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1
Rudokvas, Anton D. "Trade Unions and Labour Law in a Modern Russia." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 17, Issue 4 (December 1, 2001): 407–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/394545.
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The author highlights the actual problems of the trade union movement and labour market changes taking place in a modern Russia, analyzes the evolution of trade unionism through the prism of its history. He rightly believes that it is impossible to carry out such a study without addressing the situation in this field in the U.S.S.R. as many realities of that time continue to exist in an adjusted form now. In terms of centralized state soviet trade unions performed the role of one of the divisions of the mechanism of the government. The appearance of alternative trade unions marked an important shift towards decentralization and liberalization of the labour relations. The peculiarity of a trade union movement in Russia of the second half of the 1990s consists in its high degree of politization. In the event of a rigid confrontation between workers and employers the functions of trade unions on the regional level are often taken by small opposition parties and left groupings. The proclamation of the course aimed at the formation of the market economy in a post-communist Russia has brought the questions on the labour law reform. So another important issue touched by the author concerns the reform of the Russian Labour Code which was adopted in the epoch of socialism and now results no more adequate in light of the drastic social economic and political changes taking place in Russia.
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Marrese, Michael. "CMEA: effective but cumbersome political economy." International Organization 40, no. 2 (1986): 287–327. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027156.
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The Council for Mutual Economic Assistance is primarily a forum for bilateral bargaining between the Soviet Union and each of the other CMEA countries. The bilateral negotiations are conducted with tremendous concern for Soviet long-term preferences and for the short-term economic-political stability of East European countries. The CMEA provides the Soviet Union with an effective but cumbersome politico-economic policy-making apparatus that is becoming less effective and increasingly cumbersome over time. From the East European perspective, the CMEA tends to solidify the positions of the East European leaders yet generate long-term economic costs. What are the preferences upon which the CMEA is constructed? How are CMEA characteristics related to these preferences? What are the economic costs and benefits to member countries in static and dynamic terms? Why have costs for all member countries risen over time? How is intra-CMEA trade likely to change during the next decade?
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Tarr, David G. "The Terms-of-Trade Effects of Moving to World Prices on Countries of the Former Soviet Union." Journal of Comparative Economics 18, no. 1 (February 1994): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/jcec.1994.1001.
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Habibov, Nazim, Elvin Afandi, and Alex Cheung. "Sand or grease? Corruption-institutional trust nexus in post-Soviet countries." Journal of Eurasian Studies 8, no. 2 (July 2017): 172–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.euras.2017.05.001.
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This paper empirically tests several hypotheses about the nexus of corruption-institutional trust in Post-Soviet transitional countries of the former Soviet Union and Mongolia. We use two different indices of institutional trust to check the robustness of our analysis and estimate OLS and instrumental variable models with and without interaction terms. All things considered, our findings reject “greases the wheels” and “trust begets an honest political system” hypotheses. Instead, our findings support the “sand the wheels” hypothesis. Furthermore, a multiplicative interaction model suggests that the negative marginal effects of experienced corruption are higher in the environments where satisfaction with services is low. In addition, we found that increases in corruption erode trust at all levels of the societal institutions including political parties, government and financial institutions, international investors, non-profit organizations, and trade unions. This finding is important since it highlights the negative consequences of corruption on the development of broader level economic institutions and on civil society.
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Gilmintinov, Roman. ""We can and we must": The scientificitiy of trade-union history-writing in the Soviet Union in the 1920s." Studia Historiae Scientiarum 18 (November 15, 2019): 219–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543702xshs.19.008.11014.
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In the 1920s, the young Soviet Republic, rejecting the old social system, turned to the study of the past. Instead of engaging with professional historians, the new regime initiated a whole range of large-scale participatory projects incorporated into political and public institutions to produce new, revolutionary history. In this article, instead of approaching this topic in terms of ideology and memory I put it in the context of history of science. Focusing on the case of trade unions, I suggest considering the early Soviet non-academic history-writing as a form of radical citizen science. Even though trade unionists had no special education, they dared to use scientific methods in their research that ended with positive results. This story allows us to question the opposition between amateurs and professionals in the field of citizen science. „Możemy i musimy”: Naukowość pisarstwa historycznego o związkach zawodowych w Związku Radzieckim w latach 20. XX wieku Abstrakt W latach 20. XX wieku młoda Republika Radziecka odrzuciwszy stary układ społeczny zwróciła się ku badaniom przeszłości. Zamiast współpracować z profesjonalnymi historykami, nowy reżim zapoczątkował całą gamę dużych projektów partycypacyjnych pod kontrolą instytucji politycznych i publicznych, których celem było stworzenia nowej, rewolucyjnej historii. W tym artykule zamiast podchodzić do tego tematu w kategoriach ideologii i pamięci, umieściłem go w kontekście historii nauki. Skupiając się na przypadku związków zawodowych, sugeruję rozważenie wczesnego sowieckiego, nieakademickiego pisarstwa historycznego jako formie radykalnej nauki obywatelskiej. Mimo że związkowcy nie mieli kierunkowego wykształcenia, odważyli się wykorzystać metodę naukową w swoich badaniach zwieńczonych pozytywnymi rezultatami. Przykład ten pozwala nam kwestionować opozycję między amatorami i profesjonalistami w dziedzinie nauki obywatelskiej.
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Black, Robert. "Reforming Biosecurity Legislation in Developing Countries: Increasing Market Access or Maintaining Unequal Terms of Trade?" Journal of World Trade 53, Issue 5 (October 1, 2019): 833–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2019033.
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This article explores the challenges faced by developing and transitional countries (For the purposes of this article, Former Soviet Union (FSU) countries now mostly in the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), with the exception of the Russian Federation itself, are included in the term ‘developing countries’.) in international trade in agricultural goods and other natural resource products in compliance with the normative framework of the World Trade Organisation, and in particular of the Agreement on the Application on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (‘SPS Agreement’). It details the legislative and administrative measures, as justified by ‘scientific evidence’ and ‘risk assessment’, that a WTO member may take to prevent the importation of unsafe food and animal feed, and pests and disease organisms. As well as considering the policy implications and constraints to relevant legislative reform, the article also draws on the author’s experience in biosecurity legislative review and drafting in Africa, Caribbean, Eastern Europe and Central Asia using the umbrella concept of ‘biosecurity’ to reflect on the challenges facing drafting of legislation consistent with the normative international frameworks for biosecurity. Taken into account is the impact of the SPS Agreement on the terms of food trade imposed on developing countries and the connection between international trade and environmental protection.
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Spaulding, Robert Mark. "German trade policy in Eastern Europe, 1890–1990: preconditions for applying international trade leverage." International Organization 45, no. 3 (1991): 343–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300033130.
