Academic literature on the topic 'Territory, National South China Sea'
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Journal articles on the topic "Territory, National South China Sea"
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Farida, Qurotul ‘Aini Septi. "The Conflict of South China Sea and Impact on Indonesia’s National Interest." International Journal of Social Science And Human Research 05, no. 08 (August 26, 2022): 3670–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.47191/ijsshr/v5-i8-45.
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The South China Sea is a strategic water area and abundant in natural resources. China's historical claims and activities in the South China Sea have given rise to territorial disputes between China and countries around the South China Sea. Disputes over the territorial waters of the South China Sea are a challenge for regional stability, including Indonesia. This dispute poses a threat to the defense of the sovereignty of the Indonesian state because the contested location is near the Indonesian border, namely the territorial waters of the Natuna Islands. This paper uses a normative juridical approach which uses secondary data with descriptive analytical and qualitative research specifications. The results of this study concluded that the cause of conflict in the waters of the South China Sea is because each country has its interests to be realized to benefit from the conflict that occurs and for Indonesia as a mediating country it can continue to be maintained throughout the conflict in the waters of the South China Sea relating to the archipelago, security, and guaranteeing the freedom of international shipping and most importantly the national interest of Indonesia is not harmed, especially in protecting the country's sovereign territory, namely the territorial waters of the Natuna Islands.
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Ha Trang, Nguyen. "The South China Sea issue in U.S. - Vietnam relations under President B. Obama." Science & Technology Development Journal - Social Sciences & Humanities 3, no. 3 (February 28, 2020): 152–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdjssh.v3i3.525.
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The South China Sea is one of the most important trade pathways in the world. Its strategic economic importance and its geographic location at the confluence of several spheres of influence have rendered it one of the “world’s hotspots”. The South China Sea issue began as a territorial dispute over the sovereignty of the islands and sea territory involving China, five ASEAN countries including Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei, Indonesia, and Taiwan. While the South China Sea has been the subject of disputes of sovereignty for some time, the conflict began to intensify when China established its nine-dash line in 2012 outlining its territorial claims in the body of water. China’s aggressive stance has prompted reactions from ASEAN countries as well as the US. The South China Sea is an area with relevance to U.S.’s national economic, strategic, security interests, so that increased tension within this area may threaten U.S.'s national interests. Vietnam is also aware that the United States is a superpower that shares concerns about China, as well as its influence in the region can play an important role in balancing power in the South China Sea Conflict. U.S presence help to contain China's aggressive actions, and multilateralization or internationalization of the South China Sea issues is also a contributing factor to control conflict. Therefore, the dispute in the South China Sea is a factor making a closer relationship between the U.S. and Vietnam. Vietnam and the United States established a Comprehensive Partnership in 2013, under which the two countries will strengthen and expand cooperation. In the future, U.S. - Vietnam cooperation will promote strong development, including sensitive fields, because of based on common strategic interests, including "sensitive" fields such as security and defense.
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Arjun. "Shiv Shanker Menon, Choices: Inside the Making of India’s Foreign Policy." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 2, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 96–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i4.71.
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As India continues to wrestle with the Chinese military aggression in the Galwan Valley in the Union Territory of Ladakh, similarly the South East Asian nations are tackling the brazen military expansionism of the Chinese in the South China Sea. A sudden surge of hostilities triggered by China has led the world community to question Beijing’s political ambition and military aggression. In India’s context, it is all the more imperative that she comprehend the motive of the Chinese, as she has, in the recent years, encountered a rise in tensions along the India-China Border. A comprehensive answer for the Chinese posture lies in Shivshankar Menon’s ‘Choices: Inside the Making of India’s Foreign Policy’. A retired career diplomat and a former National Security Adviser to the Indian Prime Minister between 2010-14, Menon had served as India’s Ambassador to China between 2000-03. Prior to 2000-03, he served a couple of tenures in China and had also completed his PhD on ‘Ancient India-China Kingship.’
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Dipua, Angkasa, Lukman Yudho Prakoso, and Dikry Rizanny Nurdiansyah. "ANALYSIS OF DEFENSE STRATEGY POLICIES IN DEALING WITH THE POTENTIAL NEGATIVE IMPACTS OF THE SOUTH CHINA SEA CONFLICT." Jurnal Pertahanan: Media Informasi ttg Kajian & Strategi Pertahanan yang Mengedepankan Identity, Nasionalism & Integrity 7, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jp.v7i1.860.
