeding for the enforcement of a US judgment condemning Iran to pay damages to the victims of the 9/11 terrorist attacks. Based on the reasoning of the decision, this comment argues that Italian courts, while praiseworthy for attempting to protect fundamental human rights, seem to have renounced speaking the language of international law.
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47

Ganser, Daniele. "The ghost of Machiavelli: An approach to operation Gladio and terrorism in cold war Italy." Crime, Law and Social Change 45, no. 2 (March 2006): 111–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10611-006-9015-7.

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48

Baker, Thomas H. "First Movers and the Growth of Small Industry in Northeastern Italy." Comparative Studies in Society and History 36, no. 4 (October 1994): 621–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041750001937x.

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In the 1970s, Italy's economy grew faster than all in the industrialized world but Japan's. Its growth rates of up to 5 percent, although lower than in the 1960s, compared favorably to the relatively flat figures from Britain, Germany, and the United States, most strikingly in the two years after the second oil shock of 1979. Following its first “economic miracle” in the 1950s and 1960s, wrote The Economist, Italy's “second, lesser miracle” was how the country continued to thrive in the 1970s despite a “bumbling bureaucracy,” ineffective governments, high inflation and public debt, terrorism, and “the left-wing unions’ greedy, if understandable, reaction to the headlong development of the 1960s.” Italy's rapid growth was all the more impressive in light of the ongoing economic stagnation of the South and a general crisis in the big corporations of Lombardy and Piedmont, which had been dragged down by high oil prices, recession abroad, and indexed wages.
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49

Vanni, Domitilla. "The essential role of the investigation in fighting economic crime in Italy." Journal of Financial Crime 23, no. 2 (May 3, 2016): 465–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jfc-08-2014-0038.

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Purpose This paper aims to analyse the evolution of European anti-money laundering discipline passing from the First Money Laundering Directive 91/308/EEC, that was only referred to banks and financial intermediaries, that has been furthermore extended to some activities and professions outside the financial sector. The research examines the different steps done buy Italian Legislation in the field of economic crime: at first Law n. 14/2003 of 3 February 2003 (Community Law 2002), they transposed the 2001 Directive 2001/97/EC and then the Law n. 56/2004 of 20 February 2004, that has implemented Directive 2001/97/EC. Now it is urgent to implement Directive 2005/60/EC that has extended the scope of the legislation, including the fight against the financing of terrorism and modified anti-money laundering obligations. Design/methodology/approach This paper deals with the Legislations of some European States (in particular UK and Italy) interpreting them by a comparative method. Findings This paper has put in clear some differences and some analogies between national legislations of different countries. Research limitations/implications In Italy, at first Law n. 14/2003 of 3 February 2003 (Community Law 2002), has transposed the 2001 Directive 2001/97/EC and then the Law n. 56/2004 of 20 February 2004, has implemented Directive 2001/97/EC. In 2005, Directive 2005/60/EC has extended the scope of the legislation, including the fight against the financing of terrorism and modified anti-money laundering obligations. Practical implications In the context of economic crime, capital investigations represent one of the most effective tools to fight the activities of organized crime in the phase of managing wealth illicitly produced and its immission in the circuit of the legal economy. Social implications The need of fighting economic crime must always be harmonized with the protection of right to privacy that has been acknowledged by Article 8 of the European Convention of Human Rights of 1950 as a fundamental right. Originality/value This paper develops the need to balance the right to privacy of every European citizen (Article 8 CEDU) with investigative power exercised by Public or Private Authorities, considering the possibility to comprise the first – if necessary – to allow the regular exercise of the second.
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Mangani, Andrea. "Tax evasion in the media: a comparison of Southern vs Central and Northern Italy." Journal of Financial Crime 26, no. 1 (January 7, 2019): 36–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jfc-12-2017-0124.

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Purpose The representation of economic and financial crimes in the mass media can have a significant impact on readers’ and citizens’ perceptions of illegality and on a firm’s propensity to invest in different areas of the country in question. This paper aims to study the possible geographical media bias regarding tax evasion in Italy. Design/methodology/approach The empirical analysis considers 618 articles on tax evasion published between 2012 and 2016 in two top Italian newspapers, La Repubblica (based in Rome) and Il Corriere della Sera (based in Milan). Findings Excluding Insular Italy (Sicily and Sardinia), the articles on tax evasion in Southern Italy are systematically shorter. A further analysis shows that La Repubblica is largely responsible for this bias. This result holds after controlling for other events (bank robberies) and for the identity of journalists. Originality/value Previous studies considered the possible media bias regarding particularly dramatic criminal events, for example, terrorism acts or murders. This paper considers a less dramatic though more pervasive crime. In addition, an assessment of media attitude towards tax evasion is more complex, because the news reports both the crime and the successful actions that combat it.
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