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1
M.M, Murtalibova. "Specificity of Turkey’s Security Relations with Neighboring Countries." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 5, no. 12 (December 5, 2022): 569–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v5i12.865.
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The article analyzes the historical dynamics of cooperation and differences in conceptual understanding of approaches of Turkey’s international security and terrorism cooperation with the European Union and the United States in countermeasures. In the 2000s in spite of successful cooperation in the fight against international terrorism, these disagreements did not allow Turkey to fully unite to the system of international security in the Middle East, which is being built by the West. With the largest army in the Middle East and the second largest in the NATO bloc, a dynamic economy and a significant foreign policy weight (not to mention the ambitious leaders in charge), Turkey is playing an increasing role in regional and world politics. In recent years, Turkey’s foreign policy has undergone repeated, sometimes drastic changes, and its relations with a number of countries, from hostility to cooperation and vice versa, have always been the focus of the governments of the Middle East regional countries and NATO allies.
2
Kerremans, Bart, and Edith Drieskens. "Tussen schok en overgang : de Europese Unie in 2001." Res Publica 44, no. 2-3 (September 30, 2002): 279–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v44i2-3.18440.
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Without doubt, the year 2001 will remain identified with the terrorist attacks of september 11. To some extent, this goes for the European Union as well. The events of september 11 left an important mark on the European integration process, of which the development of the European arrest warrant is an important illustration. Nevertheless, as for the European Union, the year 2001 was more than a year of anti-terrorism measures. In the second semester of2001, the Belgian government assumed the presidency ofthe European Union. 2001 was also the year in which, only weeks after street violence disruputed the European Council ofGöteborg, a protester was killed in the margin ofthe G7-G8 Summit in Genova. In 2001, the gap between the European Union and the United States got larger for a number of policy fields, including National Missile Defence and the Kyoto Protocol. Yet, in the autumn of2001, both power blocks reconciliated at the WTO Ministerial Conference in Doha, Qatar. In Doha, a new global round of trade negotiations was launched. As in previous years, in 2001, the enlargement process was high on the European agenda. As for the latter, for the first time, ten candidate countries were mentioned by name, making their accession in 2004 a more realistic scenario. The eastern enlargement will radically change the face of the European Union. The Belgian presidency anticipated this impeding metamorphosis and stimulated the adoption of the Laeken Declaration in december 2001. The Declaration laid the foundation for the Convention on the Future of Europe which started on February 28, 2002. The Declaration of Laeken was one of the European highlights of 2001. The low point was the Irish referendum of June 7, 2001, in which a majority of the Irish population rejected the Treaty of Nice. Both events reflect the situation the European Union is faced with today, as they demonstrate the growing tension between the desires of «widening» and «deepening» the European construction. The future willreveal how the European Union went with this growing area of tension.
3
Zaritskii, B. "Development Assistance in German Foreign Policy." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 4 (2022): 63–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-4-63-74.
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The article discusses the conceptual approaches and policies of Germany in the field of official development assistance (ODA). The FRG is the second largest donor country in terms of the absolute amount of financial resources that the government donates as ODA. However, there is an obvious gap between the official rhetoric and the actual practices of the German ODA policy. Development assistance has been actively used by Berlin to promote its political and economic interests and to address its security policy problems. Germany’s ODA policy is built primarily on a bilateral basis, the belief being that this form of cooperation allows a better control of financial resources and enables the donor country to more effectively articulate its interests. The fate of the most needy countries is of much less concern to the German authorities. The FRG, as well as the European Union, are trying to make their own priorities a platform for building cooperation with partners. The entry of the “Alliance 90/Greens” into a governmental coalition after the 2021 parliamentary elections will further shift the focus of Germany’s ODA policy towards combating climate change. However, the “Greens” are careful to avoid discussing what energy resources should become the basis of industrial development in least developed countries. Berlin is interested in maintaining its place among the world’s largest donors. In the arsenal of Germany’s foreign policy tools, development assistance serves to counter from afar new threats and challenges – terrorism, conflicts and illegal migration. It can be adapted to strengthen the position of the donor in the markets, political and public life of the recipient countries. With Germany having a significant influence on the formation and financing of the EU coordinating mechanisms, the FRG’s ODA policy can, when necessary, rely on the latter. However, the Germany’s ODA policy is not without vulnerabilities. Berlin often looks like a mentor who knows what to do and how to do it, although the reality almost always turns out to be more complicated than the speculative recipes. The main weakness of this policy lies in that its conceptual framework has been built according to European patterns and so is largely out of touch with the real needs of developing countries.
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Rizova, Tatiana P. "The Securitization of the European Migrant Crisis - Evidence From Bulgaria and Hungary (2015-2017)." Review of European Studies 11, no. 4 (December 3, 2019): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v11n4p78.
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Conflicts in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria over the past fifteen years have produced the largest waves of displaced people and refugees since World War II. As European Union (EU) leaders braced for an influx of thousands of people fleeing from these conflicts, they faced pressures to revisit and modify legal rules that left countries in Southeastern Europe and the Mediterranean unable to cope with a crisis of unprecedented proportions in the twenty-first century. While the logistical challenges of this humanitarian disaster threatened to undermine Southeastern and Mediterranean states’ capacity, multiple terrorist attacks across Europe magnified the security concerns of EU leaders. This paper compares how two of the European Union’s newest member states – Bulgaria and Hungary – have tackled the migrant crisis and assesses the impact of security concerns on their refugee policies. Some of the responses of these countries’ governments were similar – both governments mandated the erection or extension of physical barriers to impede migrants’ entry on their countries’ territory. While the Bulgarian government took cues from the rhetoric and actions of key EU leaders such as Angela Merkel, the Hungarian government continuously antagonized EU leaders and declined to cooperate with their proposed multi-lateral strategies of handling the migrant crisis. Decisions taken by the two governments were, to some extent, dictated by security concerns. The rhetoric of the Hungarian government, however, contained stronger nationalist overtones than that of the Bulgarian government. Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and his right-wing government led an anti-migrant and anti-refugee campaign that sought to exclude foreign nationals due to the patent incompatibility of their cultural values with those of Hungary’s nationals. On the other hand, the rhetoric of Bulgaria’s Prime Minister – Boiko Borisov – was more dualistic and contradictory. His policy statements to the foreign press or at EU summits reflected the general sentiment of the top EU brass, whereas statements made to the Bulgarian media focused more specifically on security concerns and were far more critical of the foreign nationals attempting to enter Bulgaria’s territory. Moreover, the security-focused rhetoric and actions of the government became more strident immediately before and after the Bulgarian presidential elections of November 2016, which led to the resignation of Borisov’s cabinet. Political parties in Bulgaria, including Borisov’s GERB party have increasingly become critical of refugees living in Bulgaria’s admission centers. Borisov’s government even extradited a group of Afghan asylum seekers due to their involvement in a riot at one of the refugee admission centers. This study is based on a content analysis of statements made by Bulgarian and Hungarian government officials and media coverage in several Bulgarian and Hungarian news publications between 2015 and 2017.
5
V. V., Novitskyi. "Political and legal mechanisms for the protection of human rights through the lens of the European Union countries." Almanac of law: The role of legal doctrine in ensuring of human rights 11, no. 11 (August 2020): 180–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/2524-017x-2020-11-32.
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The author of the article, first of all, draws attention to the current problems of protection and protection of human rights, which unfortunately are traced within the territorial jurisdiction of the European Union. Such problem is quite well demonstrated by Berbel Koffler, as the Commissioner of the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany on human rights and humanitarian aid policy. Indeed, the Ombudsman of Germany has raised a number of deep dilemmas: violence against human rights defenders on the grounds of their professional activity, the relation of human rights institutions with public security and economic development. In fact, these questions, in varying percentages, are equally relevant to many countries in the world. In the outlined context, the case of the European Court of Human Rights “Gabriel Weber and Caesar Richard Saravia v. Germany” of 29.06.06 was analyzed. Actually, this case covers directly the issues of human rights and national security of Germany. Grounds for initiating this case have arisen in connection with the legislative provisions of the Law of Germany on the Restriction of the Secret of Correspondence, Mail and Telecommunications of 13.08.68., ("Law G-10"), taking into account changes made under the Anti-Crime Act of 28.10.94, which extend the powers of the Federal Intelligence Service, within the so-called strategic monitoring. It is about collecting information by listening to telephone conversations in order to identify and prevent serious threats to the Federal Republic of Germany, such as: armed attacks on its territory, international terrorist attacks, other serious crimes. According to the applicants who worked as journalists, strategic monitoring can be used against individuals to prevent effective journalistic investigations. In view of these suspicions, the applicants argued that they had violated the human rights guaranteed by the Convention, such as the right to privacy and correspondence, the violation of press freedom, and the right to an effective remedy. The ECHR Judges, having examined the circumstances of the case, concluded that there were no grounds to satisfy the complaints on the basis of the following arguments: 2) German legislation, as part of strategic monitoring, is endowed with adequate and effective safeguards against abuse by authorized entities. In addition, the article analyzes the multi-vector issue of banning citizens of some European Union countries from wearing hats that completely or partially hide their faces. The fact is that, under such restrictions, in particular, the traditional clothing of women adherents of Islam has fallen. It is a “burqa” and a “niqab”. The presented study is mainly based on the legislative practice of France, Belgium, which provides for administrative as well as criminal penalties for non-compliance with the stated prohibition. In such cases as S.А.С. France, Belkacemi and Oussar v. Belgium, Dakir v. Belgium, the applicants, alleged that they had violated the human rights guaranteed by the Convention, including: the right to respect for their private life; the right to freedom of expression of one's religion or belief; the right to freedom of expression; the right to freedom of association; humiliating treatment and discrimination against the enjoyment of the abovementioned human rights. According to most ECHR judges, who have dealt with the said cases, the disputed prohibition is not necessary in a "democratic society for public safety" but its main task is to preserve the conditions of "cohabitation" as an element of "protection of the rights and freedoms of others." In the context of this debate, attention was paid indirectly to such EU Member States as: Austria, Bulgaria, Croatia, Germany, Latvia, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain, Denmark, Switzerland. Keywords: human rights, legal guarantees, security, privacy.
