Journal articles on the topic 'Territory, National South China Sea'
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Farida, Qurotul ‘Aini Septi. "The Conflict of South China Sea and Impact on Indonesia’s National Interest." International Journal of Social Science And Human Research 05, no. 08 (August 26, 2022): 3670–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.47191/ijsshr/v5-i8-45.
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The South China Sea is a strategic water area and abundant in natural resources. China's historical claims and activities in the South China Sea have given rise to territorial disputes between China and countries around the South China Sea. Disputes over the territorial waters of the South China Sea are a challenge for regional stability, including Indonesia. This dispute poses a threat to the defense of the sovereignty of the Indonesian state because the contested location is near the Indonesian border, namely the territorial waters of the Natuna Islands. This paper uses a normative juridical approach which uses secondary data with descriptive analytical and qualitative research specifications. The results of this study concluded that the cause of conflict in the waters of the South China Sea is because each country has its interests to be realized to benefit from the conflict that occurs and for Indonesia as a mediating country it can continue to be maintained throughout the conflict in the waters of the South China Sea relating to the archipelago, security, and guaranteeing the freedom of international shipping and most importantly the national interest of Indonesia is not harmed, especially in protecting the country's sovereign territory, namely the territorial waters of the Natuna Islands.
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Ha Trang, Nguyen. "The South China Sea issue in U.S. - Vietnam relations under President B. Obama." Science & Technology Development Journal - Social Sciences & Humanities 3, no. 3 (February 28, 2020): 152–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdjssh.v3i3.525.
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The South China Sea is one of the most important trade pathways in the world. Its strategic economic importance and its geographic location at the confluence of several spheres of influence have rendered it one of the “world’s hotspots”. The South China Sea issue began as a territorial dispute over the sovereignty of the islands and sea territory involving China, five ASEAN countries including Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei, Indonesia, and Taiwan. While the South China Sea has been the subject of disputes of sovereignty for some time, the conflict began to intensify when China established its nine-dash line in 2012 outlining its territorial claims in the body of water. China’s aggressive stance has prompted reactions from ASEAN countries as well as the US. The South China Sea is an area with relevance to U.S.’s national economic, strategic, security interests, so that increased tension within this area may threaten U.S.'s national interests. Vietnam is also aware that the United States is a superpower that shares concerns about China, as well as its influence in the region can play an important role in balancing power in the South China Sea Conflict. U.S presence help to contain China's aggressive actions, and multilateralization or internationalization of the South China Sea issues is also a contributing factor to control conflict. Therefore, the dispute in the South China Sea is a factor making a closer relationship between the U.S. and Vietnam. Vietnam and the United States established a Comprehensive Partnership in 2013, under which the two countries will strengthen and expand cooperation. In the future, U.S. - Vietnam cooperation will promote strong development, including sensitive fields, because of based on common strategic interests, including "sensitive" fields such as security and defense.
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Arjun. "Shiv Shanker Menon, Choices: Inside the Making of India’s Foreign Policy." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 2, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 96–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i4.71.
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As India continues to wrestle with the Chinese military aggression in the Galwan Valley in the Union Territory of Ladakh, similarly the South East Asian nations are tackling the brazen military expansionism of the Chinese in the South China Sea. A sudden surge of hostilities triggered by China has led the world community to question Beijing’s political ambition and military aggression. In India’s context, it is all the more imperative that she comprehend the motive of the Chinese, as she has, in the recent years, encountered a rise in tensions along the India-China Border. A comprehensive answer for the Chinese posture lies in Shivshankar Menon’s ‘Choices: Inside the Making of India’s Foreign Policy’. A retired career diplomat and a former National Security Adviser to the Indian Prime Minister between 2010-14, Menon had served as India’s Ambassador to China between 2000-03. Prior to 2000-03, he served a couple of tenures in China and had also completed his PhD on ‘Ancient India-China Kingship.’
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Dipua, Angkasa, Lukman Yudho Prakoso, and Dikry Rizanny Nurdiansyah. "ANALYSIS OF DEFENSE STRATEGY POLICIES IN DEALING WITH THE POTENTIAL NEGATIVE IMPACTS OF THE SOUTH CHINA SEA CONFLICT." Jurnal Pertahanan: Media Informasi ttg Kajian & Strategi Pertahanan yang Mengedepankan Identity, Nasionalism & Integrity 7, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jp.v7i1.860.
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<p>Several countries have implemented the diplomacy model using second-track diplomacy in solving various problems. With the dynamics of global, regional, and national strategic environmental conditions, the second track diplomacy model is a step that is considered to be effective and efficient in finding solutions to every problem between countries. The Indonesian Navy, which, according to Kent Booth, has one of its functions in carrying out diplomacy, has carried out several diplomatic steps. As an archipelago that has land and sea borders with ten neighboring countries, prioritizing this second track diplomacy model is necessary. The purpose of this study is to find a marine defense strategy in dealing with the potential impacts of the conflict that occurred in the South China Sea. Considering the vast territory of Indonesia's territorial sea, a method of sea defense strategies can apply this diplomacy model. This study uses a literature study by gathering various information from various sources, then the theory used in conducting discussions and analysis with the theory of Barry Buzan. This study concludes an input and recommendations for policymakers to prioritize second-track diplomacy in solving various existing problems, especially in Indonesia's sea border region with neighboring countries.</p>
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Makmur, E. E. S., W. Fitria, A. S. Praja, S. P. Rahayu, B. E. Pratama, R. S. S. Sudewi, H. Harsa, et al. "Strengthening the Early Detection and Tracking of Tropical Cyclones near Indonesian Waters." IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 925, no. 1 (November 1, 2021): 012010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/925/1/012010.
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Abstract In early April 2021, the territory of Indonesia, around the province of East Nusa Tenggara in particular, was severely damaged due to being hit by tropical cyclone Seroja. The impact of tropical cyclone Seroja does not only occur in Nusa Tenggara but also in Australia. In fact, the impact that hit Australia exceeded the damage that occurred in East Nusa Tenggara. The impacts caused by tropical cyclone Seroja in East Nusa Tenggara included 181 deaths and 74,222 houses damaged. Tropical cyclones are extreme weather anomalies that hit many countries, especially in the middle latitudes associated with vast oceans, such as the area around the South China Sea, the Pacific Ocean and the Atlantic Ocean, such as the Philippines, Japan, America, Australia, Europe, etc. Early detection systems for the genesis of tropical cyclones are still being developed by international collaborations such as The Research Moored Array for African-Asian-Australian Monsoon Analysis and Prediction (RAMA) in the Indian Ocean, Tropical Atmosphere Ocean (TAO) in the Pacific Ocean, and Prediction and Research Moored, Array in the Tropical Atlantic (PIRATA). To find out the early sign of a tropical cyclone, it is characterized by sea surface temperatures > 26.5 C, the growth of very broad and thick convective clouds, and rotating wind speeds of > 63 km/hour. For this reason, continuous observations are needed in the area where the tropical cyclone first developed. Observation equipment required includes satellite observations, buoys, and weather radar. Unfortunately, in the territory of Indonesia, especially in the Indian and Pacific oceans around Indonesia, this equipment is not equipped with such equipment due to very expensive funding factors and vandalism constraints. For this reason, in the future, national and international cooperation will be needed to start building an early warning system for the emergence of tropical cyclones among research centers globally.