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<p>Several countries have implemented the diplomacy model using second-track diplomacy in solving various problems. With the dynamics of global, regional, and national strategic environmental conditions, the second track diplomacy model is a step that is considered to be effective and efficient in finding solutions to every problem between countries. The Indonesian Navy, which, according to Kent Booth, has one of its functions in carrying out diplomacy, has carried out several diplomatic steps. As an archipelago that has land and sea borders with ten neighboring countries, prioritizing this second track diplomacy model is necessary. The purpose of this study is to find a marine defense strategy in dealing with the potential impacts of the conflict that occurred in the South China Sea. Considering the vast territory of Indonesia's territorial sea, a method of sea defense strategies can apply this diplomacy model. This study uses a literature study by gathering various information from various sources, then the theory used in conducting discussions and analysis with the theory of Barry Buzan. This study concludes an input and recommendations for policymakers to prioritize second-track diplomacy in solving various existing problems, especially in Indonesia's sea border region with neighboring countries.</p>
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Makmur, E. E. S., W. Fitria, A. S. Praja, S. P. Rahayu, B. E. Pratama, R. S. S. Sudewi, H. Harsa, et al. "Strengthening the Early Detection and Tracking of Tropical Cyclones near Indonesian Waters." IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 925, no. 1 (November 1, 2021): 012010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/925/1/012010.
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Abstract In early April 2021, the territory of Indonesia, around the province of East Nusa Tenggara in particular, was severely damaged due to being hit by tropical cyclone Seroja. The impact of tropical cyclone Seroja does not only occur in Nusa Tenggara but also in Australia. In fact, the impact that hit Australia exceeded the damage that occurred in East Nusa Tenggara. The impacts caused by tropical cyclone Seroja in East Nusa Tenggara included 181 deaths and 74,222 houses damaged. Tropical cyclones are extreme weather anomalies that hit many countries, especially in the middle latitudes associated with vast oceans, such as the area around the South China Sea, the Pacific Ocean and the Atlantic Ocean, such as the Philippines, Japan, America, Australia, Europe, etc. Early detection systems for the genesis of tropical cyclones are still being developed by international collaborations such as The Research Moored Array for African-Asian-Australian Monsoon Analysis and Prediction (RAMA) in the Indian Ocean, Tropical Atmosphere Ocean (TAO) in the Pacific Ocean, and Prediction and Research Moored, Array in the Tropical Atlantic (PIRATA). To find out the early sign of a tropical cyclone, it is characterized by sea surface temperatures > 26.5 C, the growth of very broad and thick convective clouds, and rotating wind speeds of > 63 km/hour. For this reason, continuous observations are needed in the area where the tropical cyclone first developed. Observation equipment required includes satellite observations, buoys, and weather radar. Unfortunately, in the territory of Indonesia, especially in the Indian and Pacific oceans around Indonesia, this equipment is not equipped with such equipment due to very expensive funding factors and vandalism constraints. For this reason, in the future, national and international cooperation will be needed to start building an early warning system for the emergence of tropical cyclones among research centers globally.
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Lukin, A., and I. Denisov. "Russia and the Conception of “Pivot to Asia”." Journal of International Analytics, no. 1 (March 28, 2015): 194–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2015-0-1-194-203.
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The article deals with the pivot to Asia started in the USA in 2011, now becoming a part of US military strategy. Asian-Pacific region will be playing increasingly important role in securing of political, economic and defence interests of the USA seeking to consolidate world order based on “American leadership from the position of strength” – which is the main principle of New National Security Strategy. Pivot to Asia is understood as modernization and reinforcement of traditional “security alliances”. The old policy of “deterrence” of China as main geopolitical competitor is still being pursued.Military presence of the USA on Japanese islands is used for rearmament of Japanese self-defence forces. New bilateral treaty is being prepared, thus creating the possibility of joint actions of armed forces of Japan and US on the territories in- and outside Pacific region. Threat for North Korea is used as a good pretext for build-up of US military forces and deployment of THAAD complexes on the territory of South Korea. China and Russia express same attitude in this respect regarding THAAD as an instrument for increase tension in the region. Defence co-operation between Australia and US has incentives for development as well as limitations: Australia is not sure US are able to fulfill its obligations in case of crisis and at the same time economic co-operation with Beijing is of crucial interest for Australia. The involvement of Philippines in the territorial dispute with China made possible for US to strengthen cooperation in the sphere of defence. After power shift in Thailand military cooperation with US stopped. Seeking new partners in the region, US is lifting embargo to supply of weapons to Vietnam and gradually unfreezing relations with Myanmar. US moves in SEA can be regarded as reaction to Chinese promotion of “Maritime silk route of the 21st century” concept. Relations with India are viewed in the USA as means of deterrence of China ambitions and competition with Russia in military co-operation.The article contains practical recommendations how Russia should act when purpose of increasing its influence in the region is on the agenda.
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Prawira, Muhammad Rizky. "SOUTH CHINA SEA DISPUTE." Jurnal Dinamika Global 3, no. 02 (January 2, 2019): 35–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jdg.v3i02.75.
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During the past decade, China has been striving for a more prominent status in the international community. In doing so, China undertook several measures that indicate its willingness to become a supportive collaborator in the international politics, including taking a part in the Six Party Talks regarding to the North Korean nuclear issue as well as striving for the Market Economy Status (MES). However, the recent development of the South China Sea dispute seems to show a contrasting circumstance. As one of the claimant states, China showed a fairly aggressive gesture in expanding and exploiting the disputed territory. Recently, China even declared a refusal against the verdict from the international law which stated that China had no legal base in claiming the territory. This situation sparked a puzzle as the non-compliance against the international law seemed to be violating China�s on- going efforts to win the broader acceptance in the international community. Thus, using two different perspectives, namely structural realism and social constructivism, this study analyses puzzle and finds the contextual relevance behind China�s non- compliance policy. The overall findings show that the rational interest of pursuing the hegemony in the disputed region becomes the primary goal that China is pursuing beyond the interest of adhering to the international law.