6
Blitz, Brad. "Another Story: What Public Opinion Data Tell Us about Refugee and Humanitarian Policy." Journal on Migration and Human Security 5, no. 2 (June 2017): 379–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/233150241700500208.
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The global reaction to US President Donald Trump's executive order, “Protecting the Nation from Foreign Terrorist Entry into the United States” of January 27, 2017,1 revealed great public sympathy for the fate of refugees and the principle of refugee protection. In the case of Europe, such sympathy has, however, been dismissed by politicians who have read concerns regarding security and integration as reason for introducing restrictive policies on asylum and humanitarian assistance. These policies are at odds with public sentiment. Drawing upon public opinion surveys conducted by Amnesty International, the European Social Survey (ESS), and Pew Global Attitudes Survey across the European Union and neighboring states, this article records a marked divide between public attitudes towards the treatment of refugees and asylum seekers and official policies regarding asylum and humanitarian assistance, and seeks to understand why this is the case. The article suggests that post-9/11 there has been a reconfiguration of refugee policy and a reconnecting of humanitarian and security interests which has enabled a discourse antithetical to the universal right to asylum. It offers five possible explanations for this trend: i) fears over cultural antagonism in host countries; ii) the conflation of refugees and immigrants, both those deemed economically advantageous as well as those labelled as “illegal”; iii) dominance of human capital thinking; iv) foreign policy justification; and v) the normalization of border controls. The main conclusion is that in a post-post-Cold War era characterized in part by the reconnecting of security and humanitarian policy, European governments have developed restrictive policies despite public sympathy. Support for the admission of refugees is not, however, unqualified, and most states and European populations prefer skilled populations that can be easily assimilated. In order to achieve greater protection and more open policies, this article recommends human rights actors work with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and its partners to challenge the above discourse through media campaigns and grassroots messaging. Further recommendations include: • Challenging efforts to normalize and drawing attention to the extreme and unprecedented activities of illegal and inhumane practices, e.g., detention, offshore processing, and the separation of families through the courts as part of a coordinated information campaign to present a counter moral argument. • Identifying how restrictive asylum policies fail to advance foreign policy interests and are contrary to international law. • Evidencing persecution by sharing information with the press and government agencies on the nature of claims by those currently considered ineligible for refugee protection as part of a wider campaign of information and inclusion. • Engaging with minority, and in particular Muslim, communities to redress public concerns regarding the possibility of cultural integration in the host country. • Clarifying the rights of refugees and migrants in line with the UNHCR and International Organization for Migration (IOM) guidelines and European and national law in order to hold governments to account and to ensure that all — irrespective of their skills, status, nationality or religion — are given the opportunity to seek asylum. • Identifying and promoting leadership among states and regional bodies to advance the rights of refugees.
7
Cherkasov, P. "IMEMO in the First Half of the 2000s (Results of the Research)." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 4 (2022): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-4-119-132.
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The article summarizes the results of the IMEMO academic affairs in the first half of the 2000s. Like before, the Institute combined fundamental theoretical and applied research. In its work, IMEMO focused on the study of global, regional and national problems of the modern world. An important achievement of the Institute during these years was the prepared long-term forecast of the world economy development until 2015. The annual (2000–2005) analytical reports on the study of armed conflicts, their prevention and control, as well as of global and regional trends in the development of military expenses can be considered another achievement of this kind. These reports were prepared at IMEMO together with the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI). IMEMO’s accomplishments include the fundamental work “Transitional Economy: Theoretical Aspects, Russian Problems, International Experience”. In this research, the theoretical problems of the transitional economy were deeply investigated with an emphasis on the achievements of world economic thought, international and accumulated Russian experience of transitional processes was analyzed. The IMEMO scientists were involved in comparative analysis of the influence of new factors (globalization, information civilization, integration processes, international terrorism, etc.) on modern Russia and foreign countries. Along with theoretical research, the Institute regularly prepared analytical materials and expert opinions for the Administration of the President of Russia, the Government, the Federation Council and the State Duma. The IMEMO employees took part in the preparation of materials for the annual messages of the President of Russia to the Federal Assembly, gave their recommendations on military reform and updating the Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation. The Institute was engaged in constant monitoring of the economic and internal situation in various regions and major states of the modern world. The focus of IMEMO analysts was the foreign policy of the United States, the European Union countries, the states of the Middle East, Central Asia and Latin America, as well as the Asia-Pacific region. This ongoing work was carried out in various departments and sectors of the Institute. The author presents the directions and main results of the work of these scientific departments. In general, one of the indicators of the overall performance of IMEMO in 2001–2006 are 256 monographs, collections of scientific papers, conference materials, brochures and reports published by its employees. During these years, the results of current work began to be posted on the IMEMO website.
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Et. al., Ahmed Mahmood Alaw Al-Samarrae ,. "The American-Turkish Political Relations 1991-2001 A.D." Turkish Journal of Computer and Mathematics Education (TURCOMAT) 12, no. 2 (April 10, 2021): 2451–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/turcomat.v12i2.2079.
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The U.S. Turkish relations are one of the issues of interest to the researcher in the field of politics as it is a relationship between two important and active parties in the international arena, especially the Middle East region.
The United States had a great interest in Turkey's siding with the West. Turkey also found its interest in that, so we found it a member of the NATO.
In contrast to the expected after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Turkey's importance in the strategic perception of the United States did not end, especially since Turkey's geographical proximity seemed to be more strained and changing, not to mention the Western model adopted by Turkey, which the United States wants to be an example in the region.
The American- Turkish relations for the period (1991-2001) were influenced by radical and fundamental changes. These variables are either internal or international. The internal factors influencing this relationship lie in the Turkish political parties which play a major role in the political process. The other factor is the Kurdish issue, which Turkey is dealing with very cautiously, while the United States has used it as a pressure card on the Turkish governments. It has not pursued a consistent policy on the issue and has always appeared against human
rights violations.
The other external factors, including the Cyprus issue, are a source of concern for the alliance strategy between the two countries from the 1960s until the present, and there is the matter of dealing with terrorism especially after the events of 11 September 2001.
The other factor is the question of the EU accession which is the Turkish dream and the source of interest for its foreign policy. Which the United States is trying to show that it is the only one who able to persuade the Europeans to accept the membership of Turkey.
Turkut Ouzel's government has sought to play a pivotal role at the regional and global levels and in the realization of Turkish interests in the Central Asian republics, the Black Sea basin, the Mediterranean basin, the Middle East region, the Arab neighbors, Israel, Iran and the Balkans, beside achieving the economic development and self-sufficiency; efforts are incessant to fulfill those ambitions.
Turkey has acted to change the unilateral approach towards the United States and the NATO to another one that includes multilateral policies related to the normalization of relations with the African and Asian worlds as well as neighboring countries.
9
Dudaiti, Albert K. "The problem of Middle East settlement in the policy of the leading member states of the European Union in the context of the Iraq and Lebanon crises (2003-2008)." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 474 (2022): 178–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/474/20.
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The article analyzes the Middle East policy of the leading EU member states in the period of the Iraqi and Lebanese crises. The author notes that the war in Iraq caused disagreements between France and Germany and the United States, but in general it did not affect the high level of relations between these countries. The Iraqi crisis contributed to increased tensions in the Middle East. In order to resume Palestinian-Israeli negotiations, a Quartet of international mediators (the United States, the UN, the EU, and Russia) was created, which introduced a “road map” for settlement. But soon there emerged differences in the Quartet on its separate points. They increased because of the actions of Israel on the implementation of the “unilateral disengagement” plan. During the war in Lebanon, the EU member states called for the introduction of UN peacekeepers into the country. The US authorities did not agree with this and proposed to introduce a NATO peacekeeping contingent in Lebanon. In turn, France did not support the American plan, considering it unproductive. The Lebanese crisis revealed differences between France and the United States, preserved since the beginning of the war in Iraq. Within the framework of the EU Middle East strategy, the principles of European policy were developed, among which priority was given to assistance in the establishment of a Palestinian state and assistance to Palestinians in the transition period. The EU launched a plan for the reconstruction and development of the Palestinian state, the Future for Palestine, which would provide financial assistance to the Palestinian government, upbringing and educational measures for Palestinian youth, psychological assistance to victims of the Second Palestinian Intifada, etc. After the victory in the presidential election, the new US administration appealed to the conflicting parties to resume negotiations. New moments in the US approach to the Middle East settlement were met with approval in the European Union. Aware at the same time that the initiative right to the Middle East settlement still belongs to the United States, the leading EU member states had difficulty in putting forward their settlement plan, so they were limited to supporting the American program. After the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, in New York and Washington, the influence of political Islam in the Arab world increased markedly, to which the US authorities did not react properly. On the contrary, they sought to thoroughly reconstruct the “Greater Middle East” on the basis of Western democracy. The complex and contradictory nature of the processes developing in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as the threat of the US military force against Iran, testified to this. In this difficult situation, issues related to the promotion of the Middle East peace process became even more urgent. The article concludes that the Quartet of international mediators should have made efforts to reach a comprehensive agreement as soon as possible, opening the way to peace in the Middle East.
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Chernadchuk, T. O., and V. O. Berezovska. "THE POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION ON THE FIGHT AGAINST TERRORISM: THE ANALYSIS OF THE EUROPEAN UNION LEGISLATION AND SOME NATIONAL ANTITERRORISM PROGRAMMES." Constitutional State, no. 48 (December 19, 2022): 66–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2411-2054.2022.48.267964.