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Lukin, A., and I. Denisov. "Russia and the Conception of “Pivot to Asia”." Journal of International Analytics, no. 1 (March 28, 2015): 194–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2015-0-1-194-203.
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The article deals with the pivot to Asia started in the USA in 2011, now becoming a part of US military strategy. Asian-Pacific region will be playing increasingly important role in securing of political, economic and defence interests of the USA seeking to consolidate world order based on “American leadership from the position of strength” – which is the main principle of New National Security Strategy. Pivot to Asia is understood as modernization and reinforcement of traditional “security alliances”. The old policy of “deterrence” of China as main geopolitical competitor is still being pursued.Military presence of the USA on Japanese islands is used for rearmament of Japanese self-defence forces. New bilateral treaty is being prepared, thus creating the possibility of joint actions of armed forces of Japan and US on the territories in- and outside Pacific region. Threat for North Korea is used as a good pretext for build-up of US military forces and deployment of THAAD complexes on the territory of South Korea. China and Russia express same attitude in this respect regarding THAAD as an instrument for increase tension in the region. Defence co-operation between Australia and US has incentives for development as well as limitations: Australia is not sure US are able to fulfill its obligations in case of crisis and at the same time economic co-operation with Beijing is of crucial interest for Australia. The involvement of Philippines in the territorial dispute with China made possible for US to strengthen cooperation in the sphere of defence. After power shift in Thailand military cooperation with US stopped. Seeking new partners in the region, US is lifting embargo to supply of weapons to Vietnam and gradually unfreezing relations with Myanmar. US moves in SEA can be regarded as reaction to Chinese promotion of “Maritime silk route of the 21st century” concept. Relations with India are viewed in the USA as means of deterrence of China ambitions and competition with Russia in military co-operation.The article contains practical recommendations how Russia should act when purpose of increasing its influence in the region is on the agenda.
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Prawira, Muhammad Rizky. "SOUTH CHINA SEA DISPUTE." Jurnal Dinamika Global 3, no. 02 (January 2, 2019): 35–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jdg.v3i02.75.
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During the past decade, China has been striving for a more prominent status in the international community. In doing so, China undertook several measures that indicate its willingness to become a supportive collaborator in the international politics, including taking a part in the Six Party Talks regarding to the North Korean nuclear issue as well as striving for the Market Economy Status (MES). However, the recent development of the South China Sea dispute seems to show a contrasting circumstance. As one of the claimant states, China showed a fairly aggressive gesture in expanding and exploiting the disputed territory. Recently, China even declared a refusal against the verdict from the international law which stated that China had no legal base in claiming the territory. This situation sparked a puzzle as the non-compliance against the international law seemed to be violating China�s on- going efforts to win the broader acceptance in the international community. Thus, using two different perspectives, namely structural realism and social constructivism, this study analyses puzzle and finds the contextual relevance behind China�s non- compliance policy. The overall findings show that the rational interest of pursuing the hegemony in the disputed region becomes the primary goal that China is pursuing beyond the interest of adhering to the international law.
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Князев, Ю. П. "World natural and cultural-natural heritage of china: current state, problems, development prospects." Tihookeanskaia geografiia, no. 1(5) (April 1, 2021): 63–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.35735/tig.2021.5.1.006.
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Проведен анализ размещения объектов Всемирного природного и культурно-природного (смешанного) наследия на территории КНР по критериям природного наследия ЮНЕСКО. Из 13 объектов природного наследия КНР девять соответствуют VII критерию наследия, обладая живописными пейзажами. Далее следуют объекты, соответствующие Х и VIII критериям (пять и четыре объекта соответственно). Меньше всего объектов, их всего два, соответствуют IХ критерию. Все объекты, выделенные по критерию природной живописности (VII), находятся в горных или предгорных ландшафтах. Особую группу пейзажей составляют «Святые горы», культовые центры кофуцианства («Горы Уишань») и даосизма («Гора Тайшань»). Среди объектов, соответствующих критерию палеонтологической, геологической или геоморфологической ценности (VIII), ключевые палеонтологические территории представлены в первую очередь «Археологическим заповедником Чэндзян», отражающим ход «кембрийского взрыва». Карстовые ландшафты представлены в резерватах «Карстовые отложения Южного Китая» и «Горы Данься»», считающихся крупнейшим единым карстовым образованием Земли. Горные эрозионные ландшафты национального парка «Три параллельные реки» признаны эталоном альпийского горообразования. Из объектов наследия по критерию природно-ландшафтного разнообразия (IХ) представлены только «убежища жизни» в плейстоцене, не затронутые четвертичными горными оледенениями. Среди объектов Всемирного наследия по критерию биологического разнообразия (Х) заповеданы только горные ландшафты с высоким уровнем эндемизма. Ключевой орнитологической территорией являются «Заповедники перелетных птиц на побережье Желтого моря – Бохайский залив Китая», имеющие планетарное значение для авифауны, использующей восточноазиатский перелетный путь. Проанализированы проблемы и перспективы развития сети объектов Всемирного наследия. Показано, что в основном заповеданы горные и интразональные ландшафты. Зональные ландшафты не представлены в списке наследия из-за высокого уровня антропогенного освоения. The analysis of the location of the World Natural and Cultural-Natural (Mixed) Heritage objects on the territory of the PRC according to the criteria of the natural heritage of UNESCO was carried out. Of the 13 natural heritage sites of the PRC, nine ones meet the VII criterion of heritage, possessing picturesque landscapes. This is followed by X and VIII criteria (five and four objects, respectively). Least of all objects (two) meet the IX criterion. All objects corresponding to the criterion of natural beauty (VII) are located in mountainous or foothill landscapes. A special group of landscapes includes the «Holy Mountains», the cult centers of Confucianism («Wuyishan Mountains») and Taoism («Mount Tai shan»). Among the objects meeting the criterion of paleontological, geological or geomorphological value (VIII), key paleontological territories are represented by the «Chendjiang Archaeological Reserve» reflecting the course of the «Cambrian explosion». Karst landscapes are expressed in the reserves «Karst deposits of South China» and «Danxia Mountains», which are considered the largest single karst formation on Earth. Mountain erosional landscapes of the National Park «Three Parallel Rivers» are recognized as the standard of alpine mountain building. Of the heritage sites meeting the criterion of natural landscape diversity (IX), only the «shelters of life» in the Pleistocene not affected by the Quaternary mountain glaciations, are represented. Among the World Heritage sites, according to the criterion of biological diversity (X), only mountain landscapes with a high level of endemism are reserved. The level of endemism in the organic world reaches at least one third in the organic world. The key bird area is the «Migratory Bird Sanctuary on the Yellow Sea Coast – Bohai Bay», which is of planetary importance for avifauna using the East Asian migratory route. The problems and prospects for the development of their network are analyzed. It is shown that mainly mountainous and intrazonal landscapes are reserved. Zonal landscapes are not represented in the heritage list due to the high level of anthropogenic development.
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Saunders, Imogen. "The South China Sea Award, Artificial Islands and Territory." Australian Year Book of International Law Online 34, no. 1 (2017): 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26660229-034-01-900000004.