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Князев, Ю. П. "World natural and cultural-natural heritage of china: current state, problems, development prospects." Tihookeanskaia geografiia, no. 1(5) (April 1, 2021): 63–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.35735/tig.2021.5.1.006.
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Проведен анализ размещения объектов Всемирного природного и культурно-природного (смешанного) наследия на территории КНР по критериям природного наследия ЮНЕСКО. Из 13 объектов природного наследия КНР девять соответствуют VII критерию наследия, обладая живописными пейзажами. Далее следуют объекты, соответствующие Х и VIII критериям (пять и четыре объекта соответственно). Меньше всего объектов, их всего два, соответствуют IХ критерию. Все объекты, выделенные по критерию природной живописности (VII), находятся в горных или предгорных ландшафтах. Особую группу пейзажей составляют «Святые горы», культовые центры кофуцианства («Горы Уишань») и даосизма («Гора Тайшань»). Среди объектов, соответствующих критерию палеонтологической, геологической или геоморфологической ценности (VIII), ключевые палеонтологические территории представлены в первую очередь «Археологическим заповедником Чэндзян», отражающим ход «кембрийского взрыва». Карстовые ландшафты представлены в резерватах «Карстовые отложения Южного Китая» и «Горы Данься»», считающихся крупнейшим единым карстовым образованием Земли. Горные эрозионные ландшафты национального парка «Три параллельные реки» признаны эталоном альпийского горообразования. Из объектов наследия по критерию природно-ландшафтного разнообразия (IХ) представлены только «убежища жизни» в плейстоцене, не затронутые четвертичными горными оледенениями. Среди объектов Всемирного наследия по критерию биологического разнообразия (Х) заповеданы только горные ландшафты с высоким уровнем эндемизма. Ключевой орнитологической территорией являются «Заповедники перелетных птиц на побережье Желтого моря – Бохайский залив Китая», имеющие планетарное значение для авифауны, использующей восточноазиатский перелетный путь. Проанализированы проблемы и перспективы развития сети объектов Всемирного наследия. Показано, что в основном заповеданы горные и интразональные ландшафты. Зональные ландшафты не представлены в списке наследия из-за высокого уровня антропогенного освоения. The analysis of the location of the World Natural and Cultural-Natural (Mixed) Heritage objects on the territory of the PRC according to the criteria of the natural heritage of UNESCO was carried out. Of the 13 natural heritage sites of the PRC, nine ones meet the VII criterion of heritage, possessing picturesque landscapes. This is followed by X and VIII criteria (five and four objects, respectively). Least of all objects (two) meet the IX criterion. All objects corresponding to the criterion of natural beauty (VII) are located in mountainous or foothill landscapes. A special group of landscapes includes the «Holy Mountains», the cult centers of Confucianism («Wuyishan Mountains») and Taoism («Mount Tai shan»). Among the objects meeting the criterion of paleontological, geological or geomorphological value (VIII), key paleontological territories are represented by the «Chendjiang Archaeological Reserve» reflecting the course of the «Cambrian explosion». Karst landscapes are expressed in the reserves «Karst deposits of South China» and «Danxia Mountains», which are considered the largest single karst formation on Earth. Mountain erosional landscapes of the National Park «Three Parallel Rivers» are recognized as the standard of alpine mountain building. Of the heritage sites meeting the criterion of natural landscape diversity (IX), only the «shelters of life» in the Pleistocene not affected by the Quaternary mountain glaciations, are represented. Among the World Heritage sites, according to the criterion of biological diversity (X), only mountain landscapes with a high level of endemism are reserved. The level of endemism in the organic world reaches at least one third in the organic world. The key bird area is the «Migratory Bird Sanctuary on the Yellow Sea Coast – Bohai Bay», which is of planetary importance for avifauna using the East Asian migratory route. The problems and prospects for the development of their network are analyzed. It is shown that mainly mountainous and intrazonal landscapes are reserved. Zonal landscapes are not represented in the heritage list due to the high level of anthropogenic development.
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Saunders, Imogen. "The South China Sea Award, Artificial Islands and Territory." Australian Year Book of International Law Online 34, no. 1 (2017): 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26660229-034-01-900000004.
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Suciningtyas, Pangesti. "The South China Sea Disputes in International Law Perspective." Digest: Journal of Jurisprudence and Legisprudence 2, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 117–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/digest.v2i1.48634.