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Terrorist attacks strike not only the victims, their friends and families, but also the fundamental principles of the European Union. The choice of the topic of the article is caused by the fact that today the European Union recognizes money laundering, terrorist financing and international terrorism as some of the main threats to its financial system and citizens’ security. The purpose of the article is to analyze the main directions of activities and decisions of the European Union in this area. The methodological basis of the work consists of both general scientific and special methods of scientific knowledge. The EU legislation in the sphere of counter-terrorism was investigated using the analytical method, the method of abstraction gave an opportunity to assess the general current state of legal regulation of the fight against terrorism. The use of the comparative legal approach made it possible to analyze the national antiterrorist programmes of chosen European countries. The logical legal method was applied when formulating conclusions and proposals. The article deals with the issues related to the legal aspects of the fight against international terrorism. The paper investigates the steps taken by the European Union, i.e., the adoption of resolutions and strategies, the signing of treaties, the creation of institutions that function with the purpose to combat and prevent terrorist attacks, which are the constituents of the general concept of the antiterrorist system. The authors indicate the most important treaty provisions and institutions as well as their development and influence on the system of the fight against terrorism by the European Union. The purpose of the article is to analyze the main directions of activities and decisions of the European Union in this area. It has been investigated that the external activities of the EU include the support of countries in improving their judicial systems and the potential of law enforcement authorities as well as the integration of European antiterrorist legislation into their security strategies. In the studied countries, the systematic approach to the fight against terrorism is clearly visible.
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Cohen, Ariel. "Power or Ideology." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v22i3.463.
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The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
AC: I would like to say from the outset that I am neither a Muslim nor a sociologist. Therefore, my remarks should be taken as those of an interested and sympathetic outsider. I do not believe at all that the American government “undermines” moderate Muslims. The problem is more complicated. Many American officials abhor engagement in religion or the politics of religion. They believe that the American Constitution separates religion and state and does not allow them to make distinctions when it comes to different interpretations of Islam. For some of them, Salafiya Islam is as good as Sufi Islam. Others do not have a sufficient knowledge base to sort out the moderates from the radicals, identify the retrograde fundamentalists, or recognize modernizers who want political Islam to dominate. This is wrong. Radical ideologies have to do more with politics and warfare than religion, and, in some extreme cases, should not enjoy the constitutional protections of freedom of religion or free speech. There is a difference between propagating a faith and disseminating hatred, violence, or murder. The latter is an abuse and exploitation of faith for political ends, and should be treated as such. For example, the racist Aryan Nation churches were prosecuted and bankrupted by American NGOs and the American government. One of the problems is that the American government allows radical Muslims who support terrorism to operate with impunity in the United States and around the world, and does very little to support moderate Muslims, especially in the conflict zones. To me, moderate Muslims are those who do not view the “greater jihad” either as a pillar of faith or as a predominant dimension thereof. A moderate is one who is searching for a dialogue and a compromise with people who adhere to other interpretations of the Qur’an, and with those who are not Muslim. Amoderate Sunni, for example, will not support terror attacks on Shi`ahs or Sufis, or on Christians, Jews, or Hindus. Moderate Muslims respect the right of individuals to disagree, to worship Allah the way they chose, or not to worship – and even not to believe. Amoderate Muslim is one who is willing to bring his or her brother or sister to faith by love and logic, not by mortal threats or force of arms. Amoderate Muslim decries suicide bombings and terrorist “operations,” and abhors those clerics who indoctrinate toward, bless, and support such atrocities. The list of moderate Muslims is too long to give all or even a part of it here. Shaykh Muhammad Hisham Kabbani (chairman of the Islamic Supreme Council of America) and Sheikh Abdul Hadi Palazzi (secretarygeneral of the Rome-based Italian Muslim Association) come to mind. Ayatollah Ali Sistani may be a moderate, but I need to read more of his teachings. As the Wahhabi attacks against the Shi`ah escalate, Shi`i clerics and leaders are beginning to speak up. Examples include Sheikh Agha Jafri, a Westchester-based Pakistani Shi`ah who heads an organization called the Society for Humanity and Islam in America, and Tashbih Sayyed, a California-based Pakistani who serves as president of the Council for Democracy and Tolerance. I admire the bravery of Amina Wadud, a female professor of Islamic studies at Virginia Commonwealth University who led a mixed-gender Friday Islamic prayer service, according to Mona Eltahawy’s op-ed piece in The Washington Post on Friday, March 18, 2005 (“A Prayer Toward Equality”). Another brave woman is the co-founder of the Progressive Muslim Union of America, Sarah Eltantawi. And the whole world is proud of the achievements of Judge Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian human rights lawyer who was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2003. There is a problem with the first question, however. It contains several assumptions that are debatable, to say the least, if not outright false. First, it assumes that Tariq Ramadan is a “moderate.” Nevertheless, there is a near-consensus that Ramadan, while calling for ijtihad, is a supporter of the Egyptian Ikhwan al-Muslimin [the Muslim Brotherhood] and comes from that tradition [he is the grandson of its founder, Hasan al-Banna]. He also expressed support for Yusuf al-Qaradawi (and all he stands for) on a BBC TVprogram, and is viewed as an anti-Semite. He also rationalizes the murder of children, though apparently that does not preclude the European Social Forum from inviting him to be a member. He and Hasan al-Turabi, the founder of the Islamic state in Sudan, have exchanged compliments. There are numerous reports in the media, quoting intelligence sources and ex-terrorists, that Ramadan associates with the most radical circles, including terrorists. In its decision to ban Ramadan, the United States Department of Homeland Security was guided by a number of issues, some of them reported in the media and others classified. This is sufficient for me to believe that Ramadan may be a security risk who, in the post-9/11 environment, could reasonably be banned from entering the United States.1 Second, the raids on “American Muslim organizations” are, in fact, a part of law enforcement operations. Some of these steps have had to do with investigations of terrorist activities, such as the alleged Libyan conspiracy to assassinate Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Others focused on American Islamist organizations that were funding the terrorist activities of groups on the State Department’s terrorism watch list, such as Hamas. To say that these criminal investigations are targeting moderate Islam is like saying that investigating pedophile priests undermines freedom of religion in the United States. Finally, American Muslims are hardly marginalized. They enjoy unencumbered religious life and support numerous non-governmental organizations that often take positions highly critical of domestic and foreign policy – something that is often not the case in their countries of origin. There is no job discrimination – some senior Bush Administration officials, such as Elias A. Zerhouni, head of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), are Muslims. American presidents have congratulated Muslims on religious holidays and often invite Muslim clergymen to important state functions, such as the funeral of former president Ronald Reagan.
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Cohen, Ariel. "Power or Ideology." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i3.463.
Full textAbstract:
The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
AC: I would like to say from the outset that I am neither a Muslim nor a sociologist. Therefore, my remarks should be taken as those of an interested and sympathetic outsider. I do not believe at all that the American government “undermines” moderate Muslims. The problem is more complicated. Many American officials abhor engagement in religion or the politics of religion. They believe that the American Constitution separates religion and state and does not allow them to make distinctions when it comes to different interpretations of Islam. For some of them, Salafiya Islam is as good as Sufi Islam. Others do not have a sufficient knowledge base to sort out the moderates from the radicals, identify the retrograde fundamentalists, or recognize modernizers who want political Islam to dominate. This is wrong. Radical ideologies have to do more with politics and warfare than religion, and, in some extreme cases, should not enjoy the constitutional protections of freedom of religion or free speech. There is a difference between propagating a faith and disseminating hatred, violence, or murder. The latter is an abuse and exploitation of faith for political ends, and should be treated as such. For example, the racist Aryan Nation churches were prosecuted and bankrupted by American NGOs and the American government. One of the problems is that the American government allows radical Muslims who support terrorism to operate with impunity in the United States and around the world, and does very little to support moderate Muslims, especially in the conflict zones. To me, moderate Muslims are those who do not view the “greater jihad” either as a pillar of faith or as a predominant dimension thereof. A moderate is one who is searching for a dialogue and a compromise with people who adhere to other interpretations of the Qur’an, and with those who are not Muslim. Amoderate Sunni, for example, will not support terror attacks on Shi`ahs or Sufis, or on Christians, Jews, or Hindus. Moderate Muslims respect the right of individuals to disagree, to worship Allah the way they chose, or not to worship – and even not to believe. Amoderate Muslim is one who is willing to bring his or her brother or sister to faith by love and logic, not by mortal threats or force of arms. Amoderate Muslim decries suicide bombings and terrorist “operations,” and abhors those clerics who indoctrinate toward, bless, and support such atrocities. The list of moderate Muslims is too long to give all or even a part of it here. Shaykh Muhammad Hisham Kabbani (chairman of the Islamic Supreme Council of America) and Sheikh Abdul Hadi Palazzi (secretarygeneral of the Rome-based Italian Muslim Association) come to mind. Ayatollah Ali Sistani may be a moderate, but I need to read more of his teachings. As the Wahhabi attacks against the Shi`ah escalate, Shi`i clerics and leaders are beginning to speak up. Examples include Sheikh Agha Jafri, a Westchester-based Pakistani Shi`ah who heads an organization called the Society for Humanity and Islam in America, and Tashbih Sayyed, a California-based Pakistani who serves as president of the Council for Democracy and Tolerance. I admire the bravery of Amina Wadud, a female professor of Islamic studies at Virginia Commonwealth University who led a mixed-gender Friday Islamic prayer service, according to Mona Eltahawy’s op-ed piece in The Washington Post on Friday, March 18, 2005 (“A Prayer Toward Equality”). Another brave woman is the co-founder of the Progressive Muslim Union of America, Sarah Eltantawi. And the whole world is proud of the achievements of Judge Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian human rights lawyer who was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2003. There is a problem with the first question, however. It contains several assumptions that are debatable, to say the least, if not outright false. First, it assumes that Tariq Ramadan is a “moderate.” Nevertheless, there is a near-consensus that Ramadan, while calling for ijtihad, is a supporter of the Egyptian Ikhwan al-Muslimin [the Muslim Brotherhood] and comes from that tradition [he is the grandson of its founder, Hasan al-Banna]. He also expressed support for Yusuf al-Qaradawi (and all he stands for) on a BBC TVprogram, and is viewed as an anti-Semite. He also rationalizes the murder of children, though apparently that does not preclude the European Social Forum from inviting him to be a member. He and Hasan al-Turabi, the founder of the Islamic state in Sudan, have exchanged compliments. There are numerous reports in the media, quoting intelligence sources and ex-terrorists, that Ramadan associates with the most radical circles, including terrorists. In its decision to ban Ramadan, the United States Department of Homeland Security was guided by a number of issues, some of them reported in the media and others classified. This is sufficient for me to believe that Ramadan may be a security risk who, in the post-9/11 environment, could reasonably be banned from entering the United States.1 Second, the raids on “American Muslim organizations” are, in fact, a part of law enforcement operations. Some of these steps have had to do with investigations of terrorist activities, such as the alleged Libyan conspiracy to assassinate Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Others focused on American Islamist organizations that were funding the terrorist activities of groups on the State Department’s terrorism watch list, such as Hamas. To say that these criminal investigations are targeting moderate Islam is like saying that investigating pedophile priests undermines freedom of religion in the United States. Finally, American Muslims are hardly marginalized. They enjoy unencumbered religious life and support numerous non-governmental organizations that often take positions highly critical of domestic and foreign policy – something that is often not the case in their countries of origin. There is no job discrimination – some senior Bush Administration officials, such as Elias A. Zerhouni, head of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), are Muslims. American presidents have congratulated Muslims on religious holidays and often invite Muslim clergymen to important state functions, such as the funeral of former president Ronald Reagan.