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Suciningtyas, Pangesti. "The South China Sea Disputes in International Law Perspective." Digest: Journal of Jurisprudence and Legisprudence 2, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 117–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/digest.v2i1.48634.
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The South China Sea issue is getting worse. China's claims overlap with those of other parties such as Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia and Brunei. To defend its claim, China is trying to dominate, both in the disputed territory and in multilateral negotiations. In the disputed territory, China seized the area, carried out reclamation, and attacked ships in other countries under various pretexts. Until the Philippines finally brought the dispute to the Permanent Court of Arbitration. The decision of the Permanent Court of Arbitration said that China's claims regarding the nine dash lines were indisputable and had no legal basis. The decision of the Permanent Court of Arbitration. Which was a source of international law was rejected by China. This article aims to describe the validity of the Permanent Court of Arbitration decision if the decision is rejected by one party based on the perspective of international law.
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Zulkifli, Noraini Bt, and Vivian Louise Forbes. "Japan and the South China Sea." Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 5, no. 1 (May 1, 2016): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.5.1.61-83.2016.
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This article examines and analyses Japan’s current interest in theSouth China Sea, by first alluding to the historical context of that country’s involvement from the mid-1930s to the end of the Pacific War, 1945. It then outlines Japan’s energy security needs and that country’s national policy relating to securing safety for its flagged ships and those vessels assisting in promoting Japan’s export and import and the diplomatic role that Japan plays towards regional stability. Japan in their Diplomatic Bluebook stated that the priority for Japan is to guarantee the securityandprosperity of the countryand its people. Here,it is clear thatthe Japanese Government will trytodo everything togive the besttoensure their survival. Japan’s interest in South China Sea is because it is deemed critical for the Japanese security.Keywords: Japan, Energy, Maritime Security, Military, South China Sea
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Wiswayana, Wishnu Mahendra. "Dinamika Permasalahan Laut Tiongkok Selatan & Tantangan Serius terhadap Ide Poros Maritim Dunia." Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 5, no. 1 (May 1, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.5.1.1-16.2016.
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In recent years situation on the South China Sea facing an escalationcondition, especially affected from China maritime activities. That conditionemerged when China put South China Sea territory at China's official map,which called 9/10/11 dashed line or u-shaped line. This paper addresses theIndonesian Government respond about territorial disputes with China'sofficial map on Natuna. The U-shaped line at China's official map actuallybecame challenges for Global Maritime Axis idea and Indonesia foreignpolicy under Jokowi-JK administration.Keyword: Global Maritime Axis, South China Sea, Foreign Policy
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Flecker, Michael. "Early Chinese Voyaging in the South China Sea: Implications on Territorial Claims." Journal of Maritime Studies and National Integration 1, no. 1 (July 23, 2017): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jmsni.v1i1.1367.
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The main purpose of this paper is to examine historically issues of territorial claims over the South China Sea. As it is known that at present there are at least six countries claiming part or all of South China Sea territory. In this case China is the most ambitious country to control all areas in the South China Sea. This has led to political and military tensions in the region. It is strange that the South China Sea waters has actually been a shipping thoroughfare for the last two millennia. Therefore, this historical study will contribute to an understanding of the issues that could provoke international conflict.
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Cotillon, Hannah. "Territorial Disputes and Nationalism: A Comparative Case Study of China and Vietnam." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 36, no. 1 (April 2017): 51–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341703600103.
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In autocracies, nationalism appears to have merged with geopolitical thinking. In light of this geopoliticisation of nationalism, it is surprising that the literature has paid virtually no attention to the role of territorial disputes as a conditioning factor. The present study seeks to further enhance the field by factoring in the role of territorial disputes in triggering different expressions of nationalism. It develops an analytical framework for typologies of nationalism according to four territorial disputes: China's dispute with Vietnam over maritime territory in the South China Sea, China's dispute with Japan over maritime territory in the East China Sea, Vietnam's dispute with Cambodia over territorial border demarcations, and Vietnam's dispute with China over maritime territory in the South China Sea. The respective disputes of China and Vietnam are analysed and tested against criteria of expressions of nationalism in autocracies. We find that territorial disputes and therefore external context are important conditioning factors of nationalism in autocracies.
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Kurz, Johannes L. "Gauging the South China Sea: Route Books (genglubu) since 1974." China Quarterly 240 (April 4, 2019): 1135–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741019000353.
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AbstractThis research report traces the history of route books (genglubu) from their chance discovery in 1974. It assesses the credibility of these practical nautical guide books as historical sources employed by official agencies in mainland China to claim permanent Chinese occupation of islands in the South China Sea. The route books of Hainan fishermen have a rather short history, having been laid down in writing only in the early 20th century. As contemporary practical nautical guides, they complement the established order of pre-modern Chinese texts used in official publications to describe the South China Sea as historical Chinese territory.
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Toruan, Gerald Theodorus Lumban, and Adi Sunaryo. "Indonesia's Diplomacy in North Natuna Sea in Confronting China to Protect National Interests." FOCUS 1, no. 1 (February 15, 2020): 21–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.37010/fcs.v1i1.270.
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North Natuna Sea is become a concern, at the end of 2019 to February 2020 this area was illegally entered by Chinese fishing vessels who wanted to fishing, this vessel was escorted by the Chinese Coast Guard. This escort is in order to protect their fishing vessels from the pursuit of Indonesian patrol vessels. According to the them that they did not violate Indonesian territory, they said that the North Natuna Sea still belongs to Chinese territory. In the perspective of the international relations what is done by China can disrupt the stability of regional security. This research is a qualitative descriptive with secondary data collection. The formulation of the research question is what kind of diplomacy is being carried out by Indonesia towards China in the North Natuna Sea. The purpose of this research is to find the right diplomacy concept in dealing with the China in the North Natuna Sea.
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Setyawati, Anak Agung Ayu Diah, and Asyaffa Rizdqi Amandha. "Indonesia’s Cooperation with ASEAN Countries in Handling Transnational Crime Cases: South China Sea Dispute." Law Research Review Quarterly 8, no. 1 (February 8, 2022): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/lrrq.v8i1.52813.
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The dispute over the South China Sea is one of the disputes that has a high potential for conflict, especially in the ASEAN region. The South China Sea is a sea that irrigates many countries, such as Brunei, Malaysia, Vietnam, the Philippines China, Taiwan and Indonesia itself. Many things belong to the South China Sea, ranging from strategic interests and natural resources owned by the South China Sea. ASEAN in general and Indonesia specifically want territorial disputes in the South China Sea not to escalate into armed conflict. Therefore, Joint Development Authorities are formed in overlapping claim areas to develop the area and share the proceeds fairly without resolving the issue of sovereignty over the territory. Although not directly involved, Indonesia is neutral in disputes in the South China Sea. Indonesia has an interest in reducing the potential for such conflicts. The legal and diplomatic approach in the South China Sea conflict has been carried out by Indonesia for a long time, since the first president to the seventh president, President Jokowi and until now Indonesia is actively conducting diplomacy to realize a conducive and peaceful territorial area.
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Danastri, Hardhana. "The Rising Dragon and The Defending Eagle: Understanding the Geopolitical Rivalry between U.S. - China in South China Sea." Journal of International Studies on Energy Affairs 1, no. 1 (June 29, 2020): 28–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.51413/jisea.vol1.iss1.2020.28-42.