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Over the past century, Germany has repeatedly attempted to use trade as a tool of foreign policy vis-à-vis Imperial Russia, the Soviet Union, Poland, and Czechoslovakia. Against the background of continual German economic superiority, this article analyzes Germany's ability to apply trade leverage in terms of four other factors: the nature of the prevailing international trade regime, government views of trade leverage as a tool of statecraft, the degree of German state autonomy in setting trade policies, and the availability of an effective bureaucratic mechanism for controlling German imports and exports. The historical record demonstrates that beyond economic superiority, the application of trade leverage requires a permissive international trade regime, state acceptance of trade-based economic statecraft, an autonomous domestic regime, and a rigorous trade control bureaucracy. Surprisingly, this conjunction of factors, as they applied to Eastern Europe, occurred during both the Nazi period and the early years of the Federal Republic. The article closes by pointing out how two important factors—the politicized nature of the East-West trade regime and the Federal Republic's high degree of state autonomy in setting Eastern trade policy–are being eroded by political and economic change in Eastern Europe.
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Kot, Vera, Arina Barsukova, Wadim Strielkowski, Mikhail Krivko, and Luboš Smutka. "International Trade in the Post-Soviet Space: Trends, Threats, and Prospects for the Internal Trade within the Eurasian Economic Union." Journal of Risk and Financial Management 16, no. 1 (December 27, 2022): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jrfm16010016.
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This paper discusses the dynamics of foreign trade in the post-Soviet space within the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) during the period from 2015 to 2021. Additionally, the paper analyzes export indicators in foreign and mutual trade of the EAEU member countries and diversification of the commodity structure as well as its dynamics based on the commodity concentration index for each member country. Our paper identifies the strengths and weaknesses of the EAEU, analyzes the opportunities and threats of development, and focuses on the trends and prospects. The main strengths include the institutional and legal structure of the EAEU single market, the historical, cultural, and economic proximity of the EAEU member countries, the transit potential of the territory, the high level of domestic trade, and the increasing share of ruble transactions in the trade turnover. The most significant weaknesses are the low efficiency of the institutional structure, the gap in the socio-economic level of development of the participating countries, unstable geopolitical situations in some member countries, the low level of recognition of the EAEU in the world market, economic and political conflicts of interests of the member countries, and the dependence on Western technologies in some key industries. Strategically important opportunities can be found in the creation and implementation of a long-term development strategy, diversification of trade with the Middle East and Asian countries, expansion in terms of the territorial composition, development of the institutional and legal structure as well as cooperation ties, as well as the cooperation in the field of technological innovation and financial security. Among the most significant threats were identified the outpacing growth in the share of EAEU members’ trade with China, the expansion of economic and political contradictions between the EAEU member countries, and the strengthening of the positions of alternative currencies in foreign trade.
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Tsitouras, Antonis, Athanasios Koulakiotis, Georgios Makris, and Harry Papapanagos. "International trade and foreign direct investment as growth stimulators in transition economies: does the impact of institutional factors matter?" Investment Management and Financial Innovations 14, no. 4 (December 23, 2017): 148–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/imfi.14(4).2017.13.
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The present paper develops a general production function framework, augmented with two institutional variables namely bureaucracy and corruption on 28 transition economies over the period 2000-2015. The authors use various econometric specifications and apply both the Fixed Effects, as well as the advanced system Generalized Method of Moments (GMM) panel data techniques. Empirical findings suggest that the impact of openness in terms of foreign direct investment and international trade is advantageous to all the economies of the panel. Furthermore, the findings indicate that classical growth determinants, such as labor and physical capital, have the expected positive contribution, while macroeconomic instability has a negative effect on real economic activity. Regarding the impact of the two institutional variables, corruption, and bureaucracy, the authors retrieve more influential results, as their impact appears to be diametrically opposite between the former Soviet Union states and the rest of European transition economics.
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Liobikienė, Genovaitė, and Justina Mandravickaitė. "ACHIEVEMENTS OF LITHUANIAN SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT DURING THE INTEGRATION PROCESS INTO THE EUROPEAN UNION." Technological and Economic Development of Economy 17, no. 1 (March 17, 2011): 62–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/13928619.2011.554000.
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After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Lithuania rapidly started turning towards European trade patterns averting from those of the former communist regime. However, European integration has had an effect not only on convergence of gross domestic product (GDP) but also on convergence of prices as well as on alteration of living standards. The goals of Lithuanian integration to the EU were noted in the National Lithuanian Sustainable Development Strategy. The key objective of sustainable development in Lithuania was to achieve the present developmental level of the EU countries according to indicators of economic and social development. Therefore, the paper compares the convergence across the old and newer member-states of the EU in terms of GDP, household final consumption expenditure and comparative price level indices. In addition, it is revealed that Lithuanian expenditure patterns rapidly approach those of the old member-states of the EU. Consequently, Lithuanian integration to the EU contributes to approaching the EU-15 level what means the successful achievements of Sustainable Development Strategy as well. So, the aim of this paper is to show how successful are Lithuanian sustainable development achievements in terms of GDP, comparative price level and household expenditure within framework of integration to the EU.
11
White, Stephen. "Recent writing on Soviet foreign policy." Review of International Studies 12, no. 2 (April 1986): 127–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500114032.
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For a country of its size and population, the Soviet Union may often seem rather isolated from the affairs of other members of the world community. In part, at least, this reflects the influence of Soviet history and of the political tradition that has derived from it. With its broad and relatively open frontiers, Russia is a country that has been invaded and occupied many times by outside powers. Foreigners, since the earliest times, have been required to live in special residential areas and have been regarded popularly as well as by officials with a good deal of suspicion and hostility. Strong currents of Slavophilism, particularly from the 19th century, influenced public as well as governmental opinion and helped to create an attitude towards the West which combined an admiration for its prosperity and efficiency wth a deep repugnance towards its individualistic chaos and petty-minded commercialism. In the Soviet period, attitudes of this kind were strengthened by communist ideology, which saw the USSR as the leading force in a global struggle for socialism, and by the attempts of outside powers, immediately after the Revolution and during the Second World War, to overthrow the Soviet government and install a more compliant regime in Moscow. In economic terms, similarly, the Soviet period saw the strengthening of tendencies towards economic autarchy which had their origins in the pre-revolutionary period. Even today foreign trade, with socialist as well as capitalist countries, accounts for a relatively small proportion of Soviet national income, the Soviet currency is not freely convertible, and the movement of people or information across Soviet frontiers is closely regulated and very limited.
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Chufrin, G. I. "The Origin, Formation and Development Prospects of the Eurasian Integration." Federalism, no. 2 (July 8, 2021): 115–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2073-1051-2021-2-115-148.