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D, El Chami, and El Moujabber M. "Saving the Sustainability of the European Union, Fighting Terrorism." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 14, no. 17 (June 30, 2018): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2018.v14n17p149.
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Albeit the absence of an agreement on the definition, terrorism as studied in this literature has a complex nature and diverse factors that are involved. Furthermore, dealing with terrorism has become the centrepiece of foreign policies of many countries worldwide. The European Union has a long history of fighting terrorism. Yet, the current terrorism threats have shaken the bases of the Union. According to the authors’ assessment and evaluation, terrorism in Europe, in the aftermath of the Second World War, occurs due to the unsustainable foreign policies of the EU member states. To save the European Union and to fight terrorism, the authors suggest a framework based on four complementary headlines: i) Education, ii) Social justice and human rights, iii) Law enforcement, and iv) Sustainable common defence policy. A prerequisite to the success of this framework is a revision of the Europe-transatlantic relations to address the imbalance in the EU relations with USA.
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Economou, Athina, and Christos Kollias. "Terrorism and Political Self-Placement in European Union Countries." Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy 21, no. 2 (April 1, 2015): 217–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/peps-2014-0036.
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AbstractStudies have shown that citizens’ risk-perceptions and risk-assessment are affected by large scale terrorist acts. Reported evidence shows that individuals are often willing to trade-off civil liberties for enhanced security particularly as a post-terrorist attack reaction as well as adopting more conservative views. Within this strand of the literature, this paper examines whether terrorism and in particular mass-casualty terrorist attacks affect citizens’ political self-placement on the left-right scale of the political spectrum. To this effect the Eurobarometer surveys for 12 European Union countries are utilized and ordered logit models are employed for the period 1985–2010 with over 230,000 observations used in the estimations. On balance, the findings reported herein seem to be pointing to a shift in respondents’ self-positioning towards the right of the political spectrum.
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ISAYEVA, Ainur, Zhanar MEDEUBAYEVA, Saule ALIEVA, and Asemgul GUSMANOVA. "POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION IN THE FIGHT AGAINST TERRORISM: STATE, OPPORTUNITIES AND LIMITATIONS." PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AND CIVIL SERVICE, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 85–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.52123/1994-2370-2022-631.
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In the 21st century, terrorism has become a global problem and one of the main factor in world politics at all levels. Cyclical economic and financial crises have a detrimental effect on the state of the social sphere in all countries without exception, thereby creating fertile ground for radical sentiments and terrorist intentions. The growth of geopolitical tension in the world over the past decades has also contributed to the expansion of the activity of terrorist groups around the globe. This article through SWOT analysis attempts to study the state of the EU's fight against terrorism. The threat of terrorism and its most severe manifestations also affected the countries of the European Union, which prompted it to develop a specific policy in the fight against terrorism and improve methods for preventing and neutralizing the terrorist threat. When analyzing the development process of anti-terrorist structures and the practice of combating terrorism in the European Union in 2001-2020, one can distinguish undoubted achievements of the anti-terrorist course. The weaknesses and objective shortcomings of this course stem from the complexities in world politics and macroeconomics, as well as from the very nature of the EU as a supranational structure.
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MacKenzie, Alexander. "The European Union's Increasing Role in Foreign Policy Counterterrorism." Journal of Contemporary European Research 6, no. 2 (July 14, 2010): 148–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v6i2.269.
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Since 9/11, the role of the European Union (EU) in counter-terrorism has expanded rapidly. Most of the developments were internally derived and would affect only EU Member States and countries on the EU’s periphery. However, over the past few years, the EU has become increasingly involved in counter-terrorism outside its borders. Although it still has a long way to progress before being recognised as a counter-terrorism actor of note, the EU has demonstrated a commitment to include counter-terrorism related initiatives into its foreign policies. Analyses of the EU’s foreign policy counter-terrorism have focused on narrow definitions of foreign policy. It is necessary to distinguish between the external dimension of counter-terrorism and foreign policy counter-terrorism, and there is a need to combine these in order to better understand the EU as a counter-terrorism actor. Foreign policy and counter-terrorism therefore need to be broadly defined in order to take account of the full array of EU counter-terrorism initiatives. Through the EU’s efforts to counter terrorist financing, the EU’s role in Afghanistan, the EU-US relationship, and the Commission-based Instrument for Stability (IfS) it will be shown that the EU has made considerable progress towards creating a multi-faceted counter-terrorism policy in the nine years since 9/11.
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Kryshtanovych, Myroslav, Liudmyla Akimova, Valentina Shamrayeva, Marta Karpa, and Oleksandr Akimov. "Problems of European Integration in the Construction of EU Security Policy in the Context of Counter-Terrorism." International Journal of Safety and Security Engineering 12, no. 4 (August 31, 2022): 501–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.18280/ijsse.120411.
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The main purpose of the article is to identify the main problems of European integration in building the EU security policy in the context of countering terrorism. The research methodology includes the methodology of graph and connection theory. Taking into account the opinion of experts, the main problems of European integration in building the EU security policy in the context of countering terrorism for the countries of Eastern Europe were identified. After the start of a full-scale invasion of the russian federation into the territory of Ukraine, a large number of countries that are not yet members of the European Union have stepped up and are striving to start integration processes to form a common European security system. In this regard, the purpose and content of this study are to more thoroughly define these processes and identify the main problems and issues. As a result of the study, the main problems of European integration in building the EU security policy in the context of countering terrorism were identified. The main model of the negative impact of the key problems of European integration in the construction of EU security policy in the context of countering terrorism was formed. The study has limitations and deals with taking into account the specifics of security policy exclusively in the countries of Eastern Europe. Further research is needed to determine the main problems of European integration in building the EU security policy in the context of countering terrorism for the countries of the world.
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Kovalevych, L. "Policy of the states of the European Union against sessesionism." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Geography, no. 64 (2016): 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2721.2016.64.13.
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The role of domestic policy in solving of inter-regional conflicts and counteracting secessionist processes are disclosed in the article. A mixed populatіon in any area can live either in peaceful coexistence and political stability or in violent conflicts. This is mostly dependent on the internal ethnic policy. Variety of the government’s reactions to the strengthening of centrifugal tendencies in some regions are explored; among which the approval of separatist demands, the advancement of conditions of underprivileged minorities, adoption of “asymmetric federalism”, allowance for minorities to participate in politіcal debate through parliamentary voting, referendums, etc., establishment of a confederation with only limited links between countries are distinguished. Another way to solve regional conflicts is to create a “multinational federation.” The main features of the state policy of the European Union’s countries which have regions with high potential secessionist conflict are analyzed. The necessities of a balanced domestic policy of the government to prevent the escalation of internal contradictions are emphasized. The influence of the form of government on minimizing of inter-regional conflicts is investigating. After correlating data about current regional conflicts and the forms of government of the hosting countries, it was found that the form of government (from unitary to federalism) is not the only decisive factor for solving of regional conflicts. However, taking into account the historical, cultural, linguistic, economic factors, it is important to understand that political mechanisms can give an initial impulse, the first impetus to resolve the conflicts. Therefore, political factors are some of the key one in regularizing of secessionism. Moreover, examples of the successful resolution of regional conflіcts by particular European states are considered. Experience of an effective resolving of regional conflicts in western European countries showed that in all the cases (Switzerland, Germany, Spain and Great Britain) the mechanisms of the institution of parliamentarism and solving of the language issue were used. The geographic decentralization policy of the supreme power (Germany) and legitimization of government decisions through referendums (Switzerland) are equally effective.
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Serban, Florica Mioara, and Carmen Elena Stoenoiu. "The Analysis of Government Expenditures in the European Union." Problemy Ekorozwoju 15, no. 2 (July 1, 2020): 143–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35784/pe.2020.2.15.
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This article analyses data on general government expenditure, at the level of the European Union (EU 28) according to the Classification of the Functions of Government – COFOG over the 2008-2017 period. Data shows that the expenditures increased at the beginning of the economic crisis in all EU countries, being followed by a slowdown in expenditures growth. All countries have adopted policies in order to reduce government expenditures towards the end of the period, aiming to increase their efficiency. Usually in high-income countries, compared with low-income countries, government expenditures are much larger as percent of gross domestic product (GDP), but the relations are not very strong though.
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Guterres, Iva. "Enforcing Environmental Policy – the role of the European Union." UNIO – EU Law Journal 8, no. 1 (December 31, 2022): 32–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/unio.8.1.4522.
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The concerns regarding climate change are on the top of government agendas worldwide, and a global response is urgently required given the climate events that countries all over the world are facing. The European Union (EU) is at the forefront, assuming the leadership in environmental policy with several legal initiatives underway, which have culminated in the promulgation of the European Climate Law and the presentation of the proposed Directive of a Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM). Nonetheless, the EU struggles with difficulties regarding the effectiveness of legal measures, in particular carbon leakage problems. Carbon leakage problems prevail globally as production shifts to countries with less stringent climate regulations, avoiding costs in countries with high emission charges. A resolution regarding the implementation of the CBAM was passed by the European Parliament in March 2021. On the 14th of July 2021, the EU presented 13 policy measures aiming to reduce its GHG emissions by 55% by 2030. On the 22nd of June 2022 the European Parliament voted to adopt the regulation about CBAM. As the EU has played a unique and strong role in climate policy enforcement, the aim of this article is to present this policy option, in the light of the oncoming CBAM. Therefore, the ‘EU climate club’ is imposing coercive environmental tax policies on other countries.