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This paper aims to understand the geopolitical rivalry between the long-standing great power U.S. and the world’s emerging economic power China, particularly their rivalry within contested South China Sea. This article conducted qualitative methods to produce in depth analysis towards the phenomenon. One question is at stake which is what both powers want in South China Sea. The answer raises an additional inquiry; what kind of significances that South China Sea promises for either U.S. or China? This article argues that U.S. and China both strive for control over the territory. To answer the latter question, this paper is using a geopolitical approach, emphasizing on the lines of communication and centers of resources that South China Sea offers. This paper also argues that China’s geopolitical objective is intended to strengthen their regional hegemony, ultimately global pre-eminence in the long-term. Meanwhile, U.S. seeks to re-assert their power in the region and to rebalance their rising power.
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LIU, Xuan-yu, and Yun-gang LIU. "The development and regulation of marine territory in the South China Sea, China: Review and prospect." JOURNAL OF NATURAL RESOURCES 36, no. 9 (2021): 2205. http://dx.doi.org/10.31497/zrzyxb.20210904.
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Qiu, Jane. "South China Sea: the gateway to China's deep-sea ambitions." National Science Review 4, no. 4 (July 1, 2017): 658–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nsr/nwx107.
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Abstract For most parts of its history, China has largely turned its back on ocean exploration. Even after it started oceanographic research in the 1950s, the focus was mostly on coastal and offshore waters. But this changed a decade ago when the country began to invest heavily on deep-sea research—resulting in the launch in 2011 of its first multi-disciplinary deep-sea research programme called the South China Sea (SCS)-Deep to probe the mystery of this marginal sea. Covering an area of 3.5 million square kilometres and with a maximum depth of 5500 metres, SCS occupies a scientifically interesting position between the world's highest mountains, the Himalayas, and the deepest point on Earth, the Mariana Trench in the western Pacific Ocean. In a forum organized by National Science Review at the Annual Conference of the South China Sea-Deep Programme held in January in Shanghai, a panel of scientists explained what China's deep-sea ambitions are, why SCS is a fantastic natural laboratory, the importance of international collaboration, what China needs to do to develop cutting-edge marine technologies and how SCS could be an ideal platform for regional cooperation. Nianzhi Jiao an ecologist at Xiamen University, Xiamen, China Dongxiao Wang a physical oceanographer at South China Sea Institute of Oceanology, Chinese Academy of Sciences, Guangzhou, China Jian Lin a marine geophysicist at Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution, Woods Hole, Massachusetts, USA, and South China Sea Institute of Oceanology, Chinese Academy of Sciences, Guangzhou, China Pinxian Wang a paleoceanographer at Tongji University, Shanghai, China Jiwei Tian a physical oceanographer at Ocean University of China, Qingdao, China Aiqun Zhang chief engineer at the Institute of Deep Sea Science and Engineering, Chinese Academy of Sciences, Sanya, China
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Banh, Tuan Quoc. "Proposing an Air Defense Identification Zone on the South China Sea for Vietnam and ASEAN countries." Science & Technology Development Journal - Economics - Law and Management 1, Q3 (December 31, 2017): 121–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdjelm.v1iq3.456.
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The unilateral establishment of the Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) on the East China Sea along with a variety of unilateral moves to confirm its illegitimate sovereignty on the South China. Indicating that China is preparing necessary conditions to establish an ADIZ on the South China Sea. As a country with interests associated with the South China Sea in the region, Vietnam should be proactive in all possible future situations. As a result, Vietnam should conduct research and prepare conditions to establish an ADIZ on the South China Sea so as to protect national sovereignty on the South China Sea prior to the unilateral imposition by China.
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Wilson, Kimberly L. "Party Politics and National Identity in Taiwan’s South China Sea Claims." Asian Survey 57, no. 2 (March 2017): 271–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.2.271.
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How do states determine which geographical areas will be included in their territorial and maritime claims? This article uses an in-depth case study of Taiwan’s South China Sea claim to argue that national identity, as played out through party politics, is a dominant factor shaping Taiwan’s territorial and maritime claims.
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Pitra, Haetami. "CHINA COERCIVE DIPLOMACY THROUGH SOUTH CHINA SEA CONFLICT AND BELT & ROAD INITIATIVES." Jurnal Pertahanan 5, no. 2 (August 2, 2019): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jp.v5i2.522.
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<p>This paper studies Chinese coercive diplomacy by first analyzing the South China Sea (SCS) issue from the perspective of China national interest which has Belt & Road Initiatives (BRI) political agenda (formerly known as OBOR). Through BRI, China will be a counterweight to the world economic power in countering US hegemony. This paper aims to describe the coercive form of China diplomacy which has been implemented through both phenomena and to analyze China coercive diplomacy using theory and relevant concept. To achieve those goals, this paper employs qualitative research method as well as national interest and neorealism theory. The findings of this paper suggest that, in reflection of China-Sri Lanka bilateral experience, BRI is one of debt-track diplomacy of China commodities in maintaining energy and economy security. This paper is expected to be one of the studies about South China Sea which can see BRI more in the opportunities it brings</p>
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Uras, Alessandro. "The South China Sea and the Building of a National Maritime Culture." Asian Survey 57, no. 6 (November 2017): 1008–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.6.1008.
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This article investigates the nationalistic rhetoric disseminated by the Chinese political elite regarding the South China Sea, exploring how this political discourse contributed to building a collective consciousness of the sea among Chinese citizens and to creating a new maritime province.
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Manhas, Neeraj Singh. "India, China, and the South China Sea: Presence, Implications, and Possibilities." Electronic Journal of Social and Strategic Studies 03, no. 02 (2022): 217–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.47362/ejsss.2022.3206.
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The Chinese presence in the South China Sea has been a long-standing issue involving many countries, particularly India. China is spreading its print to Southeast Asian countries, particularly Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaysia, Taiwan, Brunei, Philippines, and is now reaching out to the Solomon Islands in the Pacific. China has also conducted military surveillance in these areas and erected communications and logistics structures like ports, military stations, and airfields. These developments are a matter of concern for countries even outside the SCS littoral. India's trading interests with Japan, South Korea, Southeast Asian countries, and across the Pacific account for over 55 percent of its trade passing via SCS. China's expanding militarization, therefore, poses a substantial threat of interruption to India, particularly when relations deteriorate. In the light of these factors, this paper attempts to evaluate: a) what does Chinese presence in the South China Sea mean? b) what are the implications for India? c) How has India responded to these implicit challenges, and (d) What are the options for India to protect its national interests and trade in this scenario? Considering that geopolitical challenges need revamping of policy frameworks and institutionalized response, this paper will attempt to outline policy options for India, relying upon primary and secondary sources for its analysis.
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Yazuru, Watanabe. "NEW STRATEGY JAPANESE MILITARY IN THE ASIA PACIFIC REGION AND THE IMPACT ON INTERNATIONAL SECURITY STABILITY." Jurnal Pembaharuan Hukum 9, no. 2 (August 21, 2022): 265. http://dx.doi.org/10.26532/jph.v9i2.23803.