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The South China Sea issue is getting worse. China's claims overlap with those of other parties such as Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia and Brunei. To defend its claim, China is trying to dominate, both in the disputed territory and in multilateral negotiations. In the disputed territory, China seized the area, carried out reclamation, and attacked ships in other countries under various pretexts. Until the Philippines finally brought the dispute to the Permanent Court of Arbitration. The decision of the Permanent Court of Arbitration said that China's claims regarding the nine dash lines were indisputable and had no legal basis. The decision of the Permanent Court of Arbitration. Which was a source of international law was rejected by China. This article aims to describe the validity of the Permanent Court of Arbitration decision if the decision is rejected by one party based on the perspective of international law.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Territory, National South China Sea"
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Jackson, John W. "China in the South China Sea genuine multilateralism or a wolf in sheep's clothing?" Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/9984.
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The South China Sea claimants base their claims on ancient documentation and archeological evidence. However, they largely ignored the territories until the 1960s, when natural resources speculations began. The 1982 UNCLOS magnified interest as claimants hoped to extend exclusive economic rights from their claims rather than continental coastlines. Another possible factor behind Chinese claims is the theory that Beijing desires to establish Chinese hegemony in the region. Beijing's shift from bilateral diplomacy and military aggression to multilateral diplomacy has created debate among Sinologists. Many argue China lacked the power necessary to assert its claims and now can finally attempt assertion again, thus the naval buildup. Others argue that natural resources drive China's SCS policy and still others believe bureaucratic infighting drives policy. Economic data shows a possible causal relationship between trade and China's political behavior. The 1996 U.S. Presidential campaign slogan, "It's the economy stupid," apparently applies to Beijing's SCS approach as well. The U.S. approach to the disputes remains one of ambivalence. As long as the United States maintains freedom of navigation through the area, Washington should remain concerned but uninvolved. Beijing largely feels the same way, with the important addition of guaranteeing access to the region's natural resources.
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Denny, Martin Anthony. "Regional strategic considerations in the Spratly Islands dispute." Thesis, Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1997. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B18061515.
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Chung, Christopher. "The Spratly Islands dispute decision units and domestic politics /." [Canberra, Australia] : University of New South Wales, Australian Defence Force Academy, School of Humanities and Social Science, 2004. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38658.
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Wang, Tung-Sheng, and 王同生. "Studies on Hu Jintao’s South China Sea Strategy (2002-2012)—A National Security Strategy Perspective." Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/v9usaj.
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碩士淡江大學
國際事務與戰略研究所碩士在職專班
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Title of Thesis：Studies on Hu Jintao’s South China Sea Strategy (2002-2012)— A National Security Strategy Perspective Pages :128 Key Words：National Security, Chinese Foreign Policy, South China Sea disputes, Relationship between China and ASEAN Name of Institute：Graduate Institute of International Affairs and Strategic Studies, Tamkang University Graduate Date：June, 2014 Degree Conferred：M.A.(Master of Arts） Name of Student：Wang, Tung-Sheng Advisor：Dr. Shih, Cheng-Chuan （王同生） （施正權 博士） Abstract： In this study, the author will explore the China’s South China Sea and analyze it from the viewpoint of national security strategy. Under the China’s South China Sea strategy, with fast economic growth and China’s rising, the Chinese foreign policy within the region has been changed in economic and military affairs. Despite of increasing territorial disputes among the other claimants within the region, China’s good-neighbor-policy has been held since 2002. The South China Sea strategy has been gradually formed during the Hu Jintao administration. Under the strategy, China’s military strategy has been transformed from defensive into offensive form. This change shows that China has a strong intention to be a leading power in the Asia Pacific. Originally, the obscure disputes and conflict in the Cold War, however, tensions escalated among claimants and related powers in the post-Cold War era over there, the China’s South China Sea Strategy has been gradually changed. For the sake of mineral resources and safe shipping routes, strategic rebalance toward the Asia-Pacific, the United States and the other related powers are very concerned about that. With China’s rising, the strong will in maintaining the sovereign within the region, China’s South Sea strategy will be fundamentally in pursuit of national interest and security. China’s South Sea strategy with a national security strategy perspective will be more clearly analyzed.
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于宜宏. "The Investigation on The Territorial Disputes in The South China Sea: The Impact on The National Security of Republic of China (Taiwan)." Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/z23v78.