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Dudzevičiūtė, Gitana, Agnė Šimelytė, and Aušra Liučvaitienė. "Government expenditure and economic growth in the European Union countries." International Journal of Social Economics 45, no. 2 (February 12, 2018): 372–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-12-2016-0365.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to provide more reliable estimates of the relationship between government spending and economic growth in the European Union (EU) during the period of 1995-2015. Design/methodology/approach The methodology consisted of several different stages. In the first stage for an assessment of dynamics of government spending and economic growth indicators over two decades, descriptive statistics analysis was employed. Correlation analysis helped to identify the relationships between government expenditures (GEs) and economic growth. In the third stage, for modeling the relationship and the estimation of causality between GE and economic growth, Granger causality testing was applied. Findings The research indicated that eight EU countries have a significant relationship between government spending and economic growth. Research limitations/implications This study has been bounded by general GE and economic growth only. The breakdowns of general GE on the basis of the activities they support have not been considered in this paper, which is the main limitation of the research. Despite the limitation, it might be maintained that the research highlights key relationships in the EU countries. Originality/value These insights might be useful for policy makers. In countries with unidirectional causality running from GE to economic growth, the government can employ expenditure as a factor for growth. The governments should ensure that resources are properly managed and efficiently allocated to accelerate economic growth in the countries with unidirectional causality from GDP to GE.
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Piwowarska, Sara. "Unia Europejska wobec konfliktów i przemian społeczno-politycznych w regionie MENA w XX i XXI wieku." Świat Idei i Polityki 17, no. 1 (December 31, 2018): 9–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/siip201801.
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The countries of the Middle East and North Africa are one of the main areas of interest of the European Union, and the main determinants of mutual relations are primarily the economy and security policy. The aim of the article is to show how the position of the European Union is shaped in relation to the main challenges and threats in this region, to which the Israeli-Arabic conflict, the Palestinian issue and the so-called Arab Spring, as well as the escalation of the conflict in Syria and the problem of international terrorism.
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Voznyuk, Yevhenija, and Kyrylo Vetrov. "INFORMATION TERRORISM AS A MODERN THREAT FOR INFORMATION SECURITY OF EUROPEAN STATES." Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, no. 1 (5) (May 29, 2019): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2019-01-34-41.
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We note that the effective and active struggle of European countries with information terrorism takes place within the framework of the European Union, all its member-countries, as well as neighboring countries and applicants for accession. Therefore, it should be stressed that the EU is pursuing itself a very active policy in the field of information security. At the moment, it brings together highly developed countries that have a tremendous impact on international relations by establishing norms and standards of conduct of states in the political, economic, social, informational and other spheres. The main objective of the EU is to strengthen the European Commission’s dialogue with international organizations and partners on the issue of network security and, in particular, on the growing dependence on electronic networks. Political priorities in the field of information security, defined by the governing bodies of the European Union, are being implemented at the national level by both state authorities and nongovernmental organizations. Analyzing all the above, it can be concluded that within the framework of the EU, information security is considered, first of all, as a state of information networks and systems that provides an adequate level of protection of the integrity, availability, authenticity and confidentiality of information and the appropriate level of counteraction to external negative influences. Priorities of EU policy in the field of information security are the creation and implementation of programs and various technical means of protection of information and communication technologies; development of normative legal acts that establish a list of crimes in the IT sphere and criminal liability; ensuring a high level of public awareness of the risks, threats and ways of protecting their information systems / networks from undesirable effects.
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Lamfalussy, Alexandre. "Challenges ahead for the European Union." Competitio 4, no. 2 (December 12, 2005): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.21845/comp/2005/2/1.
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It is a mild understatement that nowadays the EU is navigating in rough waters. Close to half of the member countries of the Euro area are in breach of their fiscal stability commitment – and some of them very substantially. Quite a few heads of government publicly criticise the ECB’s monetary policy. Germany and France are determined to water down the Bolkenstein directive on the implementation of a genuine single market for services (which amount to about two-thirds of the EU’s GDP), to which, incidentally, no major objections had been raised by the governments of the member states during the drafting stage. There is no agreement on the longer term EU budget. Only Ireland, the UK and Sweden accept the free movement of the residents of the ten countries which became members of the EU in May last year.
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Veebel, Viljar, and Raul Markus. "Europe´s Refugee Crisis in 2015 and Security Threats from the Baltic Perspective." Journal of Politics and Law 8, no. 4 (November 29, 2015): 254. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v8n4p254.
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Recent developments in Europe starting with the Russia-Ukraine conflict and ending with the economic and political instability in Greece have given rise to instability in the European Union. Yet, none of the previous crises could be compared with the crisis concerning the current massive influx of refugees into the EU that challenges both solidarity and responsibility of the member states. In this context, it is extremely important to understand the actual security threats related to the refugee crisis, particularly for the Baltic countries that have linked their security with European Union and the NATO. Particularly in Estonia and in Latvia, the refugee crisis has been presented as a high security matter as possible rejection of the EU-migrant could lead to the country’s isolation from the international community, the loss of the NATO security network and its exposure to the security threats from Russia. Alternative decision to accept the refugee quotas could on the other hand create challenges for internal security in terms of legitimacy of national governments and public support to refugee policy. In the light of recent terrorist attacks in France these questions seem even growingly important.
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Gryz, Jaroslaw. "IMPACT OF TERRORISM ON CIVIC SOCIETY: EUROPEAN UNION’S CASE STUDY." BORDER SECURITY AND MANAGEMENT 2, no. 7 (July 5, 2018): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/bsm.v2i7.3488.
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Only countries possess effective tools – instruments of politics – that can counteract impact of terrorism on European Union’s civic society. The aim of the study is to develop patterns of thinking and cognition of reality in context of an individual assessment and collective action with violence as a source of change. Analysis indicated in the article show that the ease of radicalization combined with the view of reality forms the basis of the descripted phenomenon, giving it a specific, individual character in each European Union’s country. The outcome and as well as the outline of this study can be foundation for future studies on security policy of every individual European Union state, connected with other under the umbrella of European Commission and other common structures. An open question is, In which direction is the phenomenon of international terrorism in European Union’s states evolving and what does it encompass while changing the character of social reality? The clearly drawn criteria of change allows to present a selective approach. They show the complexity of problems connected with contemporary terrorism, particularly in fighting the phenomenon. Article concludes that without comprehensive actions to combat terrorism, conducted individually and in common European Union’s security policy this phenomenon may intensify and result in consequences that are easy to foresee.
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POKATAIEVA, Olha V., Lesia A. SAVCHENKO, Oleksandr M. BUKHANEVYCH, Anton O. MONAIENKO, and Olga P. GETMANETS. "Instruments of Financial Legal Policy in the Countries of the European Union." Journal of Advanced Research in Law and Economics 11, no. 4 (June 15, 2020): 1313. http://dx.doi.org/10.14505/jarle.v11.4(50).28.
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For the purpose of a more detailed analysis of the features of administrative regulation of fiscal policy, it is necessary to consider examples of fiscal regulation of business processes in individual foreign countries, as well as features of fiscal policy in the EU. For several decades in a row, the G7 countries – Great Britain, Italy, Germany, Canada, the USA, France, and Japan - determine world economic policy. Despite the periodic global economic crises, they are among the first to overcome their consequences and maintain a leading position in the global business environment. This happens due to a balanced fiscal regulation policy. Among their common features is that part of the GDP that they accumulate through leverage of fiscal regulation has a steady tendency for growth. Thus, over the past 40 years in France, this share has grown by 10.1%, and in Canada - by 10.9%. The paper shows that the theoretical basis of modern fiscal regulation in these countries is neo-conservatism, the basis of which is the importance of direct impact on production through targeted and large-scale tax cuts. The authors show that fiscal regulation in this case provides incentives for conservation and investment. Another important element is the reduction of government spending, mainly due to the implementation of targeted government programs. However, despite several common features, each country has certain features in the administrative and legal regulation of fiscal policy. The relevance of the study is determined by the fact that it is necessary to investigate these features in more detail through the lens the historical development of the administrative and legal regulation of fiscal policy in foreign countries.
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WOJNICZ, Luiza. "Nieformalne struktury państw Unii Europejskiej w walce z międzynarodowym terroryzmem. Bilans współpracy i wyzwania." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 3 (November 2, 2018): 45–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2010.15.3.4.
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The informal structures of the European Union employed in the struggle against international terrorism can be divided into those emerging inside the European Community, and those involving the states outside the EC, or third parties. The emergence of informal structures to fight terrorism resulted from the observation that the then EC did not cooperate to fight terrorism. In the 1960s and 1970s the increasing problem of terrorism stimulated efforts to look for ways to deal with it. It would have been a good solution to begin cooperation in the field of internal security on a Community scale, yet this approach stirred too many controversies and fears. Additionally, a general disinterest in political cooperation at that time made some states begin building informal structures aimed at the exchange of information on terrorist threats. It is worth emphasizing that the structures discussed in this paper (i.e. groups and clubs) are to a certain extent an element of European intelligence, as they involve intelligence agencies, structures operating within EU countries and outside, and the cooperation or synergy of intelligence provided by various mechanisms and activities. The cooperation within the framework of such structures goes beyond the EU and Europe, thus becoming more effective in fighting international, modern, globalized, non-territorial terrorism of a network character. Therefore, although the European Union has been conducting its own policy against terrorism involving all its member states, these informal structures with third parties will continue to play an important part in anti-terrorist cooperation between states that are at particular risk of terrorist activity.