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The purpose of this study was to determine the new Japanese military strategy in the Asia Pacific region and its impact on international security stability. The South China Sea conflict is one of the major conflicts for the Southeast Asia region and also the Asia Pacific region. Japan has a role in supporting countries involved in the conflict such as Vietnam. Japan promised Vietnam six patrol boats during Prime Minister Abe's visit to Southeast Asia.The approach used in this research is a qualitative approach and the type of research carried out is descriptive by explaining certain phenomena systematically, actually and accurately regarding facts, characteristics, and relationships. The patrol boat is aimed at enhancing Vietnam's capability in maritime law enforcement related to the South China Sea conflict. Japan, which is Vietnam's biggest foreign investor after South Korea, has no territorial claims in the South China Sea conflict. The South China Sea region has a big role in geopolitics because it is a meeting point between China and countries within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in terms of territory, security, natural resources and energy security. Disputes in the region include territorial sovereignty and maritime sovereignty. The South China Sea area consists of, among others, several small islands that are widely distributed, but there are two groups of islands that are much contested, namely the Spratly Islands and the Paracels. In addition, the South China Sea area is an important shipping lane and is often referred to as the maritime superhighway because it is one of the busiest international shipping lanes in the world.
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Nasir, Muhammad, Wan Siti Adibah Wan Dahalan, Harun Harun, and Phoenna Ath Thariq. "Unilateral Claim in Dispute of Island Over the South China Sea." Sriwijaya Law Review 4, no. 1 (January 31, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.28946/slrev.vol4.iss2.221.pp1-8.
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In the unilateral claim, every determination of a territory is the right of a sovereign state and does not require agreement with international organizations or other countries. Especially regarding the borders of a country, many international regulations require a joint determination (bilateral or multilateral). The norm will impact the absence of responses from another country, or such a country does not react because its interests were not disturbed. China's unilateral statement over the South China Sea has tried to dominate globally, and at the same time, there has been no stabilization of peace. It will likely continue, expand, and have long-term adverse impacts on the regional economic and security situation in the region. China's unilateral claims in the South China Sea have also resulted in other warring countries, strengthening their presence and claims. This research uses normative approach which examines the unilateral claims under international law in the South China Sea especially in the UNCLOS 1982 and other related international law instruments. As a result, for China, it is necessary to improve its current position, at least it needs to negotiate in the future. Countries which is involved in the South China Sea should clarify and submit territorial claims and maritime rights under international law, including the UNCLOS 1982.
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Tønnesson, Stein. "Vietnam´s Objective in the South China Sea: National or Regional Security?" Contemporary Southeast Asia 22, no. 1 (April 2000): 199–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs22-1h.
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YOU, Ji. "China's Civil-Military Strategies for South China Sea Dispute Control." East Asian Policy 07, no. 02 (April 2015): 78–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930515000203.
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China has become more assertive on its sovereignty claims. Such a change has long been campaigned by the People's Liberation Army (PLA), illustrating PLA's role in South China Sea (SCS) affairs. Beijing tries to strike a subtle balance between confrontation-aversion and being firm on China's core national interests embodied in its sovereignty claims. Under this civil-military convergence in Beijing's SCS policy, the PLA is supportive of pre-emptive measures within well pre-designed “red lines”.
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Silviani, Ninne Zahara. "Interpretasi Perjanjian Internasional Terkait Historical Rights Dalam UNCLOS 1982." Jurnal Selat 6, no. 2 (August 26, 2019): 154–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31629/selat.v6i2.1067.
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People’s Republic of China with 9-dash-lines designed in 1947, claimed almost 90% of the South China Sea’s Area. Generally known the line not only overlapping in one Asean Country but five other countries which, The Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia, Vietnam and Brunei Darussalam. The Philippines took its fight over its territory to the Permanent Court of Arbitration, Den Haag in 2013. In 12th July 2016, Permanent Court of Arbitration Award declared that China has no legal basis for claiming territorial waters in the South China Sea. Yet, the PRC does not accepted the Award. PRC denied the decision due to the PRC’s interpretation to UNCLOS 1982 regulation and declared their sovereignty across the archipelagic islands in South China Sea by historical reasons. A Similar disputes was happen between Mauritius v. United Kingdom in 2010-2015 due to the Maritime Protected Area in Chagos Islands on Indian Ocean whose claimed by Mauritius because of historical reasons. This article will examine how VCLT 1969 reacted to the violation of UNCLOS 1982 which known as a package deal in accordance to regulate the sovereignty of water territory. This article is a normative legal research with secondary data, which obtained from library study descriptively.
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Mohamed Zaydan, Rasha Suhail. "US-Chinese competition against the South China Sea (A study of geo-strategic dimensions)." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 20 (July 13, 2020): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i20.229.
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International balances, especially the geostrategic balances the United States and China, are among the most important regional and international balances of the new international order, specifically the Asia-Pacific region. In addition to the importance of the strategic environment over which the two countries compete, if the South China Sea occupies a geostrategic position as a result of the political, economic and military security capabilities that it enjoys, then China regards it as a part of its territory and is subject to its regional sovereignty. The Asia_ Pacific region, and preventing the United States from competing with it and controlling it as a vital economic, commercial and military field, is security for it.
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Wijaya, Lupita. "Frenemy in Media: Maritime Sovereignty and Propaganda on South China Sea." IKAT : The Indonesian Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 1, no. 1 (January 17, 2018): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/ikat.v1i2.32358.
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When Indonesia struggles to fight illegal fishing in 2016, Indonesian Navy has caught several Chinese fishing boats in its 200-mile exclusive economic zone (EEZ) off the Natuna Island. Although, many have trespassed Indonesia’s EEZ, conducted illegal fishing and been scuttled, China is the only country that backs up their fishermen with military forces. After Indonesia officially sent diplomatic protest note over the incident, China replied that the seizing had no official grounded as the area was actually claimed as traditional fishing ground by China. This position may leave Indonesia in frenemy position with China. Regional conflict such as South China Sea has been diligently highlighted in international coverage. If it’s about involvement of home country conflict, the concept of objectivity journalism has been under questioned. This embodied-concept has raised because of broad range of contextualization in international coverage. Interdependency between media systems and political systems interprets how propaganda influences on the media within the national interest frames of ideology, particularly when the global issue involving their home countries. There are nine propaganda techniques including name calling, glittering generalities, transfer, testimonial, plain folks, card stacking, bandwagon, frustration of scapegoat and fear. Applying comparative content analysis of Indonesian and Chinese state-run wire services of ANTARA and Xinhua, and three most popular news websites: China Daily, People’s Daily and Kompas this study identifies types of national interest frames including common, conflict, and threat interest frames. It is found out that media perform propaganda techniques which later depict the frenemy position according to their national interest frames.
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Sasges, Gerard. "Absent Maps, Marine Science, and the Reimagination of the South China Sea, 1922–1939." Journal of Asian Studies 75, no. 1 (December 22, 2015): 157–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911815001564.
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Today, seven nations have maritime or island claims in the disputed South China Sea. This article historicizes the claims of one of the dispute's participants, the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. It argues that cartographic representations of its territory have their origin in the period of French rule, and locates a key moment in the formation of an Indochinese—and later Vietnamese—space encompassing the South China Sea in a series of four maps that represented research carried out by the colonial Institute of Oceanography. By recreating the biographies of these maps, the article reveals their origin in a contingent interplay of multiple factors, including global scientific networks, economic development, imperial defense, and personal research agendas. The article suggests that attention to the biographies of maps could be an effective means of deconstructing and denaturalizing many of the territorial claims that drive the dispute in the South China Sea today.