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碩士國立政治大學
國家安全與大陸研究碩士在職專班
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The South China Sea is one of the primary corridor for the Asia-Pacific region to the world. It is also the second most used sea lane in the world while the volume of transportation is one third of total world volume; over 50% of supertankers in the world passes through this area to mainland China, Taiwan, Japan and Korea every year. Furthermore, the South China Sea is also the dominant channel for the East Asian countries to transport the commodities and materials of energy. Currently, 85% of transportation of petroleum exported to China, Taiwan, Japan, and Korea indispensably passes through this area; 90% of commodities imported to the United States of America from the East Asian countries also pass through this lane for the delivery to the North America area. Obviously, the South China Sea is not only significant to Taiwan, but regional countries of this area, even worldwide nations. The territorial disputes in the South China Sea is an extremely complicated issue and this issue involves the dominances of history, politics, economics and laws. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) is subject to specify the maritime jurisdiction and sovereignty of coastal states. Nevertheless, some of the articles are still ambiguous and cause the issues on the maritime boundary, and such issues on conflict of sovereignty of the South China Sea Islands and the affiliated resources involve China, Taiwan, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei, and Philippine. Therefore, the issues on the South China Sea will not be only on the territorial disputes; but the disputes and conflict of determination of islands and reefs, and maritime boundary will be the principal cause of disputes and affect the maritime rights and interests on regional countries. Currently, what the dilemma of Taiwan is the diplomatic balance among the United States, Japan, ASEAN, and China. If the Cross-Strait relations is intimate, this will cause the misperceptions and distrust on the issues of disputes in South China Sea from the United States, Japan and ASEAN, and worsen diplomatic and trade relations with these countries. Alternatively, the Cross-Strait relations will be worse if Taiwan aligns the relations more closely with the United States, Japan, and ASEAN, the Cross-Strait Relations will deteriorate, and China will suppress the participation in the international community of Taiwan, therefore, Taiwan may confront the risk of economics and national security. Nowadays, the newly appointed government officials deliberately alienate themselves or exclude from China in foreign relations and trade policy, and such intention implies the officials would alter or eliminate the policy “Remain a peaceful situation with China, establish a friendly relationship with Japan, and strengthen a close cooperation with the United States”. That would evolve the far-reaching effects for the future of developments in Taiwan.
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Bančanský, Andrej. "Rozdíly v řešení sporů o námořní teritoria v oblastech s energetickými surovinami." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-337397.
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Energy security is an important phenomenon of the contemporary world. A significant number of oil and gas reserves are located on the seabed. Expansion of oil and gas drilling to deeper and from shore more remote locations can again raise the question of ownership of these deposits. On one hand, there are regions of the world where these disputes over borders of maritime territories escalate into a series of clashes and incidents. On the other hand, there are other areas where states can settle their disputes and cooperate on drilling. The goal of this study is to determine which factors lead to the fact that particularly in the South China Sea disagreement about the boundaries of maritime territories results in the escalation of disputes in comparison with the regions of the North Sea and the Caribbean Sea, where disputes are solved or minimized. These factors are represented by six variables, which are based on three theories: a realist, idealist and constructivist theory of international relations. The first part of this study describes the historical development of current international maritime law with regard to the territorial division of the world's oceans. It is followed by a description of three case areas. The second part deals with the theoretical foundations of the examined factors. In...
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Dobkowska, Joanna. "ASEAN jako platforma realizacji interesów państw Azji Południowo- Wschodniej wobec Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej." Doctoral thesis, 2018. https://depotuw.ceon.pl/handle/item/2664.
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Rozprawa była poświęcona roli Stowarzyszenia Narodów Azji Południowo-Wschodniej (Association of South-East Asian Nations, ASEAN) w realizacji interesów państw członkowskich tego stowarzyszenia względem Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej (ChRL). Jej podstawowym celem było ustalenie zależności pomiędzy funkcjonowaniem państwa w ramach organizacji międzynarodowej a realizacją jego zamierzeń, na przykładzie relacji między państwami Azji Południowo-Wschodniej a Chinami. Główna hipoteza pracy zakładała, że ASEAN nie jest efektywny w roli płaszczyzny realizacji interesów państw członkowskich wobec ChRL ze względu na to, że dążenia te są zbyt zróżnicowane, często przeciwstawne, i utrudniają stworzenie stałych koalicji. Nie ma też jednoznacznej korelacji między znaczeniem podmiotu w ramach ASEAN a stopniem realizacji jego interesów. Jednak ten stan nie doprowadzi do rozpadu Stowarzyszenia, ponieważ dla państw członkowskich nawet sytuacja, w której działania organizacji nie są zbieżne z ich interesami, jest bardziej korzystna niż brak wsparcia instytucjonalnego w kontaktach z Chinami. Analiza tego problemu wymagała rozdzielenia go na dwa podstawowe zagadnienia. Pierwszym z nich było ustalenie, jakie cele wobec ChRL mają poszczególne podmioty; drugim zaś – w jakim stopniu członkostwo w Stowarzyszeniu umożliwia lub utrudnia ich realizację. Do określenia interesów państw przyjęty został model analizy oparty na propozycji Iana Tsung-Yen Chena i Alana Hao Yanga (2013), odwołującej się do teorii równowagi zagrożenia wprowadzonej przez Stephena Walta (1996) oraz teorii oczekiwanych zysków ekonomicznych przedstawionej przez Dale’a Copelanda (1996). Zakładał on badanie dążeń państw ASEAN wobec ChRL na podstawie ich percepcji zagrożenia oraz oczekiwanych korzyści gospodarczych, przy uwzględnieniu roli czynnika historycznego. Na podstawie modelu autorka przeanalizowała dziesięć studiów przypadku