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After collapse of the Soviet Union new sovereign states that emerged on its territory faced pressing problems of economic survival and development, provision of social needs and prevention of a political chaos. Under these conditions an optimum outcome seemed to be to find a mutually beneficial model of interstate relationship between these countries which accepting new political realities would preserve (and then – develop) positive results of their long-term economic interaction in the framework of the USSR single national-economic complex. However, a rather long time was actually required before centrifugal tendencies in the post-Soviet space were replaced by centripetal ones. And only by the end of the first decade of the 21st century Russia, Kazakhstan and Byelorussia – the top post-Soviet states in terms of GNP – succeeded in coordinating their positions in favor of a mutual economic cooperation, being in fact of an integration character, and take a decision to create for this purpose first the Customs Union, then – the United Common Space and finally – the Eurasian Economic Union. The article presents analysis of basic achievements and shortcomings of these integration associations, explores the step-by-step progress of the Eurasian integration process as well as the role in its development of cooperation with foreign partners. Also, major challenges and threats facing Russian political and economic national interests in the post-Soviet space are explored and principal ways and means to be undertaken for their elimination or neutralization are outlined. Also, the article explores the current state and development prospects of the Eurasian Economic Union which functions in conditions of a deep global economic crisis caused by the coronavirus pandemic and problems at the world oil market. Besides these factors of a global character the EEU activities experience a serious negative impact of a number of regional problems and challenges – from a continuing regime of Western trade and economic sanctions and up to political maneuvers carried out by some EEU members (Armenia, Byelorussia) under slogans of multipolarity which resulted in a crisis of their domestic and foreign policies and also seriously undermined their participation in the EEU economic activities. General conclusion of the above analysis is made nevertheless in favor of positive prospects of the EEU development which has succeeded in preserving its viability under extreme conditions. This conclusion is also supported by all Union members officially stating their intention to continue their interaction and deepen mutual cooperation.
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Obolenskiy, V. P. "Integration Projects of Russia and EAEU: Chance for Extension Export?" Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 13, no. 3 (August 20, 2020): 156–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2020-13-3-9.
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The article deals with the possibilities of improving the access of Russian goods to foreign markets through regional trade agreements. Participation in such agreements has acquired mass character in the current century, within their framework about two thirds of transboundary commodity flows are already moving. The main peculiarity of regionalism development in this century is the pro‑integration character of the concluded agreements, which are not limited to agreements on free trade zones of goods, but cover a wide range of issues of trade in services, investment cooperation, competition, environment, labor standards, i.e. they envisage a movement towards greater institutional homogeneity of economies. Until recently, Russia was limited to the tasks of preserving and developing economic ties in the post‑Soviet space, and only after the establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union did it start showing interest in signing free trade agreements with non-CIS countries. To date, the EAEU has concluded free trade agreements with a number of countries and is negotiating a FTA with several more countries. The EAEU integration policy has not yet brought any noticeable results in terms of a significant reduction of tariff barriers into total foreign markets: the current and planned integration projects will allow Russia to enjoy tariff preferences on less than one tenth of the global market. Possible new union agreements on preferential trade with ASEAN countries can only help Russia to expand its scope, while the creation of liberal economic partnerships such as WTO plus is not on the Russian integration agenda. Nor is there any intention to promote the idea of a FTA with Russia’s largest trade partners – the EU and China – in the EAEU. The conclusion is made that it is vital for Russia to address the problem of increasing the competitiveness of manufacturing industries, without which further facilitation of access to foreign markets through free trade agreements may not be possible.
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Sanders, David, and Geoffrey Edwards. "Consensus and Diversity in Elite Opinion: The Views of the British Foreign Policy Elite in the Early 1990s." Political Studies 42, no. 3 (September 1994): 413–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1994.tb01686.x.
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The paper reports the results of a systematic and comprehensive survey of the attitudes of the British foreign policy élite that was conducted under the auspices of the Royal Institute of International Affairs in 1990. British élite attitudes towards four major international actors – the United States, the EC, the Soviet Union and Japan – are examined in terms of trade relations, financial relations, political relations and security relations. It is argued that the complex pattern of consensus and dissensus evident in the attitudes displayed by the élite – a pattern that can be broadly characterized as agreement on ‘core’ values and disagreement on ‘peripheral’ values – is probably conducive to ‘good’ policymaking. A companion study analyses the extent to which the élite's attitudes appear to be changing over time and considers the distinctive attitude sets that are evident among different segments of the élite.
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Rodionova, Irina, and Tatiana Kokuytseva. "Industrial development of the countries of the Eurasian Economic Union in transition to the digital economy." E3S Web of Conferences 159 (2020): 02001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202015902001.
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The rapid growth in high-tech production is a key development trend in the modern world industry. However, the situation in the developing countries, as well as in “transition economies” (former socialist countries) differs from the one in developed countries. The economy restructure during the transition “from plan to market” in the post-Soviet states after the collapse of the USSR did not improve the state of the industrial sector in these countries. On the contrary, some industries were lost, economic interregional and intersectoral relations were destroyed when they became sovereign countries. And their foreign trade was reoriented outside the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and later the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU). The purpose of the article is to assess the degree of readiness of the EEU and the CIS countries as a whole for the digital transformation of the economy on the basis of an analysis of their innovative and industrial development. The differentiation of the EEU countries by the level of industrial development, as well as the degree of lagging behind global trends in the transition to a post-industrial economy, is revealed. The analysis of the positions of the EEU countries in international rankings showed, that these countries continue to yield to the world leaders in terms of innovation activity and economic development. Today this gap may even widen. Only three countries still correspond to the main trends of world innovative development in the post-Soviet space: Russia, Kazakhstan and Belarus. Others have difficulties in innovative and industrial development.
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Niftiyev, İbrahim, and Gubad Ibadoghlu. "An assessment of the thirty year post-Soviet transition quality in Azerbaijan from an economic and social liberalization perspective RESEARCH ARTICLES." Journal of Life Economics 9, no. 3 (August 7, 2022): 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.15637/jlecon.9.3.02.
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Since the fall of the Soviet Union, Azerbaijan has faced numerous economic, political and administrative difficulties. One of them has been oil dependency of the national economy. The impact of the oil industry on the macroeconomic indicators such as the Gross Domestic Production (GDP) and inflation has been a popular theme in the case of the Azerbaijan economy. However, evidence of the extractive industry’s growing influence on Azerbaijan’s national economy in terms of the quality of the transition from a command economy to a market economy is sparse. In this study, we compare Azerbaijan’s transition process with other post-Soviet nations in terms of privatization, international trade and the social sphere, despite dominance by the oil sector. Poor economic diversity is said to be harming institutional quality and impairing long-term sustainable growth. Overall, it seems that Azerbaijan’s transformation is not yet complete. Its pace and quality are greatly influenced by oil prices and the domestic oil boom: when prices are high, the Azerbaijan government eases off and focuses on spending oil cash. When international commodity markets decline, Azerbaijan’s revenue drops, and the government increases its reform efforts. This approach induces economic unpredictability and underperformance and threatens its long-term growth and development. This vicious cycle-forming tendency should alert government bodies and decision-makers to be aware of the country’s excessive oil dependency and the need to diversify the country’s fiscal revenue. However, without political will and strategic planning, this cannot be achieved.
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Chernova, A. "«Eastern Partnership» after the Vilnius Summit." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(34) (February 28, 2014): 14–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-1-34-14-22.