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Mao, Jiangyu, and Johnny C. L. Chan. "Intraseasonal Variability of the South China Sea Summer Monsoon." Journal of Climate 18, no. 13 (July 1, 2005): 2388–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1175/jcli3395.1.
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Abstract The objective of this study is to explore, based on the National Centers for Environmental Prediction–National Center for Atmospheric Research (NCEP–NCAR) reanalysis data, the intraseasonal variability of the South China Sea (SCS) summer monsoon (SM) in terms of its structure and propagation, as well as interannual variations. A possible mechanism that is responsible for the origin of the 10–20-day oscillation of the SCS SM is also proposed. The 30–60-day (hereafter the 3/6 mode) and 10–20-day (hereafter the 1/2 mode) oscillations are found to be the two intraseasonal modes that control the behavior of the SCSSM activities for most of the years. Both the 3/6 and 1/2 modes are distinct, but may not always exist simultaneously in a particular year, and their contributions to the overall variations differ among different years. Thus, the interannual variability in the intraseasonal oscillation activity of the SCS SM may be categorized as follows: the 3/6 category, in which the 3/6 mode is more significant (in terms of the percentage of variance explained) than the 1/2 mode; the 1/2 category, in which the 1/2 mode is dominant; and the dual category, in which both the 3/6 and 1/2 modes are pronounced. Composite analyses of the 3/6 category cases indicate that the 30–60-day oscillation of the SCS SM exhibits a trough–ridge seesaw in which the monsoon trough and subtropical ridge exist alternatively over the SCS, with anomalous cyclones (anticyclones), along with enhanced (suppressed) convection, migrating northward from the equator to the midlatitudes. The northward-migrating 3/6-mode monsoon trough–ridge in the lower troposphere is coupled with the eastward-propagating 3/6-mode divergence–convergence in the upper troposphere. It is also found that, for the years in the dual category, the SCS SM activities are basically controlled by the 3/6 mode, but modified by the 1/2 mode. Composite results of the 1/2-mode category cases show that the 10–20-day oscillation is manifest as an anticyclone–cyclone system over the western tropical Pacific, propagating northwestward into the SCS. A close coupling also exists between the upper-level convergence (divergence) and the low-level anticyclone (cyclone). It is found that the 1/2 mode of the SCS SM mainly originates from the equatorial central Pacific, although a disturbance from the northeast of the SCS also contributes to this mode. The flow patterns from an inactive to an active period resemble those associated with a mixed Rossby–gravity wave observed in previous studies.
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Keyuan, Zou. "Joint Development in the South China Sea: A New Approach." International Journal of Marine and Coastal Law 21, no. 1 (2006): 83–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180806776639510.
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AbstractThe political situation in the South China Sea is complicated, as it contains potential for conflict with different national interests, in particular around the Spratly Islands which are currently under multiple territorial and maritime claims. This article argues for a new proposal of joint development, at least as a provisional means, pending the settlement of the territorial and maritime disputes, involving all the parties concerned, based on the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea and the 2002 Declaration on the Conduct of the Parties in the South China Sea Between the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and China, so as to pave the way for the sharing of resources between ASEAN members and China on the one hand and to maintain regional peace and security in East Asia on the other.
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Getman, V. "NATIONAL NATURE PARK “DZHARYLGATSKYI”." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Geography, no. 70-71 (2018): 50–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2721.2018.70.8.
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National Natural Park (NPP) “Dzharylgatskyi” was established by Decree of the President of Ukraine from December 11, 2009, on the territory of Skadovsky district of Kherson region. This was preceded by the creation of Dzharylgatskyi botanical reserve of national importance in 1974. According to the physical-geographical zoning of Ukraine, the territory of the NPP “Dzharylgatskyi” refers to the Nizhnedneprovsky terraced-delta landscape of the Black Sea-Pryazovsky dry-steppe region. The main territorial area of the National Park “Dzharylgatskyi” is the Dzharylgach island with a narrow spit in its western part. The geomorphologic location of the park belongs to the region of the coastal zone of the Nizhnedneprovsk oblast plain, which includes the Oleshkivski Sands and the Kinburn Spit. Island surroundings represent the psamophytic steppe and it is one of the great features of the nature reserve in the south of Ukraine. Island isolation – the remoteness from the settlements of the mainland – is the greatest natural value of Dzharylgach. This is the largest uninhabited island in Europe. Flora of the NPP “Dzharylgatskyi” includes about 500 species of higher plants. The uniqueness of the Dzharylgatsky natural complex, the mild climatic conditions in the winter and the location along the Azov-Black Sea migration corridor have created some favourable conditions for the abundance of a significant number of birds species in different seasons of the year. Dzharylhach Island is an important link between the coastal environmental corridor. It is a place for birds to rest and nest during seasonal migrations. The territory of the national park is the part of one of the largest wetlands of international importance – “Karkinitskaya and Dzharilgatska Gulfs”. NPP “Dzharylgatsky” belongs to the Skadovsk resort zone with its warm sea, sandy beaches, long swimming season, which characterizes the park as a unique area for recreation and tourism. Discovered on Dzharylgach put peloids in their characteristics meet the highest requirements for therapeutic mud. This article analyzes the features of the natural environment and resources of the National Park “Dzharylgatskyi.” Attention is drawn to the geomorphological features of island spit. The article also raises the question of developing nature reserve agencies, such as the natural laboratory (bank) to conserve rare animals and plants.
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Pertiwi, Femi Rachma, and Anak Agung Banyu Perwita. "China’s expanding national interests in the broader Red Sea arena." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 2, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 26–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i4.52.
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This article seeks to explain the importance of the broader Red Sea arena and what national interests China particularly owns within that specific region. China has been making its presence felt in the region, in the past few years, especially after Beijing decided to establish its very first foreign naval base in Djibouti. This research paper shows that the specific region holds significance in economic, security, and political dimensions. That being said, China’s national interests in this study are further classified into geoeconomic, geo-security, and geo-political dimensions. Through the theoretical framework of national interest, maritime security, and foreign policy, this study will explain what makes this broader Red Sea arena important and how it is related with China’s expanding national interests surrounding the said region. The paper concludes that China’s global presence in the broader Red Sea arena can be justified based on the importance that the mentioned region holds as well as China’s expanding global interests which already exceed Beijing’s national territory itself. In that sense, maritime security has also become an important aspect to identify China’s behaviour in the region. The confirmation of such a conclusion is drawn from China’s several foreign policy initiatives, executed to protect and secure its own interests.
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Garver, John W. "China's Push Through the South China Sea: The Interaction of Bureaucratic and National Interests." China Quarterly 132 (December 1992): 999–1028. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000045513.
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Over the past decade a highly significant development has attracted little scholarly attention: the steady expansion of Chinese power in the South China Sea. There were several excellent studies of this process through the very early 1980s, but these ended well before China's push from the Paracel Islands to the Spratly Islands in 1988. Indeed, they disagreed about whether China would actually do this. By the early 1990s China had pushed into the Spratlys and built up a relatively strong base there. It is thus time to look anew at China's activities in that region.