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Sadomovskaya, M. E. "Legal Aspects of Combating Terrorism Financing and Money Laundering using Informal Money Transfer Systems in the European Union." Actual Problems of Russian Law 15, no. 7 (August 7, 2020): 169–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1994-1471.2020.116.7.169-179.
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Currently, in the European Union, in addition to traditional money transfer systems (bank transfers, Western Union, etc.), informal (alternative) systems have spread. The most famous and widespread is hawala, which originated in South Asia many centuries ago, long before the banking system, and is still the most familiar and convenient mechanism for transferring funds in several regions of North Africa and the Middle East. Hawala operates outside the regulated banking and financial sector primarily through a complex settlement system: there is no actual transfer of funds within this system. In most countries, hawala is not regulated by law and is not subject to government supervision. All these factors contribute to the increased risk of money laundering and terrorist financing (ML/TF risk). The paper examines the key characteristics of hawala, its types, circumstances that caused its spread, the features of the system’s functioning, and overviews the main measures of the European Union aimed at reducing the risk of ML / TF, which are a characteristic of hawala.
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Valeeva, R. A. "Development of Сooperation Between Kyrgyzstan and the European Union at the Present Stage." Post-Soviet Issues 6, no. 3 (November 27, 2019): 288–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2019-6-3-288-296.
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After the collapse of the USSR, the West received favorable conditions for promoting its geopolitical interests. Accordingly, the European Union began to establish relations with the countries of Central Asia. The EU policy in Central Asia in the early 90s of the twentieth century is characterized by the fact that Brussels concentrated its efforts on the allocation of economic assistance, the promotion of democracy and market relations. The EU policy in the Central Asian republics was based on cooperation and partnership Agreements signed with the leadership of the countries of the region. These agreements were intended to formalize the political and economic relations of the countries of the region with the EU. The role of the Central Asian countries in EU foreign policy was more clearly defined after the adoption of the European Union Strategy for Central Asia in 2007. The European Union has taken a number of steps to strengthen its position in the region. Several formats of bilateral and regional cooperation have been created, and EU representative offices have been opened in the countries of the region.Over the past decade, the European Union has significantly intensified its foreign policy in Central Asia. It expanded diplomatic ties and successfully implemented mechanisms for developing cooperation with Central Asia. In particular, it has expanded its presence in the region, successfully launching several of its strategic programs in various areas of cooperation.In 2019, the European Union adopted a new Strategy for Central Asia. This is the first radical revision of the document adopted in 2007. This indicates a desire to update the base of interac tion and to build relations with the countries of the region in a new way. The European Union pays special attention to such areas of cooperation as energy issues, global security problems and joint struggle against the threats of terrorism, Islamic fundamentalism and radical extremism, transport and infrastructure. Particular attention is paid to the prospects and problems of the EU’s interaction with the Kyrgyz Republic, which cover various aspects: political, economic, social, trade, cultural. On 19 November 2017, the European Union and the Kyrgyz Republic began negotiations to update the existing bilateral agreement, which is intended to replace the partnership and cooperation Agreement. After the completion of the negotiations, a new agreement on expanded partnership and cooperation between Kyrgyzstan and the European Union was initialed on July 6, 2019. It includes new areas of cooperation and significantly improves the regulatory framework for trade and economic relations in accordance with WTO rules and regional economic agreements. The new agreement provides for cooperation between Kyrgyzstan and the EU in areas such as: policy and reform, enhanced cooperation in foreign policy and security issues, in the areas of justice, security and freedoms, as well as in trade.
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İbrahim qızı Cəfərli, Ramilə. "Mechanisms for Cooperation of the European Union." SCIENTIFIC WORK 15, no. 2 (March 9, 2021): 84–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/63/84-87.
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The article deals with mechanisms for cooperation of the European Union with nations considered from the scientific point of' view. The author analyzes the details of the European Union technical assistance program for CIS couintries, its aims and positions in the frame of TACIS. Each candidate country that intends to get European Union membership has to follow the common principle and standards. But sometimes in addition to the membership obligations EU member states attitude to the candidate countries may playe great role to get the final result. The article analyzes different European countries attitude to Turkey’s membership as one of the barriers that Turkey faces in the frame of Turkey integration policy to EU. This is explained by the complexity of project co-ordination between the countries in the region, and the economic and political systems in transition countries. Thus, the desire of the commission to use the TACIS program as a tool for regional co-operation and the settlement of existing conflicts corresponds to the existing reality. İn this context, the Nagorno-Karabakh region of Azerbaijan is a clear example of TACIS programs. The expansion of the Armenian TACIS program to Nagorno-Karabakh has been denied by the European Union as it has no consensus by the Azerbaijani government. Key words: European Union, South Caucasus, Central Asia, cooperation mechanisms, economy, politics
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Koroliova, Larisa. "THE INFLUENCE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION MULTILINGUALISM POLICY ON THE TRAINING OF FOREIGN LANGUAGE TEACHERS IN ROMANIAN UNIVERSITIES." English and American Studies 1, no. 16 (September 7, 2019): 75–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/381909.
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The article highlited the European policy of multilingualism and multiculturalism of language education in European countries. Besides the article also deals with directions of joint activities of countries of the European Area in the organization of training foreign language teachers, the formation of uniform professional qualification standards for determining the professional definition of foreign language teachers, strategies and practical steps for the implementation of projects in the field of training foreign language teachers funded by the European Union and participation of European countries, in paticular Romania, in these projects. The European Union constantly emphasizes the fact that every citizen should be able to speak in his native language plus two other European languages, stresses the need to promote of linguistic diversity and the motivation of European citizens to learn less widely used languages and improve the quality of teaching foreign languages in educational establishments at different levels and focus its efforts to realize these ideas through the implementation of projects and programs that it has funded. The author focuses on the fact that Romania like all European countries is actively involved in the numerous projects and programs offered by the European Union as one of the priority areas of the Romanian Government is the quality of education at all levels and brings it in conformity with European standards. At the end of the article, the author concludes that the multilingual policy of the European Union has a certain influence on the training of foreign language teachers at the Romania Universities. The author also sums up that due to the participation in various educational projects and programs financed by the European Union among higher education institutions aimed at the development of multilingualism and multiculturalism of language education, the professional level of foreign languages teachers in Romania is increasing.
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Paczoski, Andrzej, Solomon T. Abebe, and Giuseppe T. Cirella. "Debt and Deficit Growth Rate Reporting for Post-Communist European Union Member States." Social Sciences 8, no. 6 (June 5, 2019): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci8060173.
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A focalized analysis and reporting on the problems of general government debt (GGD) and government deficit (GD) and their influencing factors on economic growth rate tell the story of positive, neutral, and negative economies. Research was conducted over a nineteen-year period between 2000 and 2018 on all eleven post-communist European Union Member States (MS). MSs are divided in to three regional blocks: (1) the Baltic countries, (2) Central and Eastern European countries, and (3) the Balkan countries. Reviewed literature examined different types of GGD and GD with denoted influence on each MS’s economy and government. GGD and GD increase as a result of State intervention by reacting to economic fluctuations needed in creating redistributive-related fiscal policy. A breakdown of the problems of fiscal policy is explained. Datasets were compiled and systematically analyzed using Eurostat indicators. European regulatory benchmarking was used for GGD and GD as a percentage of gross domestic product. Results were divided at the regional group level. Comparative tax systems based on total general government revenue as well as total tax and contribution rate were evaluated. Histo-geographical research was considered and a comparative examination of GGD, GD and growth rate illustrated. In terms of GGD, GD, and growth rate, the Baltic countries were best situated, while all other countries were generally stable—with the exception of Hungary, Croatia, and Slovenia. In all, negative or stagnant periods revealed a general positive trend throughout the study with the exception of the world financial crisis of 2008, in which a deteriorative impact on growth rate was evident in all MS—especially from 2009. In the latter years, MSs’ economic promise signals a high potential for renewed public finance and stability initiatives.
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Stoilova, D., and I. Todorov. "Fiscal policy and economic growth: Evidence from Central and Eastern Europe." Journal of Tax Reform 7, no. 2 (2021): 146–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/jtr.2021.7.2.095.
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This study aims to estimate the impact of three fiscal instruments (direct tax revenue, indirect tax revenue and government consumption expenditure) on the economic growth of ten new European Union member states from Central and Eastern Europe– Bulgaria, Czechia, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia. We examine the hypothesis about the effect of expansionary fiscal policy on economic growth. The study employs a vector autoregression and annual Eurostat data for the period 2007–2019. Four control variables (the shares of gross capital formation, household consumption, exports in GDP, and the economic growth in the euro area) are included in the model to account for the influence of non-fiscal factors on economic growth. The empirical results indicate that the real output growth rate in the ten new member states of the European Union is negatively affected by direct tax revenue, while economic growth in the euro area, exports and gross capital formation are positively related to economic growth. The results also imply that government consumption and indirect tax revenue have no significant impact on the growth rate of real output of the ten studied countries from Central and Eastern Europe. It may be inferred that policymakers in the new European Union member states can raise economic growth by encouraging exports and investment and by lowering the share of direct tax revenue in GDP. From the three analyzed fiscal instruments (direct taxes, indirect taxes and government consumption expenditure), only one has proven to be effective in the case of the new member countries.
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Putri, Komang Audina Permana. "Indonesian Government’s Strategies on Obtaining Market Access of Wood Products in EU Countries with Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade - Voluntary Partnership Agreement (FLEGT-VPA) (2007-2016)." Nation State Journal of International Studies 3, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.2020v3i2.335.
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Forestry has played an important role in Indonesia's economic development. Forestry and related products contribute approximately 3.5 per cent to Indonesia’s GDP and contribute to the livelihoods of 15 million Indonesian people. Major importer countries of Indonesian wood products comprise to several countries including European Union (EU). However, Indonesia export on wood product activities has significant challenge on the legality of forestry and related products. Illegal logging issues in Indonesia have become Indonesia’s major historical problem around the forestry industries. This is related to the issues that most of the wood products produced by the Indonesian timber industry are derived from illegal timber so that buyers from European Union countries are forced to reject the import of these wood products. Thus, the purpose of this article is to analyze Indonesian government strategy to obtain woods market in EU. Following by the issues, Indonesia need to reform the certification system and also the policy reforms to adjust the EU standard regulation. That is why Indonesian government began to cooperate with the European Union through the FLEGT-VPA program.