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The third summit of EU's Eastern Partnership held in Vilnius in November 2013 became a real turning point in the development of this organization. And it didn't happen due to signing of the first EU Association Agreement of its kind with the partner states but due to a sudden turn of the largest and most important of them - Ukraine - to the Russia's rival integration project. By doing so Ukraine at least temporarily joined two of the other participating countries: Armenia and Belarus, the latter of which is already in the Custom Union. At the other pole of the Eastern Partnership there are Georgia and Moldavia which initialed the Association and Free Trade agreements with the EU in Vilnius. This widening gap within the Eastern Partnership attracted everybody's attention to the EU - Russia rivalry in the post-Soviet countries which is increasingly interpreted in terms of the clash of civilizations. In this article we'd rather touch upon some of the peculiarities of the Eastern Partnership itself and its participating countries which to a large extent predetermined such an outcome. Among them is the ambiguous legacy of the European Neighbourhood Policy, lack of membership perspective in the EU as well as the nature of societies and elites in these post-Soviet states.
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Shindo, Rikako. "EAST PRUSSIA, LITHUANIA AND THE SOVIET UNION AFTER THE FIRST WORLD WAR: THE FOREIGN STRATEGY OF A GERMAN EXCLAVE DURING THE 1920S." Problems of World History, no. 1 (March 24, 2016): 131–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2016-1-8.
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This paper deals with the foreign strategy of East Prussia after World War I. Special consideration is given to the ways in which East Prussia tried to overcome the political and economic difficulties that had arisen when it found itself surrounded on all sides by foreign countries during the 1920s. After the World War I, East Prussia aimed to re-establish its previous trade relations with the regions of the former Russian Empire. The intensive struggle for survival in which the local and regional governments of Königsberg and its economic representatives were involved resulted from the fact that the province now formed an exclave – a unique situation not only in the history of Prussia, but also in the history of Germany. Owing to the unsolvable territorial conflicts in Eastern Europe, all attempts to come to terms with the situation and its implications were doomed to have only very limited success.
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MCKIBBIN, WARWICK J., ADELE C. MORRIS, and PETER J. WILCOXEN. "COMPARING CLIMATE COMMITMENTS: A MODEL-BASED ANALYSIS OF THE COPENHAGEN ACCORD." Climate Change Economics 02, no. 02 (May 2011): 79–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s201000781100022x.
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The political accord struck by leaders at the United Nations negotiations in Copenhagen in December 2009 allows participants to express their greenhouse gas commitments in a variety of ways. This paper compares the environmental and economic performance of these disparate commitments using the G-Cubed model of the global economy. We focus on fossil-fuel-related CO2 and assume targets are achieved domestically. We show how different formulations make the same targets appear different in stringency and explore the Accord's spillover effects across countries. We find that commitments by Japan and Europe imply high carbon prices and relatively high GDP losses. The United States and China both have moderate carbon prices and moderate GDP effects. Australia and Eastern Europe/Former Soviet Union have relatively large GDP effects despite small or zero carbon prices because their terms of trade decline. OPEC suffers a large drop in GDP from a sharp decline in world oil demand.
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Agirbov, Yu I., R. R. Mukhametzyanov, and G. K. Dzhancharova. "Production and Consumption of Fruit and Berry Products in the CIS Countries in the Context of Globalization and Regional Integration." Economy of agricultural and processing enterprises, no. 12 (2020): 63–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31442/0235-2494-2020-0-12-63-71.
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The Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) emerged in the early 90s in the post-Soviet space, and 12 former Soviet republics participated or were members of its activities. Currently, it includes Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Russia, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. Turkmenistan is an associate member, while Ukraine does not participate in the work of the Commonwealth. Given the contradictions within the CIS, some of the states were forced to develop integration processes within the Eurasian Economic Community (EurAsEC), and then the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). The largest size of the consumer market, both in terms of population, and the size of the economy and average per capita income among the countries participating in the CIS and the EAEU, belongs to Russia. It is also one of the world’s largest importers of fruits, berries and nuts. Based on the use of statistical data from the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, the physical volumes of production and consumption of fruit and berry products in the CIS countries in the period 1992-2018 were analyzed. A general trend was revealed for the CIS countries of a decrease in the production and consumption of fruits, berries and nuts in the 90s of the last century, followed by their growth in the first and second decades of the XXI century in almost all states, except for Georgia (by both indicators) and Moldova (by consumption). Prospects for improving the situation with both the production and consumption of fruit and berry products created in the EAEU countries, as well as an increase in the scale of mutual trade in fruits, berries and nuts as part of the Eurasian Economic Union, including other interested CIS states, depends, on the one hand, on stimulating the development of national fruit and berry subcomplexes, on the other hand, on the desire of the ruling elites to expand regional integration in the post-Soviet space.
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Amanbekova, N. D., and J. S. Bakirova. "SOCIO-ECONOMIC, CULTURAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE CITY OF ZAISAN 1925-1991: HISTORICAL ANALYSIS." History of the Homeland 96, no. 4 (December 29, 2021): 182–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.51943/1814-6961_2021_4_182.
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The purpose of the article is to study the socio-economic, cultural development of a small town in the East in the 1925-1990s. and to determine the meaning and place of the history of the city during the Soviet period. Today in East Kazakhstan there is a small town of Zaysan, one of the cities with different industries. The reason for the separate consideration of small towns in the East is that they are all heterogeneous in terms of the level of socio-economic development and ongoing structural transformations, depending on economic and geographical factors. Some small towns were built in places of industrial development of natural mineral resources - their city-forming basis was large enterprises of various sectors of the economy, others were formed around large transport hubs, scientific and technical centers of the military-industrial complex of the former Soviet Union. As a result, an imbalance arose between the location of industrial enterprises not in areas with large labor resources, where mainly the Kazakh population lives, but in regions with rich raw materials or in cities that are effective from the point of view of union government bodies. Zaysan is a great caravan route that has become a golden bridge between Russia and China. In addition, the city is located in a geopolitical zone bordering China. Since the Republic of Kazakhstan gained independence, a customs service has been established in the country. Since May 1992, the Maykapshagai customs post has been established at the eastern regional customs. Also, the border trade center "Maykapshagai-Zhemeny" has been opened since April 2006. Studying the history of a small historical city, which has not lost its significance until now, is a requirement of today. In the Soviet period, for objective reasons, there were cities with very low economic potential, which due to the lack of a resource base. In such cities, the backward structure of industry, infrastructure and social sphere, low incomes of the population are not developed. In such a city in the region Zaisan also fell.
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Fenghe, Zhang. "Analysis of the current situation of agricultural trade development between China and Ukraine." Agricultural and Resource Economics: International Scientific E-Journal 6, no. 1 (March 20, 2020): 23–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.51599/are.2020.06.01.02.
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Purpose. As a European granary, Ukraine has rich agricultural resources. China is a country with a large population and has a large demand for food. However, the agricultural trade between the two countries has only achieved rapid development in recent years, and is not closely linked in related trade areas. This article studies the current situation of agricultural trade between the two sides, analyzes the trade data, finds out challenges, and provides suggestions for further promoting trade cooperation between the two sides.