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Toruan, Gerald Theodorus L. "Indonesia and ASEAN in Facing US-China Rivalry in the South China Sea to Create Regional Security Stability." International Journal of Science and Society 3, no. 2 (April 28, 2021): 82–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.54783/ijsoc.v3i2.319.
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The South China Sea is a sea that has always attracted the attention of many countries in the world, in this sea there are two major countries in the world competition. The US and China are doing all they can to safeguard their respective national interests in these waters. The US and China are competing and tend to use a lot of military force. This rivalry will slowly threaten the stability of regional security. Indonesia, which has always been trusted by many countries to play an important role in efforts to keep the South China Sea safe from all forms of war, Indonesia, which is also an ASEAN member country, continues to emphasize that ASEAN will not be involved in one of the countries competing in the South China Sea. ASEAN together with Indonesia reminded the US and China to comply with existing international legal rules. This research is a qualitative research with data collection through in-depth interviews. The results of this study show that Indonesia and ASEAN play an important role in maintaining regional security stability. ASEAN cooperates with non-ASEAN countries such as America and China in the political, security, economic, social and cultural fields.
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Wijaya, Albert Agung, Priyanto Priyanto, and Muhammad Hadianto. "Indonesian foreign policy and its response to South China Sea affairs for regional stability." Strategi Perang Semesta 8, no. 1 (July 31, 2022): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.56555/sps.v8i1.1190.
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This research explains the relationship between Indonesian foreign policy and taking the case studies of conflicts in the South China Sea. Today the dispute between the two major countries, such as America and China, is increasingly heating up in the South China Sea discourse, coupled with the increasing dynamics of the strategic environment that directly impact Indonesia's foreign policy and politics. The research method used in this research is a qualitative research method, supported by literature studies. In international politics, Indonesia has determined its position as a country that adheres to the principle of active free foreign policy, which in terms of foreign policy, Indonesia will not be influenced by the hands of other countries. This paper shows that Indonesia's defense policies and strategies in anticipation of the South China Sea conflict have not been properly announced. It was found that defense policy and strategy have not been in line with the foreign policy that pays special attention to the dynamics of the Southeast Asian region, including in the South China Sea. In addition, the latest defense policies and strategies have not paid attention to the dynamics of the South China Sea conflict. Indonesia's defense policy and strategy still consider that the conflation in the South China Sea can be resolved through soft power and does not anticipate the use of hard power that will have implications for Indonesia's national interests.
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Bensa, Cheryl Pricilla. "A STUDY OF QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS: MEDIA PROPAGANDA TECHNIQUES IN THE SOUTH CHINA SEA DISPUTE." Jurnal Komunikasi Ikatan Sarjana Komunikasi Indonesia 2, no. 1 (June 15, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.25008/jkiski.v2i1.86.
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Bilateralism between Indonesia and China has kicked off a pivotal pathway to Global Maritime Axis foreign policy that has been relentlessly addressed by President Joko Widodo since his early administration in 2014. However, Indonesia is aware that China’s claim of nine-dashed line (9DL) has overlapped with Indonesia’s sovereignty area, Natuna water. This territory dispute has pushed Indonesian government to take a decisive action by sending a verbal note protest to the Chinese embassy in Indonesia. In the perspective of international communication, this action has scrutinized the interdependence between media systems and political system as a form of a symbiosis, which is connecting and creating perceptions on the issue. Propaganda techniques of mass media may create these certain perceptions. Media propaganda techniques include, inter alia, name-calling, glittering generality, transfer, plain folks, testimonial, selection, bandwagon, and frustration of scapegoat. This study maps the propaganda techniques by Indonesian high-circulated newspaper Kompas and China’s state-run media Xinhua news agency. This study applies quantitative content analysis method in the period of May 30 to July 30, 2016.
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Yoshimatsu, Hidetaka. "China, Japan and the South China Sea Dispute: Pursuing Strategic Goals Through Economic and Institutional Means." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 4, no. 3 (December 2017): 294–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797017733821.
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This article examines the strategies employed by China and Japan in advancing their national interests in the South China Sea dispute. It argues that both China and Japan have increasingly taken advantage of economic means and formal institutions to pursue political-security goals in relation to maritime disputes in the South China Sea. While China has employed economic means as ‘carrot and stick’ to influence the diplomatic stance of Southeast Asian states, Japan has utilized foreign economic aid for strategic objectives, even revising the basic principles of its development assistance policy. Moreover, China has strengthened institutional ties with ASEAN members by focusing on infrastructure development, whereas Japan has intensified the formation of multilateral institutions by expanding the scope from maritime safety to maritime security targeting China.
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Thayer, Carlyle A. "Chinese Assertiveness in the South China Sea and Southeast Asian Responses." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 30, no. 2 (June 2011): 77–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341103000205.
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This article reviews Chinese assertive behaviour towards the Philippines and Vietnam over South China Sea issues in 2011. The article compares and contrasts Chinese diplomatic behaviour in the period before and after the adoption by ASEAN member states and China of Guidelines for the Implementation the Declaration on Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea in July. In the first period China aggressively asserted its claims to sovereignty by interfering with commercial fishing and oil exploration activities of vessels operating in the Exclusive Economic Zones of Vietnam and the Philippines. Both states resisted Chinese actions. The Philippines allocated increased funding for defence modernization, lobbied ASEAN states and shored up its alliance with the United States. Vietnam too protested Chinese action and undertook symbolic steps to defend national sovereignty. In the second period all states moved to contain South China Sea tensions from affecting their larger bilateral relations. It remains to be seen, however, if proposed confidence building measures will ameliorate Chinese assertiveness.
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Wiranto, Surya, Hikmahanto Juwana, Sobar Sutisna, and Kresno Buntoro. "The Disputes of South China Sea From International Law Perspective." Southeast Asia Law Journal 1, no. 1 (August 19, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.31479/salj.v1i1.1.
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<p align="justify">Disputes in the South China Sea (SCS) occur due to the seizure of mari- time regions of Spratly and Paracel islands, the regions which are rich in natural resources of oil and gas. Indonesia is not a claimant state to the features in SCS, but Indonesia has a vital national interest to the jurisdiction of waters of the exclusive economic zone (EEZ) and the continental shelf which overlaps with claims 9 dashed lines of PRC. In analyzing and resolving these disputes, the writer uses theory of law- based state as a grand theory, the theory of international law as a middle range theory, and theory of conflict resolution as an applied theory. The method is a normative legal research. The legal materials are collected based on the identifted list of problems/issues and are assessed according to the classiftcation of the problems. The legal materials are deductively managed to draw conclusions from the problems encountered, and are further analyzed to solve these problems. Conflict resolution to maritime territorial dispute can be achieved by legal means. The dispute settlement by legal means can be done through bilateral, multilateral, arbitration, to the International Court of Justice, while the dispute resolution through CBMs can be achieved through dialogue in international fora by applying the formula 6 + 4 + 2 or 6 + 4 + 1 + 1, and by conducting survey and research cooperation in the fteld of maritime.</p>
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Wiranto, Surya, Hikmahanto Juwana, Sobar Sutisna, and Kresno Buntoro. "The Disputes of South China Sea From International Law Perspective." Southeast Asia Law Journal 1, no. 1 (December 9, 2015): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.31479/salj.v1i1.2.