obejmujących wszystkich członków Stowarzyszenia oraz ustaliła ich percepcję Chin, a następnie interesy i preferencje. W dalszej kolejności zidentyfikowane zostały dwa kluczowe czynniki wpływające na możliwość wypełnienia przez państwo swoich celów w ramach ASEAN, tj. pozycja wewnątrz organizacji oraz proces decyzyjny, a w szczególności meta-reżim decyzyjny (the ASEAN Way). Pozwoliło to na wskazanie potencjalnych grup interesu w ramach omawianej instytucji oraz na określenie skuteczności działań Stowarzyszenia dla realizacji interesów poszczególnych państw w ramach dwóch studiów przypadku odnoszących się do dwóch obszarów działalności ASEAN: bezpieczeństwa (spór terytorialny na Morzu Południowochińskim) oraz gospodarki (porozumienie ACFTA). Konkluzje przeprowadzonej analizy umożliwiły pozytywne zweryfikowanie hipotezy głównej. W toku przedstawionych rozważań wskazano również, że ograniczenia dla skuteczności działania ASEAN są warunkowane większą liczbą czynników niż zakładano na początku – prócz różnicy interesów istotny wpływ mają również odmienne preferencje dotyczące stopnia i sposobu wykorzystania Stowarzyszenia jako narzędzia polityki zagranicznej. Zaproponowane na podstawie uzyskanych wniosków prognozy zakładają utrzymanie przez ASEAN centralnej roli w procesie instytucjonalizacji współpracy regionalnej oraz w polityce jego państw członkowskich wobec Chin.The topic of the dissertation was the role of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) in advancing of its member states’ national interests in relation to People’s Republic of China (PRC). The main goal was to ascertain the correlation between a state’s membership in an international organization, and the fulfilment of its national interests, using the examples of ASEAN and the PRC. The main hypothesis predicted that ASEAN is not an effective means of advancing the national interests of its member states in relation to the PRC due to the fact that their interests are too diverse or even contradictory, which hinders forming possible coalitions within the Association. There is also no clear correlation between the relative significance of a state within ASEAN and the degree of fulfilment of its interests. However it will not cause the dissolution of ASEAN as its institutional support in relations with China is considered crucial by all members – even those whose particular interests are not promoted by the Association. To verify the main hypothesis, the topic was divided into two main questions. Firstly, to ascertain the particular interests of each member state of ASEAN in relation to China; secondly, to what degree the membership in ASEAN promotes or hinders the fulfilment of the aforementioned interests. To determine the member states’ interests, the author proposed a model of analysis based on the concept introduced by Ian Tsung-Yen Chen and Alan Hao Yang (2013) which refers to the balance of threat theory by Stephen Walt (1996) and the theory of expected economic gains by Dale Copeland (1996). The purpose of the proposed model was to analyse the members’ interests towards China based on their perception of threat and expected gains of the economic cooperation, acknowledging also the historical context. The model was used in ten case studies which allowed to determine perceptions, and then interests and preferences of each ASEAN member state. Furthermore, the author identified two key factors influencing the ability of a state to advance its interests within ASEAN, namely its relative significance within the organization and the decision-making process – specifically, the meta-regime of decision-making (the ASEAN Way). This allowed to identify the potential groups of interest within the Association, as well as to evaluate the effectiveness of ASEAN as a means of advancing the national interests. The evaluation was based on two case studies related to the main areas of the Association’s activity: international security (the case of the territorial dispute on the South China Sea) and economic cooperation (the case of ACFTA). The conclusions of the analysis allowed to confirm the main hypothesis. What is more, the differing preferences for utilization of ASEAN as a means of conducting foreign policy were identified as another crucial factor affecting the Association’s effectiveness. Nevertheless, according the prognoses based on the presented conclusions ASEAN will remain a central actor in the regional cooperation, as well as a vital tool of its member states foreign policy towards China.
Books on the topic "Territory, National South China Sea"
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Prescott, J. R. V. The South China Sea: Limits of national claims. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Maritime Institute of Malaysia, 1996.
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Snyder, Craig. Making mischief in the South China Sea? [Toronto, Ont. ]: Canadian Consortium on Asia Pacific Security, 1995.
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Buntoro, Kresno. Indonesia, ASEAN, and South China Sea: The implications and problems. Jakarta: Maritime Security Coordinating Board, 2012.
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Keyuan, Zou, ed. Maritime security in the South China Sea: Regional implications and international cooperation. Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2010.
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Institute, Australian Strategic Policy. Maritime confidence building measures in the South China Sea conference. [Canberra]: Australian Strategic Policy Institute, 2013.
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China's strategic interests in the South China Sea: Power and resources. London: Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group, 2014.
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Nan Hai kai fa yu an quan zhan lüe: South China Sea development and national security. Haikou Shi: Xue xi chu ban she, 2013.
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Nguyen, Nhã, and Vinh-Thé Lâm. Vietnam Territoriality and the South China Sea. Taylor & Francis Group, 2018.
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Prescott, Victor. Limits of National Claims in the South China Sea. Asean Academic Pr Ltd, 2000.
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Houlden, Gordon, and Scott Romaniuk. Security, Strategy, and Military Dynamics in South China Sea: Cross-National Perspectives. Bristol University Press, 2021.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Territory, National South China Sea"
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Batra, Geeta, and Trond Norheim. "Staying Small and Beautiful: Enhancing Sustainability in the Small Island Developing States." In Transformational Change for People and the Planet, 73–91. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78853-7_6.