Methodology / approach. The categories 1, 2, 3, and 4 under the HS Code of the General Merchandise Trade Statistics Database of the People’s Republic of China are used as agricultural trade statistics categories with a time span of 2014–2019 trade data. The relevant data of agricultural product trade are sorted and there is statistics, which objectively explain the current status of trade exchanges between the two sides; the results of the analysis of the trade data are put forward, and the problems existing in the development of China-Ukraine trade and the factors affecting the development are raised.
Results. According to the results of the analysis, from 2014 to 2019, China’s agricultural products imported from Ukraine accounted for 45.5 % of the total import trade. Agricultural products occupy a very important position in China’s import trade from Ukraine in terms of trade scale. Among them, the import of cereals and other products accounted for 95.7 % of the total imported plant products. Ukraine, the European granary, has become China's main food importer. In 2019, China replaced India as the largest food importer of Ukraine; In terms of export trade, mechanical and electrical products, base metals and light industrial products occupy an important position. From 2014 to 2019, China’s agricultural exports to Ukraine accounted for only 2.6 % of the total export trade, which is a small share. This shows that China and Ukraine have strong complementarity in terms of total trade volume and agricultural product trade. In the future, the two countries can further strengthen cooperation to expand their own advantages and better promote the development of trade between the two countries.
Originality / scientific novelty. Due to the geographical distance between China and Ukraine, the political instability of the post-independence republic as a former Soviet Union led to less economic and trade exchanges between Ukraine and China. Scientists did not study much on economic and trade relations between China and Ukraine. Most of the research deal with macro trade policy aspects, but the innovation of this article lies in the use of statistical data for empirical analysis, to show the current status of trade between the two sides, and to make recommendations for the further development of bilateral trade.
Practical value / implications. Since the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Ukraine in 1992, the relations between the two countries have developed smoothly. In 2011, the two countries established a strategic partnership of cooperation. Subsequently, trade cooperation in various fields has continued to develop, especially in the agricultural product trade. In recent years, total agricultural trade has doubled. In 2019, China became the largest importer of Ukrainian agricultural products. After China proposed the implementation of the «Belt and Road» initiative, Ukraine actively participated in the «Belt and Road» framework agreement. The research on agricultural trade between the two sides will be of great significance to promote further and deeper cooperation between the two sides in the field of agricultural trade and expand and create a wider development space.
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ZHDANOVA, L. L. "INSTITUTIONS FOR DEVELOPMENT IN SOCIO-ECONOMIC SYSTEM OF MODERN UKRAINE." Economic innovations 22, no. 1(74) (March 20, 2020): 72–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31520/ei.2020.22.1(74).72-79.
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Topicality. The actuality of problem is due to the fact that over the years of the Ukrainian economy transformation, market institutions have been created, and development institutions have not.
Aim and tasks. The aim of the study is to identify the basic institutions that promote development, and to study the specificity of their functioning in modern Ukraine. Research results. Research shows that in the institutional system of developed countries, the main social institution that initiates progress of the economy is trade union. Trade unions are seeking for a wage increase that encourages employers to introduce in their enterprises inventions that supplant labour, to raise the technical level of their companies. The creation of such trade unions in modern Ukraine is difficult, because this institutional niche is already occupied by trade unions inherited from the Soviet system, where they did not solve the problems of labour cost and working time, their activities were limited to mass cultural work. This is what they continue to do in modern Ukraine. This conclusion is based on a study of the status of collective labour disputes, wage arrears and real wage movements for the period 2013-2018. Comparison of these indicators shows that with a marked fall in real wages and rising debt, protest activity in the labour market did not increase. Ukrainian labour collectives very rarely use such form of resolution of labour conflicts as a strike. Despite the deterioration of the financial status of workers during this period, even the number of hours not worked on average per worker involved in the strike is insignificant. And in 2017, when statistics recorded the maximum number of businesses and organizations that went on strike, that is, 23, the average number of hours not worked per strike worker was only 66. Note that in 2015, extreme in terms of deterioration of the financial status of persons employed, the number of unresolved labour disputes decreased to a minimum value of 34.8% for the whole studied period. It is also significant that only one collective labour dispute was resolved in 2013 and one in 2015 as a result of the strike. Such paradoxical evidence that the deterioration of the financial position of workers, the growth of unresolved labor conflicts and demands of workers does not lead to an intensification of the struggle of trade unions and the radicalization of their actions, indicate that trade unions behave is radically different from the way known in developed countries. Economic development largely depends not only on economic institutions but also on political ones. Political parties are the most important among them. Political parties in Ukraine have not yet formed as ideological organizations. This has made political parties such a social institution that has little influence on economic development. Thus, in the modern institutional system of Ukraine, the main social institutions, that are trade unions and political parties, have little influence on economic development. Сinclusion. Changes in the institutional system are possible only if there are social forces interested in such changes and able to implement them.
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Bulkeley, Rip. "Cold war whaling: Bellingshausen and the Slava flotilla." Polar Record 47, no. 2 (June 15, 2010): 135–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003224741000015x.
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ABSTRACTOn 7 December 1945 a captured German whaling factory, Wikinger, was allocated to the Soviet Union under the terms of the Potsdam Agreement between that country, the United States and the United Kingdom. In the first section, this article presents the first detailed account of how Wikinger was seized by the Royal Navy and eventually transferred to Soviet ownership. The second section illustrates the hostile attitudes of western governments towards the Slava whaling flotilla during the cold war, and the degree to which their suspicions were focused on the work of scientists assigned to the flotilla. The next four sections trace the fluctuating perceptions and presentations, during the Tsarist and early Soviet periods, of the Imperial Russian Navy's Antarctic expedition of 1819–1821, the problems in respect of Antarctica which confronted Soviet diplomacy and propaganda in the 1940s, and the new story, about Russians having been the first people to discover Antarctica, which was developed in order to address them. It is then possible, in the seventh section, to explain the political utility of the Slava flotilla in the early 1950s. An eighth section sketches the divergent cultural fortunes of the Bellingshausen expedition and the Slava flotilla after the period under consideration.This article discusses the use of whaling and history in support of Soviet Antarctic policy between the end of World War 2 and the International Geophysical Year (IGY) of 1957–1958. But the Slava whaling flotilla did not just play a part in the historicisation of Soviet Antarctic policy. It was itself a historically constituted object, fraught with meanings on both sides of the cold war. For that reason the opportunity is taken to give a more detailed account of the flotilla's origins than has been available hitherto. The author notes that two contributors to this journal have preceded him in some of these matters (Armstrong 1950, 1971; Gan 2009). He ventures to suggest, however, that the connections between whaling, historiography and public information management in Soviet Antarctic policy have not been fully demonstrated before this.
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Kuznetsov, A. "Promoting Russian Economic Interests in Southern Africa." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 11 (2021): 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-11-79-87.