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<p align="justify">Disputes in the South China Sea (SCS) occur due to the seizure of mari- time regions of Spratly and Paracel islands, the regions which are rich in natural resources of oil and gas. Indonesia is not a claimant state to the features in SCS, but Indonesia has a vital national interest to the jurisdiction of waters of the exclusive economic zone (EEZ) and the continental shelf which overlaps with claims 9 dashed lines of PRC. In analyzing and resolving these disputes, the writer uses theory of law- based state as a grand theory, the theory of international law as a middle range theory, and theory of conflict resolution as an applied theory. The method is a normative legal research. The legal materials are collected based on the identifted list of problems/issues and are assessed according to the classiftcation of the problems. The legal materials are deductively managed to draw conclusions from the problems encountered, and are further analyzed to solve these problems. Conflict resolution to maritime territorial dispute can be achieved by legal means. The dispute settlement by legal means can be done through bilateral, multilateral, arbitration, to the International Court of Justice, while the dispute resolution through CBMs can be achieved through dialogue in international fora by applying the formula 6 + 4 + 2 or 6 + 4 + 1 + 1, and by conducting survey and research cooperation in the fteld of maritime.</p>
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Dixon, Jonathan. "East China Sea or South China Sea, they are all China's Seas: comparing nationalism among China's maritime irredentist claims†." Nationalities Papers 42, no. 6 (November 2014): 1053–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2014.969693.
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Much has been made over the past few years of China'vs ambitions of regaining control of its irredentist claims in the East and South China Seas. While some of this speculation focuses on the massive amounts of money the People's Republic of China (PRC) has funneled into its naval modernization program, other analysts are more interested in the drivers behind the increasingly popular sentiment that the country must “reclaim” its lost territories. The Chinese Communist Party can ill afford to ignore the voice of an already disenchanted population if it hopes to stay in power, particularly in regard to matters of national pride. As a result, in dealing with China's irredentist claims, nationalism in particular can be a powerful ideological factor in shaping the nation's foreign policies. This is especially apparent in the case of irredentism, where nationalism can often override diplomatic and strategic imperatives. This paper addresses the question of how does the nationalist discourse vary between two territorial disputes, the East and South China Seas. It uses discourse analysis to examine developing trends among online social media and news sites. This in turn allows for the construction of a framework of how nationalism develops among both elite and grassroots audiences.
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Sandy, Kevin Ramadhan. "Solving the South China Sea Crisis: A Recommendation for Indonesia." Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 3, no. 1 (March 10, 2015): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.3.1.34-50.2014.
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The main purpose of this paper is to recommend to Indonesia to maintain its national interest of a unified ASEAN on the South China Sea disputes with four policy recommendations. The failure of the 2012 ASEAN Ministerial Meeting was observed as many analysts as the start of a crack in ASEAN as a regional group. With Cambodia’s acting as China’s proxy in the meeting, ASEAN failed to address the issue and to put it in the Joint Communique, although Vietnam and Philippines have insisted the chair to do so. This event led to the rise of suspicions from ASEAN claimant states towards Cambodia and China’s intention. Furthermore, this becomes a proof that ASEAN could no longer be independent as a regional group as China has increased its economic leverage on Cambodia. At the same time, Philippines and Vietnam have increased their bilateral ties with the United States, hoping to increase their leverage and capability vis-à-vis China. Thus, ASEAN is in an unstable state with high possibility of it to be divided into two blocs with the South China Sea still unresolved. One of Indonesia’s main foreign policy interests is a unified, centralized and independent ASEAN as a regional bloc. President Yudhoyono and Foreign Minister Natalegawa reflected this by underscoring the importance of ASEAN and the need to resolve the dispute as soon as possible before further tension occurred. In this case, Indonesia should try to act as the mediator to solve this issue as a neutral player.
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Hanh, Nguyen Thi My. "The anti-piracy activities of the Nguyen Dynasty in the South China Sea, 1802–1858." International Journal of Maritime History 31, no. 1 (February 2019): 50–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871418824965.
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Following the traditions of the preceding feudal dynasties, efforts were made by the Nguyen Dynasty (Vietnam) to prevent piracy and ensure security and marine safety in the South China Sea during the first half of the nineteenth century. The Nguyen Dynasty directed its energies towards national interests and showed an elevated level of international awareness and responsibility, especially at the beginning of the successful cooperation with Qing Dynasty (China) to resolve this widespread problem. This article examines the attempt of the Nguyen Dynasty to suppress the raiding and looting of pirates in the South China Sea, and its important achievements in this difficult and dangerous work. Addressing this non-traditional security problem also helped confirm the Nguyen Dynasty’s possession of islands within the South China Sea, including the Paracel Islands and the Spratly Islands.
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Zhu, Xueming, Ziqing Zu, Shihe Ren, Miaoyin Zhang, Yunfei Zhang, Hui Wang, and Ang Li. "Improvements in the regional South China Sea Operational Oceanography Forecasting System (SCSOFSv2)." Geoscientific Model Development 15, no. 3 (February 3, 2022): 995–1015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/gmd-15-995-2022.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract. The South China Sea Operational Oceanography Forecasting System (SCSOFS), constructed and operated by the National Marine Environmental Forecasting Center of China, has been providing daily updated hydrodynamic forecasting in the South China Sea (SCS) for the next 5 d since 2013. This paper presents recent comprehensive updates to the configurations of the physical model and data assimilation scheme in order to improve the forecasting skill of the SCSOFS. This paper highlights three of the most sensitive updates: the sea surface atmospheric forcing method, the discrete tracer advection scheme, and a modification of the data assimilation scheme. Intercomparison and accuracy assessment among the five sub-versions were performed during the entire upgrading process using the OceanPredict Intercomparison and Validation Task Team Class 4 metrics. The results indicate that remarkable improvements have been made to the SCSOFSv2 with respect to the original version (known as SCSOFSv1). The domain-averaged monthly mean root-mean-square errors of the sea surface temperature and sea level anomaly have decreased from 1.21 to 0.52 ∘C and from 21.6 to 8.5 cm, respectively.
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Setyo Pambudi, Kukuh, and Erti Fadhilah Putri. "THE POTENTIAL ROLE OF CUSTOMS IN THE MANAGEMENT OF MARINE SECURITY IN THE SOUTH CHINA SEA CONFLICT." Customs Research and Applications Journal 2, no. 2 (December 23, 2020): 141–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31092/craj.v2i2.70.
Full textAbstract:
This paper aims to provide an insight into the role that Customs can play concerning the possible conflicts in the South China Sea. The South China Sea (SCS) area is one of the places that has recently heated up with many countries fighting over claims. The conflict heats up when the two giant countries, namely China and the United States, take part in the conflict in this region and result in an increasingly heated tension. Indonesia, as one of the countries having interests in the South China Sea, where the Indonesian EEZ region is located, should be vigilant and prepare itself. Therefore, every component of Indonesia's national defence and security forces must be ready to avoid the worst possibility. One of the elements in maintaining sovereignty in the sea area is Customs. So that with the power and authority possessed by Directorate General of Customs and Excise (DGCE), it has the potential to become a reserve power and support Indonesia's maritime security. This paper is a presentation from a literature review process. This paper suggests the potential role of Customs concerning maritime security in the South China Sea region.