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AbstractSpread over the ocean regions of the Caribbean, the Pacific and Atlantic, the Indian Ocean, the Mediterranean, and the South China Sea, the small island developing states (SIDS) are a distinct group of developing countries often known for their rich biological diversity, oceans, tourism, and fisheries. The pressures on these and other natural resources is most immediate in the islands where the high vulnerability to the impacts of climate change, limited land and water resources, often unsustainable natural resource use, and other particular economic vulnerabilities are disrupting livelihoods. The COVID-19 pandemic has further exacerbated the SIDS economies and livelihoods. Over the past 25 years the Global Environment Facility (GEF) has supported interventions in SIDS through $578 million in financing, in critical areas such as biodiversity protection, climate resilience, and energy access through renewable energy. But how effective and sustainable have these interventions been? What factors influencing the sustainability of GEF interventions can provide insights for future project design and implementation? This chapter draws on findings from a recent country cluster evaluation on SIDS conducted by the Independent Evaluation Office (IEO) of the GEF. It presents the main environmental challenges in SIDS, the evidence on the relevance and effectiveness of GEF interventions in addressing these challenges, and the main risks to sustainability of outcomes. Important contextual factors that affect sustainability in SIDS include good policies and legal and regulatory frameworks, national ownership of projects, environmental awareness, institutional capacity, and strategic institutional partnerships. Project-related factors including good project design and adaptive project management, scaling-up and replication based on lessons learned, and a good exit strategy are also important for sustainability.
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Tønnesson, Stein. "China’s national interests and the law of the sea." In Recent Developments in the South China Sea Dispute, 199–227. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315818696-13.
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DUAN, Kejing. "An Assessment of the Strategic Situation in the South China Sea." In International Strategic Relations and China's National Security, 243–64. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789813230682_0012.
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"Marine Protected Areas in the National Laws of China, The Philippines and Vietnam." In Marine Protected Areas Network in the South China Sea, 157–91. Brill | Nijhoff, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004266353_006.
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"Models for Maritime Collaboration in the South China Sea: National-level Coordination." In Cooperation and Engagement in the Asia-Pacific Region, 391–414. Brill | Nijhoff, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004412026_021.
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DUAN, Kejing. "Freedom of Navigation and the Sino-U.S. Struggle on the South China Sea Issue." In International Strategic Relations and China's National Security, 261–79. World Scientific, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789813144941_0013.
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"China National Offshore Oil Corporation and the Management of Resource Disputes in the South China Sea and the East China Sea." In International Agreements between Non-State Actors as a Source of International Law. Hart Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781509951130.ch-005.
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Lim, Kheng Swe, and Mingjiang Li. "The South China Sea Disputes and Their Strategic Implications for the Asia-Pacific Region." In International Strategic Relations and China's National SecurityVolume 1, 81–99. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789814675741_0005.
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Hải, Đỗ Thanh, and Nguyễn Thị Linh. "Vietnam and the East Sea in Its Strategic Thinking." In Security, Strategy, and Military Dynamics in South China Sea, 101–16. Policy Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529213454.003.0006.
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This chapter depicts how Vietnamese political elites often attached great importance to the maritime corridor and offshore territories on its eastern front. It explains how Vietnam's domain served as a medium to enhance national unity and as a security buffer. It also cites Hanoi's increased adoption of the notion of comprehensive security, which views an open, stable, and rules-based South China Sea (SCS) as a strategic interest. The chapter details how Vietnam built up just enough defence and stood firm to defend the existing legal order at sea while sparing no chance to improve its relations with any stakeholders in the SCS. It builds on the existing literature of Vietnam's maritime activities and its statecraft to map and identify the importance of the East Sea in the Vietnamese perspective throughout the course of history.
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Tseng, Hui-Yi Katherine. "The South China Sea Dispute: Regional Integration, Status Ad Quem, and Singapore’s Position." In Security, Strategy, and Military Dynamics in South China Sea, 179–92. Policy Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529213454.003.0010.
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This chapter addresses Singapore's South China Sea (SCS) portfolio by mainly addressing development-oriented issues. It talks about how Singapore has re-postulated the SCS issue in the broader context of great-power wrestling and regional terrorist attack, while preferring to maintain flexibility as much as possible in handling it. It also notes that the overriding national interests would post daunting challenges to future Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) integration. The chapter views the SCS issue as an integral part of the reconfiguration of a transnational order in Southeast Asia, noting that its discussions can only be comprehensive when various aspects are factored into the deliberation. It argues that the transnational order is mainly economic-oriented, while regionalization has been a major push force.
Conference papers on the topic "Territory, National South China Sea"
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He, Jincai, and Wanzheng Ai. "The feature of double typhoon in South China Sea and ship avoiding measures." In 2016 National Convention on Sports Science of China, edited by Z. Henan and J. Y. Beijing. Les Ulis, France: EDP Sciences, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/ncssc/201701042.