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Menguy, Séverine. "Fiscal Stimulus in the European Union to Stabilize the COVID Shock." Journal of Economic Integration 37, no. 4 (December 15, 2022): 559–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.11130/jei.2022.37.4.559.
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We document fiscal policies adopted in 2020 in five major European Union (EU) countries to deal with the COVID-19 pandemic. Then, we show the correlations between fiscal indicators and GDP growth. Economic stabilization was easier in countries where the budget deficit and the public debt were relatively small, with more room for maneuvers to conduct a counter-cyclical fiscal policy. Besides, the increase in public expenditure (cash transfers) did not always correlate with economic growth, whereas preserving government revenue was important in the case of tax cuts. More precisely, regarding the fiscal revenues of the EU member countries in 2020, reducing the weight on corporate income taxation, to sustain production supply and wealth creation by firms, was correlated with higher economic growth. Stylized facts show that the recession was weaker in countries where the relative weight of indirect taxation on household consumption increased, as in the Nordic countries.
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Yeskov, Serge, Oleksandr Zaiets, and Yurii Kononenko. "STRATEGIC ANALYSIS OF INFORMATION IN ENSURING ECONOMIC ECURITY OF EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES." Scientific works of National Aviation University. Series: Law Journal "Air and Space Law" 4, no. 61 (December 30, 2021): 81–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.18372/2307-9061.61.16353.
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The purpose of the article is to study the essence and stages of strategic analysis in ensuring economic security. Research methods: the use of system-structural method and the method of generalization allowed to analyze the general trends in the use of methods of strategic analysis. Using the dialectical method of scientific knowledge, as well as methods of analysis, synthesis and abstraction, the content and purpose of the research problem are clarified, its main features and structure, as well as the relationship with systems analysis are determined. Results: these methods of strategic analysis significantly increase the efficiency of forecasting the development of situations in the field of economic security due to the possibility of compiling a SWOT-analysis, PEST-analysis, etc. Discussion: in order to improve the system of strategic analysis, it is necessary to involve certain independent think tanks. Such think tanks should work closely with the authorities and be partially funded by the Government of Ukraine to obtain any necessary analytical information from them. Thus, the key issues of economic security are: the system of forecasting management activities; the process of research and analytical examinations; development of information and analytical products and their distribution; professional activity of specialists, professionals, analysts. Given the above, we conclude that the strategic analysis of public administration in the field of economic security is aimed at providing quality information to public authorities, and its improvement is impossible without studying the methodological principles of its formation. Analytical centers provide a link between government and civil society; represent and protect public interests; evaluate power and its decisions and formulate alternative policy proposals. Analytical centers are involved in the formation of European policy, promote better public understanding of EU regulations and decisions. The establishment of a domestic network of think tanks according to EU standards, which will be actively integrated into Euro-Atlantic networks of think tanks, will help find additional reserves to improve the mechanisms of strategic analysis in the field of economic security and state policy on effective forecasting and analytical support.
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Dolzhenkova, E., and A. Yu Mokhorova. "Realization of the Interests of “Small States” in the European Union." Administrative Consulting, no. 9 (November 10, 2022): 29–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1726-1139-2022-9-29-39.
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Over the past few years, there have been certain shifts in favor of the national agenda in the European Union. Similar divergences from the main goal of the EU are observed in the UK and Poland. The COVID-19 pandemic also revealed the mismatch between the interests of a united Europe and the national preferences of the participating countries. The purpose of the article is to determine the possibility / impossibility of realizing the national interests of “small states” — EU members in the formation and implementation of a single community policy. To achieve the goal, it is necessary to establish the existence of different interests of states within the EU, the possibility of the participating countries to influence the development of the policy of the Union as a whole, the role of “small states” in the process under consideration. Applying a regional approach and narrowing the study to a single country (the Republic of Latvia), as well as applying methods of analysis and comparison, the nature of the relationship between the policies of the European Union and individual countries is revealed. The experience of the Republic of Latvia has shown that the state, which is most dependent on the economy and the general policy of the union, builds its own relations with the EU, relying mainly on the interests of “donor countries”. This dynamics is also manifested in international commercial relations, influencing the state of some sectors of the economy, as well as the economic situation of individual cities. Despite some negative points, mainly related to the economic indicators of individual industries, the participating countries do not deviate from the policy of European integration. Civil society, for the most part, also chooses the opportunities provided by the European Union. The challenges that the European community faced over time are being resolved. The Government of the European Union speaks openly about the existing problems, which are also related to the solution of common problems, and tries to solve them in a timely manner and by common efforts.
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NIEDZIAŁKOWSKI, KRZYSZTOF, JOUNI PAAVOLA, and BOGUMIŁA JĘDRZEJEWSKA. "Governance of biodiversity in Poland before and after the accession to the EU: the tale of two roads." Environmental Conservation 40, no. 2 (September 21, 2012): 108–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0376892912000288.
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SUMMARYAccession of the Central and Eastern European countries to the European Union involved considerable institutional changes in the field of environmental governance that undermined existing policy practices. Such changes in biodiversity governance are examined through two case studies from Poland concerning road development schemes in ecologically sensitive areas. Documentary material and semi-structured interviews are analysed and interpreted in light of the policy arrangement approach and historical institutionalism. After the EU accession there was a rapid shift from a government-monopolized arrangement towards a multi-level governance arrangement with regard to conflicts between infrastructure and natural areas. Previously, the government controlled practically all aspects of environmental policymaking, despite potential routes for greater involvement of non-state actors. Only the formal rules of Natura 2000 and environmental impact assessment, guarded by a coalition of powerful supranational bodies, non-governmental organizations and scientists, changed the pattern of governmental policy-making. New policy arrangements have increased capacity and legitimacy in the implementation of the European Union rules.
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Sutyrin, Vyacheslav. "Humanitarian Tools of EU External Policy: The Case of Eastern Partnership." Contemporary Europe, no. 98 (October 1, 2020): 99–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope5202099110.
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The article deals with recent developments in the EU foreign policy towards neighbouring countries. The EU humanitarian influence mechanisms within the framework of European Neighbourhood Policy, Eastern Partnership program, along with the case of Belarus are explored. The article outlines that the European Union creates instruments of external influence through fostering humanitarian infrastructure in the periphery countries. As a result, the official government of a targeted country is not only unable to participate in the shaping of “European norms and rules”, but also ceases to be the single Brussel‟s counterpart. NGOs supported by the EU involve in to the dialogue between Brussels and the official government on behalf of the civil society. The latter contributes to the asymmetrical “teacher-apprentice” relationship between the EU and the bordering countries. Particular humanitarian instruments and cases exercised by the EU are explored. The interconnections between economic, political, and humanitarian tools in EU foreign policy are outlined. It is concluded that the “soft power” concept fails to explain comprehensively the EU foreign policy in the humanitarian sphere. Brussels seeks to exert systemic influence upon the humanitarian sphere of the periphery countries to bolster its political and economic position.
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Dudek, Carolyn M. "Transmitting Environmentalism? The Unintended Global Consequences of European Union Environmental Policies." Global Environmental Politics 13, no. 2 (May 2013): 109–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00169.
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Will European companies investing abroad be transmitters of EU environmental policies or environmental dumpers? This article utilizes a most-differentcases approach to analyze transnational corporation (TNC) behavior in countries with less stringent environmental standards. Drawing on rational institutionalism, the article examines two significant European business investments in Mercosur countries: paper pulp mills in Uruguay and fishing off the coast of Argentina. These cases demonstrate that EU environmental standards will be diffused beyond Europe's borders if significant fixed assets are involved, high levels of public awareness and action in response to environmental degradation are possible, and if the environmental policy of an industry is successfully implemented in Europe. Paper pulp milling in Uruguay fulfilled these conditions and TNCs, in this case applied EU standards. This was not so with TNC fishing practices in Argentina. Also, with high citizen attention, local companies will adopt similar environmental practices to those of their European counterparts, improving environmental practices even without domestic government regulations.
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Makpal, Zholamanova, Nurmukhametov Nurbakhyt, Tolmachev Mikhail, Sarsen Kassymkhan, and Amerkhanova Altyn. "Comparative Analysis of Strategies for Innovative Development of the Fuel and Energy Complex: The Experience of the EU Countries." International Journal of Energy Economics and Policy 13, no. 1 (January 22, 2023): 128–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.32479/ijeep.13628.
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Most European countries do not have large reserves of natural resources and depend on imported energy resources. In this regard, the government of the European Union has approved a new energy policy aimed at developing a “green” economy and combating dependence on non-renewable resources. Currently, the European Union is a leader in the development of renewable energy sources. Many states have achieved success in this industry, their experience can be used in other countries where alternative energy is not so widespread. This study analyzes and compares existing strategies for the innovative development of the fuel and energy complex of EU member states. The process of formation of the EU energy policy and its distinctive features were studied. The example of Italy, Germany, Poland, Spain, and Finland was used to study in detail the impact of the new energy policy approved by the EU government. The prospects for the introduction of alternative energy sources in the geographical and climatic conditions of Kazakhstan have been assessed. Synthesizing the information obtained, a list of tips for the successful development of alternative energy in the Republic of Kazakhstan was proposed.
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Pytlik, Bogusław. "Foreign policy of the Slovak Republic towards challenges in the eastern policy of the European Union." Studia z Polityki Publicznej, no. 2(6) (June 1, 2015): 119–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kszpp.2015.2.6.