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In this study Southern Africa refers to 10 countries: South Africa, Namibia, Botswana, Eswatini, Lesotho, Zimbabwe, Zambia, Malawi, Angola and Mozambique. The author states that this region can take an important place in the general policy of the economic turn of the Russian Federation to the Global South. The Soviet Union developed close ties with some countries, supporting them in their struggle for independence, but after the collapse of the USSR, our country “left the region”. Analysis of main features of modern Russian foreign trade in goods and services, as well as foreign direct investment, has shown that only South Africa and Angola are characterized by a diversified structure of bilateral economic relations, and quite favorable in terms of Russian exports of goods. However, even in South Africa and Angola, the dynamics of trade with Russia is unstable, Russian investment was made by a limited number of leading TNCs (mainly in raw materials). Imports from Angola are associated only with diamonds, which does not distinguish this country from Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Malawi, which mainly specialize in the supply of tobacco raw materials to Russia. Russian high-tech exports are primarily related to arms supplies, while a significant proportion of other high value-added goods are usually associated with small volumes of supplies (as in the case of Russia’s pharmaceutical exports to Angola). So far, Russian grain and mineral fertilizers are most in demand in Southern Africa. At the same time, almost all countries in the region have the potential to deepen cooperation with Russia. Russian companies that come to the region as investors will be able to significantly increase trade turnover and diversify its structure. The most significant investments have been made by Russian oil and gas TNCs and diamond mining giant ALROSA. However, Russian investors from other industries, as well as service companies, are also showing interest in Southern Africa. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared at IMEMO under the support of the Russian Science Foundation (project no. 17-78-20216).
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Koybaev, Boris G. "The Allied Powers in Iran during World War II: the fight against German agents." Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, no. 2(2021) (June 25, 2021): 44–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2021-2-44-49.
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On the eve of the Second World War, Iran’s relations with Germany in the field of political, trade, economic, military and cultural relations significantly increased. At the same time, Iran’s relations with the Soviet Union and Britain were deteriorating. Many attempts to enter Iran, especially to gain access to Iranian oil, have also been made by the United States. They were actively opposed by the USSR and Great Britain, and the latter acted more decisively and persistently, which caused the anger of Washington. All this prompted Tehran to search for a “third force” that could protect Iran from the encroachment of the USSR and Great Britain on its interests. And such a” third force “ Iran found in the person of Germany, which after Hitler came to power began to develop intensively in military and economic terms. Reza Shah was impressed by Hitler, who, in turn, expressed interest in cooperation with Iran, as a large state in the Middle East, which occupied an important place in the plans of Nazi Germany to conquer world domination. As you know, the fascist leadership after the implementation of the Barbarossa plan intended to defeat Great Britain, but first to capture its pearl-British India. Berlin hoped to implement these plans in alliance with Iran, using its territory for subversive and aggressive actions against India. It was also intended to seize the AIOC oil fields, because the Axis powers did not have their own sources of oil.
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Demenko, O. "Problems of Social and Economic Modernization of Kazakhstan." Problems of World History, no. 16 (December 16, 2021): 213–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-16-10.
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The article analyzes the features of the socio-economic development of the Republic of Kazakhstan after gaining independence in 1991. It is noted that historically the economy of Kazakhstan for many decades was formed as a raw material base for the unified national economic complex of the USSR. Under the conditions of independence, the raw materials industries, primarily the fuel and energy and mining and metallurgical complexes became the basis for the socio-economic development of Kazakhstan, thanks to which the country made an economic breakthrough and deeply integrated into the world economy. Kazakhstan is the leader among the post-Soviet countries in terms of the volume of attracted foreign direct investment, which contributed to the increase in the extraction of natural resources, the construction of new industrial enterprises and infrastructure facilities. The most important trade and investment partners of Kazakhstan are the European Union, the Russian Federation, China and the United States. At the same time, despite the geographical proximity, common social and ethnocultural features, only 4.9% of Kazakhstan’s foreign trade falls on the neighboring countries of Central Asia.
The dependence of Kazakhstan on the sale of raw materials, the low investment attractiveness of the manufacturing industries make the country’s economy vulnerable to changes in the situation in the commodity markets, periodically lead to an aggravation of the socio-economic situation. In the structure of Kazakhstani exports, about 70% are products of the extractive industry. A problem in the development of the energy sector is the limited supply routes for energy carriers to world markets. The issue of changing the model of economic growth through the development of high-tech sectors of industry and support for small and medium-sized businesses is extremely relevant. The system of public administration, which is too bureaucratic and cumbersome, also needs to improve efficiency. Also, a reform of social policy is ripe, which should be aimed at increasing social support for citizens. It is necessary to change the strategy for the development of regions, primarily with regard to the creation of jobs and the reduction of regional imbalances.
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Kotsur, Mykola. "Special features of the legal regulation of antidrug resistance in the SSR in the period 1960—1991." Legal Ukraine, no. 2 (February 27, 2020): 52–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.37749/2308-9636-2020-2(206)-5.
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In this article the dynamics of normative-legal acts, aimed at the fight against drug addiction, which were adopted in the Soviet Union during the period from 1960 to 1991 b. It is shown that the Decree of the Presidential Verkhovna Rada of the Soviet Socialist Republic of 1974 significantly strengthened the criminal indifference for such evils, in the wake of the USSR Committee of 1960. The role of such crimes was played by the Resolution of the Plenum of the Supreme Court of the USSR. Looking at the adoption of these legal and regulatory acts in the fight against drug addiction, the doctrines of the Radyanskie sciences have been changed. The processes of drug addiction in the Soviet Socialist Republic have been growing on a zealous scale, the evil caused by drug addiction has increased, and the happy fakhieves and abuses have become clear from this point of view. In ostensibly arguments the following reasons hung: antisocial life; chase for receipt vid sale of drug products; batannyami pidnyati nasty and unknuti physical pain. The Statute of the URSR Committee of 1960 was not in the present world that the fight against anesthesia was effective for the cause of an insignificant number of children for what the criminality of vidpovidalnist was. Look at the sanctions caused by the illegal drug-related speeches of the URSR CC of 1960, shows the fact that there have been prolonged penalties for such crimes, the therminomic activity of voli right robots has lines of 1 to 3 rows and more in the types of smuggling of drug trafficking of sanctions is increased by lines of 3 to 10 rows. In the fight against illegal narcotics, the role of the SSR played a significant role in the work of doctors and the number of states, associated with the problems, which were published on the pages of newspapers and magazines. Thus, the doctors in their offices, brought negative injections into the state of health, psychic, behavioral and drug use. The newest fight against drug addiction took place after the Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR was adopted in the 25th quarter of 1974, which significantly broadened the scope of punitive measures, added new warehouses, unify the norms of criminal legislation and provoked strict punishment for the times of the 1960 URDF Communist Party Committee, up to that date, a severe thermic punishment was carried out for such crimes up to 15 years, according to p. 1 and p.1. 2 given to the Decree, up to 10 years, there were three points and the establishment of such worlds as the Confiscation of the Main. In this historic period, there was a tendency to fight against illegal sowing of narcove cultures, which was found at the Station for the sake of the Ministers of the Soviet Socialist Republic, as well as at the Visconauts' Committees of the Masses, they were glad to report about the control and prevention of sowing of such cultures. It is shown that the Ministry of Health of the USSR has adopted legal and regulatory assets of the world in terms of the strength of the protection of drugs, control over their types, trade and prescription. Key words: Criminal code, Decree, drugs, misdemeanours, Supreme Court of the USSR, criminality.