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Rahmadini, Anggia, and Citra Hennida. "National Identity Analysis and Foreign Policy China Aggressive Stance in South China Sea under Xi Jinping." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010278404340440.
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An, Kun, Lawrence Khin Leong Lau, Jian Li, and Jia Liu. "Technical Analysis of Sand Production for Offshore Natural Gas Hydrate Trials in South China Sea." In SPE Russian Petroleum Technology Conference. SPE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/206411-ms.
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Abstract Natural gas hydrate emerges as a sustainable and alternative clean energy source. Japan (2013) and China (2017) have performed production trials on marine natural gas hydrate successfully. Sand production with associated risk is one of the main challenges for offshore natural gas hydrate production trials in Japan and China. Technical assessment related to sand production, transport and erosion is a crucial part for overall sand management strategy. This paper demonstrates the importance of flow assurance for marine natural gas hydrate production through the analysis of sand management in South China Sea ShenHu area. Multiphase modelling tool is used to investigate sand transport phenomenon, with parametric study focuses on the effects of production rates, particle bed height and sand particle size. Detailed analysis of particle flow and related erosion along production flow path is investigated by developing a 3-dimensional Computational Fluids Dynamics (CFD) model. Based on the matrix of sensitivity study, steady state operational map for continuous marine natural gas hydrate production is proposed. Such operational map provides useful risks level ranking based on actual field parameters including gas production rate, sand loading and particle size. The operator can maintain production at a lower risk based on the operational map. Through detailed technical analysis of sand production and transport, risks associated with sand blockage and erosion can be actively managed. This provides high values in terms of operational safety, asset integrity, and full compliance with related national or international HSSE standards.
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Khlyshcheva, Elena, Maria Kusmidinova, Valentina Tikhonova, and Ilya Mametjev. "The formation of a common cultural space as a problem of cultural security of the Caspian Sea countries." In "The Caspian in the Digital Age" within the framework of the International Scientific Forum "Caspian 2021: Ways of Sustainable Development". Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcsebm.zxsm3310.
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The Caspian Sea region is one of the strategically important spaces, attracting the attention of many countries, not only those that border it. The peculiarity of Caspian region is its polyculturalism, social variability, economic versatility. But this region is unique not only geopolitically, but also in its historical unity of states with very different cultures and mentalities. Therefore, achieving cultural security is impossible without the formation of a common mental substratum that is close to all representatives of the Caspian countries. It is impossible to create a common cultural and information space without taking into account the dynamics of peoples' identities and their increased cultural awareness. The effectiveness of Russian policy in the Caspian region, both on Russian territory and on an interstate scale, depends on the resolution of these issues. The difficulties lie in historical civilisational differences: European cultural models coexist here in close unity with traditional economic practices, so the Caspian can be seen as an 'island of juxtaposition of worlds' - 'East and West'. Today the five independent states with access to the sea are the main actors. Nevertheless, powers such as China, Turkey, the United States and leading European countries are fighting for influence in the Caspian basin. For the Russian territory, the Caspian is the concentration of numerous major geopolitical challenges. Today Russia is faced with the need to ensure cultural security in this region. Therefore, cultural security is aimed at maintaining national security through the development of cultural identity, which is very relevant to the task of forming a common mental space in the Caspian region.
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Usmanov, Rafik, Vyacheslav Golovin, Maia Urazgalieva, and Vladislav Kondratiev. "Factors and prospects for the development of geostrategic territories in contemporary geopolitical processes of the Greater Caspian Region (the case of Astrakhan region)." In "The Caspian in the Digital Age" within the framework of the International Scientific Forum "Caspian 2021: Ways of Sustainable Development". Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcsebm.mqpz1252.
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Russia's spatial development strategy has a geopolitical dimension and aims to streamline it, accelerate socio-economic development of regions, and integrate them more closely, defining a list of macro-regions and their composition, and identifying priority geostrategic areas and cross-border geostrategic areas of the country. However, the status of these territories is not filled with real geopolitical content as a major transport hub, which determines their geostrategic character in matters of national security. On the example of the Astrakhan region, we studied the peculiarities and prospects of development of geostrategic territories in modern geopolitical processes of the Greater Caspian Region. The methodological basis of the study is a comparative analysis of the adopted legislative documents "Strategies of Socio-Economic Development of Regions of the Russian Federation" in 2005, the Spatial Development Strategy of Russia until 2030 (from 2016) and the Spatial Development Strategy of Russia until 2025. A number of criteria have been identified as essential: "borderland", concentration of socio-economic development efforts in a particular region, ensuring Russia's national security. The Astrakhan region represents the middle priority geostrategic transboundary territory of the Russian Federation and the world at large. In the framework of the implementation of the Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea of 12.08.2018, the Astrakhan region may be granted certain priority competences deriving from the provisions of the Convention and defining the status of the Caspian Sea. In modern geopolitical conditions the Astrakhan region acts as a kind of buffer of national security in the South of Russia, providing geostrategic and political interests of the country, which allow fully vesting the studied region with a special geostrategic status "a priority geostrategic territory of the Russian Federation".