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The article is about the selected and current problems of the Central and Eastern Europeanforeign policy of the Slovak Republic. This state, like other small in terms of territoryCentral European countries, due to the actual position held as a player in internationalrelations, it cannot influence the decisions of the other states, i.e. more powerful participants. In this respect, it seems interesting which analysed activities of the Slovak foreignpolicy are now a priority. The content analysis of the source documents and the results ofoperations of the Slovak government allows us to make a distinction between ‘declaredpriorities “and” real priorities”. The first shall be adopted officially, among others, by virtueof the Slovak Republic’s membership in the Euro-Atlantic structures, and the latter arethe result of an independent assessment of international affairs and strive to highlightthe important role of the Slovak Republic in this area. In the case of the first group ofpriorities a very clear duality of attitudes can also be seen, which makes you think aboutthe real objectives, especially in the Eastern European dimension of the foreign policythat the current government of the Slovak Republic aims to meet.
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Ramadhan, Muhammad Rheza, and Anindya Fauziyah Basuki. "ANALISIS KOMPARASI KEBIJAKAN PERPAJAKAN TRANSAKSI E-COMMERCE YANG BERLAKU DI INDONESIA DENGAN NEGARA LAIN (UNI EROPA, AUSTRALIA, KOREA SELATAN, INDIA, TIONGKOK, AMERIKA SERIKAT, DAN JEPANG)." Citizen : Jurnal Ilmiah Multidisiplin Indonesia 1, no. 3 (November 23, 2021): 116–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.53866/jimi.v1i3.14.
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Indonesia has experienced an increase in users of e-commerce platforms, resulting in increased income for sellers, both individuals and entities, who conduct online sales transactions. Therefore, the Indonesian government sets a tax policy for online sellers. However, the Indonesian government still has several obstacles, one of which is that e-commerce transactions have an eternal nature. To answer these problems, the author compares the taxation policies on e-commerce transactions that apply in Indonesia with the tax policies on e-commerce transactions that apply in other countries, namely the European Union, Australia, South Korea, India, China, the United States, and Japan. The writing method used by the author is a literature study method. This paper shows that the taxation policy on e-commerce transactions in Indonesia, the European Union, Australia, South Korea, India, China, the United States, and Japan imposes a Value Added Tax (VAT) or the like as a consumption tax on goods. And services as well as sales tax and Income Tax. In addition, several countries have created platforms or special teams to manage taxes from e-commerce transactions, namely the platform Mini One Stop Shop (MOSS), now called OSS (European Union); Korean Fair Trade Commission (KFTC) (South Korea); Professional Team for E-Commerce Taxation (Protect) (Japan). Therefore, Indonesia needs to follow the example of the European Union, South Korea, and Japan in terms of establishing a system or team dedicated to managing tax collection from e-commerce transactions
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Hrubinko, Andriy. "British Policy toward the eastern enlargement of the European Union: historical aspects." European Historical Studies, no. 5 (2016): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.05.20-32.
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The article describes historical features of shaping and implementation of British policy toward the Eastern enlargement of the European Union, its impact on the implementation of the Сommon Foreign and Security Policy in the Central and Eastern Europe region. The author denotes that the history of participation of the UK in implementing Eastern enlargement of the EU not been sufficiently investigated. According to the author’s vision, the policy of the enlargement of the EU is seen as an integral part of united foreign and security policy and as a factor of its implementation in countries of the nearest periphery. The 31 enlargement process is a part of the EU enlargement policy as a geopolitical phenomenon. The United Kingdom became one of the biggest supporters of further enlargement as a permanent phenomenon in its history among countries of the Community, forming their own specific conceptual approaches and strategy. The factors of shaping active and positive positions of the British governments in connection with the enlargement of the EU toward the East have been analyzed. The author came to the conclusion that the Eastern enlargement had questionable effect for the development of the effective CFSP. The UK as one of the leading powers in the EU came to a forefront in this process. The enlargement of the EU has become an integral part of the country’s leadership strategy in the political integration. However, the confrontational European policy of the David Cameron’s government in 2010–2016 has resulted in a loss of the previous governments’ achievements in developing the cooperation and support for the countries of Eastern and Central Europe and escalated the decrease of the country’s original positions in the region.
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Martynov, Andriy. "THE EVOLUTION OF THE POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION REGARDING THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN WAR (2014–2022)." European Historical Studies, no. 23 (2022): 30–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.2.
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The problems of forming a common foreign policy of the European Union are caused by the difficulties of reconciling national interests and the dynamics of adapting the common policy to the chaos of international relations. In the early 1990s, the common foreign policy of the European Union suffered a fiasco in the Balkans during the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia. Russia expected that the example of the EU’s excessively sluggish reaction to the annexation of Crimea and the start of a «hybrid war» against Ukraine would provide an opportunity to annex the entire territory of Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to study the cause-and-effect relationships that influenced the actual formation of the European Union’s common policy aimed at protecting democracy in Ukraine against Russian aggression. The European Union was critical of the annexation of Crimea and the start of Russia’s «hybrid war» against Ukraine. But at that time, the conviction of the European elites prevailed that it was possible to appease the Russian Federation, even at the cost of concessions to Ukraine and at the expense of Ukrainian sovereignty and territorial integrity. The so-called “Minsk Agreements” worked for this. Even Russian interference in the 2016 US presidential election and the information campaign for the British referendum on leaving the EU in 2016 could not convince European elites of the opposite. The Russian Federation consistently crossed «red lines» until it made the mistake of deciding that the EU was «ripe» for a Russian attempt to change the government in Ukraine and deprive it of its sovereignty. The Kremlin was counting on its «fifth column» in the countries of the European Union. Only Hungary fulfilled these expectations. But in the matter of assistance for the defence of Ukraine, the European Union refused the principle of veto. This does not prevent Hungary from blocking the allocation of EU macro-financial assistance to Ukraine at the time of writing this article. The most radical supporters of Ukraine in the EU remain the Baltic countries, the countries of the «Visegrad bloc» with the exception of Hungary. Russian aggression helped Sweden and Finland to reconsider their traditional neutral policy and to get as close as possible to joining NATO. In October 2022, again without the participation of Hungary, the European Union launched a military training mission for the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Russian aggression against Ukraine, instead of splitting the European Union, contributed to the consolidation of the common foreign and security policies of the European Union. But this does not mean that the Russian Federation will stop putting pressure on the «weak links» in the European Union system.
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Finke, Daniel, and Annika Herbel. "Coalition Politics and Parliamentary Oversight in the European Union." Government and Opposition 53, no. 3 (September 19, 2016): 388–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.28.
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According to the literature, parliamentary scrutiny is either used by the opposition to control the government or by a coalition partner to control the leading minister. Yet, neither the opposition alone nor individual governing parties alone can muster a parliamentary majority to adopt recommendations, resolutions or statements. Therefore, we ask which parties coalesce in co-sponsoring such joint position papers on European Union policy proposals and why. Tying in with the existing literature, we offer three explanations. Firstly, position papers are co-sponsored by so-called ‘policy coalitions’, a group of parties that hold similar preferences on the policy under discussion. Secondly, governing parties form coalitions which support their minister’s position vis-à-vis his or her international partners in Brussels. Thirdly, party groups co-sponsor position papers to counterbalance the leading minister’s deviation from the floor median.On the empirical side, we study the statements issued by committees of the Finnish Eduskunta and recommendations adopted by committees of the German Bundestag over a period of 10 years. Though having similarly strong parliaments, the two countries are characterized by very different types of coalition governments. These differences are mirrored in the observed co-sponsorship patterns.
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Stojarová, Šárka, and Zuzana Schwarzová. "The analysis of today situation on the market of the agricultural machines." Acta Universitatis Agriculturae et Silviculturae Mendelianae Brunensis 55, no. 6 (2007): 243–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.11118/actaun200755060243.
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The paper is dealing with the analysis of the market of agricultural machines in the Czech Republic. The part of the article is focused on export and import development of agricultural machines between Czech Republic, EU countries and the other countries of the world. The trade balance progress of agricultural machines is analyzed for Czech market as well. In the article the possible opportunities for the Czech exporters, which concern Danish, Spanish, and Polish market, are also emphasized. The part of the analysis is also focused on the area of subsidy policy for Czech agricultural subjects. The analysis of subsidies deals with the opportunity of financial supports by the Czech government and by the European Union. The difference in subsidy policy for Czech Republic before and after the entering the European Union is also mentioned.
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Sarkar, Jayita. "U.S. Policy to Curb West European Nuclear Exports, 1974–1978." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 2 (May 2019): 110–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00877.
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After India's detonation of a nuclear explosive in 1974 publicly demonstrated the proliferation risks from nuclear assistance, the U.S. government increased its efforts to control nuclear exports worldwide. In doing so, U.S. policymakers faced challenges from two major West European allies, France and West Germany, both of which pursued their commercial interests through nuclear exports to countries such as Pakistan, Brazil, Iran, and India, among others. Despite multilateral efforts including the formation of the Nuclear Suppliers Group and bilateral negotiations with the supplier governments, the administrations of Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter attained only partial success. The commercial interests of nuclear firms, the influence of pro-export coalitions inside supplier countries, and the emerging importance of the Soviet Union and other Warsaw Pact countries as alternative suppliers influenced the outcome. The United States was more successful in restraining the French through a series of quid pro quo arrangements than it ever was with the West Germans. Using recently declassified archival documents, this article sheds new light on U.S. nonproliferation policy in the aftermath of the 1973 oil price shock.
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Baruk, Jerzy. "Financial aspects of research and development policy in the European Union." Marketing of Scientific and Research Organizations 33, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/minib-2019-0041.
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Summary In the article the author has attempted to realise the following goals: 1) identifying and critical assessment of the share of expenditure on research and development (R&D) in the gross domestic product (GDP) borne by business entities concentrated in four sectors (enterprises, government, higher education and private non-profit institutions) and jointly in all sectors. This meter is treated as an indirect measure of the level of managerial activity in shaping the research and development policy, 2) checking the thesis that R&D expenditure are changeable and differ in the particular Member States and does not give a clear positive picture of the systematic and dynamic growth of research and development activity in these countries. The article was developed using the following research methods: critical-cognitive analysis of the literature; statistical and comparative analysis of the “Eurostat” empirical material; the projection. The statistical and comparative analysis of the secondary empirical material “Eurostat” illustrating the share of expenditure on research and development in the gross domestic product was used to check the thesis. The results of the analysis confirm the rightness of the research thesis.