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Serebrianska, Iryna. "History of formation and development of the concept sphere education through modern scientific world picture." Ukrainian Linguistics, no. 47 (2017): 79–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/um/47(2017).79-90.
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The purpose of the article is to trace the path of national education from Kiev Rus to the Soviet Union. The task is to summarize the key events and key concepts in the history of the formation of education in Ukraine through the prism of language picture of the world of the Ukrainian people, as language reflects all problems of the nation at each historical stage of its development. Our study is relevant in terms of reformation of Ukrainian education and appropriate processes: the accession of Ukraine to the Bologna Process in 2005, implementation of the Law of Ukraine “On Higher Education” (2014), discussion of the draft of the new Law of Ukraine “On education”. The research is based on the analyses of the following texts: “Ukrainian Encyclopedia”, which presents the history of education in close connection with the general history of Ukraine, “History of Education in Ukraine” by S. Siropolko, “Ukrainian small encyclopedia”, ed. prof. J. Onatskyi, “Encyclopedia of History of Ukraine”. We have classified the language means of education representation into several thematic groups taking into account the time, geographical and political features of the country in each period. They include types of educational institutions of different levels, forms of authority and funding sources of educational institutions; education authorities; stages of education development; education regulations; cultural and educational organizations and their periodicals; student organizations and their periodicals.
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Klimiuk, Zbigniew. "Stosunki gospodarcze i handlowe ZSRR – Niemcy w latach 1918–1940 (część 1)." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 9, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.3364.
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The author analyzes in his paper the economic and trade relations between Germanyand the Soviet Union in the period of 1918–1944. During this period trade relations withGermany constituted a continuation of relations between Tsarist Russia and Germany beforeWorld War I. The German-Soviet Economic Agreement of October 12, 1925, formed specialconditions for the mutual trade relations between the two countries. In addition to the normalexchange of goods, German exports to the Soviet Union were based from the very beginningon a system negotiated by the Soviet Trade Mission to Berlin under which the Soviet Union wasgranted loans for financing additional orders from Germany. Trade with Soviet Union, promotedby the first credit-based operations, led to a dynamic exchange of goods, which reached itshighest point in 1931. In the early 1930s, however, Soviet imports decreased as regime assertedpower and its weakened adherence to the disarmament requirements of the Treaty of Versaillesdecreased Germany’s reliance on Soviet imports. In addition, the Nazi Party’s ascent to powerincreased tensions between Germany and the Soviet Union. In the mid-1930s, the Soviet Unionmade repeated efforts at reestablishing closer contacts with Germany. The Soviets chieflysought to repay, with raw materials, the debts which arose from earlier trade exchange, whileGermany sought to rearm, therefore both countries signed a credit agreement in 1935. The saidagreement placed at the disposal of the Soviet Union until June 30, 1937, the loans amountingto 200 million Reichsmarks, to be repaid in the period 1940–1943. The Soviet Union used183 million Reichsmarks from this credit. The preceding credit operations were, in principle,liquidated. Economic reconciliation was hampered by political tensions after the Anschluss inmid-1938 and Hitler’s increasing hesitance to deal with the Soviet Union. However, a new periodin the development of Soviet–German economic relations began after the Ribbetrop–MolotovAgreement, which was concluded in August of 1939.
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Klimiuk, Zbigniew. "Stosunki gospodarcze i handlowe ZSRR – Niemcy w latach 1918–1940 (część 2)." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 9, no. 2 (November 30, 2019): 27–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.2999.
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The author analyzes in his paper the economic and trade relations between Germany and the Soviet Union in the period of 1918–1944. During this period trade relations with Germany constituted a continuation of relations between Tsarist Russia and Germany before World War I. The German-Soviet Economic Agreement of October 12, 1925, formed special conditions for the mutual trade relations between the two countries. In addition to the normal exchange of goods, German exports to the Soviet Union were based, from the very beginning, on a system negotiated by the Soviet Trade Mission in Berlin under which the Soviet Union was granted loans for financing additional orders from Germany. Trade with the Soviet Union, promoted by the first credit-based operations, led to a dynamic exchange of goods, which reached its highest point in 1931. In the early 1930s, however, Soviet imports decreased as the regime asserted power and its weakened adherence to the disarmament requirements of the Treaty of Versailles decreased Germany’s reliance on Soviet imports. In addition, the Nazi Party’s rise to power increased tensions between Germany and the Soviet Union. In the mid-1930s, the Soviet Union made repeated efforts at reestablishing closer contacts with Germany. The Soviets chiefly sought to repay, with raw materials the debts which arose from earlier trade exchange, while Germany sought to rearm, therefore both countries signed a credit agreement in 1935. That agreement placed at the disposal of the Soviet Union until June 30, 1937 the loans amounting to 200 million Reichsmarks which were to be repaid in the period 1940–1943. The Soviet Union used 183 million Reichsmarks from this credit. The preceding credit operations were, in principle, liquidated. Economic reconciliation was hampered by political tensions after the Anschluss in the mid-1938 and Hitler’s increasing hesitance to deal with the Soviet Union. However, a new period in the development of Soviet-German economic relations began after the Ribbetrop–Molotov Agreement, which was concluded in August of 1939.
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Juan-Navarro, Santiago. "From Utopia to Dystopia: The Demise of the Revolutionary Dream in Futuristic Cuban Cinema." Humanities 11, no. 1 (December 22, 2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h11010001.
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The armed insurrection that brought Fidel Castro to power in 1959 was one of the most influential events of the 20th century. Like the Russian and Mexican revolutions before it, the Cuban revolution set out to bring social justice and prosperity to a country that had suffered the evils of corrupt regimes. A small country thus became the center of world debates about equality, culture, and class struggle, attracting the attention of political leaders not only from Latin America but also from Africa, Asia, and Europe. Its intent to forge a model society has often been described in utopian terms. Writers, artists, and filmmakers turned to utopia as a metaphor to trace the evolution of the arts in the island from the enthusiasm and optimism of the first moments to the dystopian hopelessness and despair of the last decades. Indeed, the Cuban revolution, like so many other social revolutions of the 20th century, became the victim of a whole series of internal and external forces that ended up turning the promised dream into a nightmare tainted by autocratic leadership, repression, and political and economic isolation. Although Cuban literature has extensively addressed these issues since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, it is only recently that we can find similar trends in a cinematic output that portrays Cuba as a utopia gone sour. This article examines recent films such as Alejandro Brugués’ Juan de los Muertos (2011), Tomás Piard’s Los desastres de la Guerra (2012), Eduardo del Llano’s Omega 3 (2014), Rafael Ramírez’s Diario de la niebla (2016), Yimit Ramírez’s Gloria eterna (2017), Alejandro Alonso’s El Proyecto (2017), and Miguel Coyula’s Corazón Azul (2021). These films use futuristic imageries to offer a poignant (and often apocalyptic) depiction of the harsh paradoxes of contemporary life in Cuba while reflecting upon the downfall of utopia.
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Ollapally, D., and G. Anandalingam. "India and the Soviet Union: Trade and Technology Transfer." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 12, no. 2 (September 1, 1992): 108–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07323867-12-2-108.
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Kostecki, M. M. "Canada's Grain Trade with the Soviet Union and China." Canadian Journal of Agricultural Economics/Revue canadienne d'agroeconomie 30, no. 2 (November 13, 2008): 223–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1744-7976.1982.tb01980.x.
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Lavigne, Marie. "Foreign trade in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union." Journal of Comparative Economics 16, no. 2 (June 1992): 350–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0147-5967(92)90150-6.
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Debray, Bibek. "The Terms of Indo-Soviet Trade Revisited." Foreign Trade Review 24, no. 4 (January 1990): 377–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0015732515900402.
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Baluk, Walenty. "Ukraine as a Country of Focus for the Government of Canada in the Context of Russia’s Aggression." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 44 (December 15, 2021): 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.44.11-26.
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The central thesis of this paper is that Canadian-Ukrainian relations have fostered certain peculiarities due to the fact that in Canada (the Land of Maple Leaf), a hefty percentage of citizens are of the Ukrainian origin. Social mobility of the Canadian Ukrainians is traditionally forcing top-level authorities to have their focus resolve around the Ukrainians’ needs and expectations. Noteworthy, since the World War II, Canada has been a pivotal role in constant efforts to strengthen Ukraine’s democracy. While ardently supporting Ukraine’s will for gaining its independence, after dissolution of the Soviet Union, Canada’s government acted in compliance with the international law. Particularly, the Soviet Union’s collapse put Ukraine on the map of the international political landscape and made it known to become independent from the Russian Federation. It should be articulated, Poland was first country to recognize the independence of Ukraine on December 2, 1991. Canada was the second world state to have acknowledged Ukraine to be a sovereign state. In the 30-year-long-run Ukraine gained worldwide recognition. Undoubtedly, Ukraine- Canada relationship has laid its crucial fundamentals for the global acknowledgment. The author of the article estimates that both countries have signed more than 50 documents, which are handling their relationship. According to the author, sovereign Ukraine is an especially important factor for European security, which is facilitated by the present-day Canada-Ukraine relations. The author of the article emphasizes on Canada-Ukraine relations to be recognized as a unique and genuine partnership. To be more precise, the scholar discloses the significant value of the Joint Declaration on Special Partnership signed in 1994, which was extended twice - in 2001 and 2008. Remarkably, the paper analyzes Canadian-Ukrainian relations from the beginning till 2018. It highlights two stages f the relations establishment - before 2014 and after the Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. Furthermore, the author stresses on his personal contribution in the scientific research on Canada’s policy in terms of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine over the years. Provisions of the article are proved by the relevant Canadian-Ukrainian documents. In addition to the mentioned Declaration, there is an Agreement on Friendship and Cooperation between Ukraine and Canada, dated 1994. Document reaffirmed both sides’ commitment to the democratic values and the principles of market economy. It also defined development in the political, security, economic, social and cultural areas of Ukraine-Canada relations. Since the article is devoted to bilateral relations between the two countries in extremely difficult time for Ukraine, related to Russian aggression, article says a lot about the aggression itself, about the support for Ukraine to overcome it, about the reaction of the world society. To confirm it, author involved a bilateral document Defence Cooperation Arrangement, dated April 3, 2017. The body of the article goes on to emphasize Canada’s bolstering democratic and market reforms in Ukraine. However, the author draws attention that the current trade and mutual investments capacity leaves much to be desired. Nevertheless, the Canada government and the pro-Ukrainian Canadians provided significant support to Ukraine during the Orange Revolution and the Revolution of Dignity. Authorities in Ottawa denounced Russia’s aggression against Ukraine by joining the sanctions imposing policy of the Western countries. Ottawa has clearly spoken out against Russia’s annexation of Crimea and destabilization in Donbas and supported sale of the lethal weapons to Ukraine. First of all, Canada supports Ukraine through diplomatic policy, as well as in Ukraine’s efforts in implementing economic reforms and strengthening the state security system.
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Feldmann, Magnus, and Razeen Sally. "From the Soviet Union to the European Union: Estonian Trade Policy, 1991–2000." World Economy 25, no. 1 (January 2002): 79–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9701.00421.
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Hurst, Mark. "‘Gamekeeper Turned Poacher’: Frank Chapple, Anti-Communism, and Soviet Human Rights Violations1." Labour History Review: Volume 86, Issue 3 86, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 313–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.2021.14.
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The inclusion of the British trade union leader Frank Chapple on the panel of the 1985 Sakharov hearings, an event designed to hold the Soviet authorities to account for their violation of human rights, raises questions about the workings of the broader network of activists highlighting Soviet abuses. This article assesses Chapple’s support for human rights in the Soviet Union, arguing that because of his historic membership of the Communist Party and subsequent anti-communist leadership of the Electrical Trades Union (ETU) in Britain, his support for victims of Soviet persecution was multifaceted in the Cold War context.
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van Brabant, Jozef M. "The Soviet Union and the International Trade Regime: A Reply." Soviet Economy 5, no. 4 (October 1989): 372–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08826994.1989.10641315.
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Watson, Robin A. "Interrepublic Trade in the Former Soviet Union: Structure and Implications." Post-Soviet Geography 35, no. 7 (September 1994): 371–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10605851.1994.10640965.
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Djankov, Simeon, and Caroline Freund. "Trade Flows in the Former Soviet Union, 1987 to 1996." Journal of Comparative Economics 30, no. 1 (March 2002): 76–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/jcec.2001.1752.
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Kolluri, Satish, and Joseph Tse-Hei Lee. "An inter-Asian perspective on China’s rise and power shifts in Asia." Social Transformations in Chinese Societies 17, no. 1 (April 7, 2021): 27–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/stics-12-2020-0030.
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Purpose Taking an inter-Asian perspective on the perception of China’s rise and power shifts in Asia, this reflection draws on the examples of Hong Kong’s years-long pro-democracy movement, Taiwan’s democratization and India’s anti-China sentiments to discuss the growth of domestic and international discontents against China’s projection of sharp power, even military power, along its peripheries. The severity of these crises suggests that an assertive China has trapped itself in a perpetual cycle of intensifying authoritarian rule at home and seeking expansionary outreach abroad. China’s diplomatic and military adventurism is likely to antagonize potential allies, jeopardizing the hope for inter-Asian solidarity and cooperation. Design/methodology/approach The authors consult relevant secondary literature to contextualize the perception of China’s rise to domination from an inter-Asian perspective. Findings Following the end of the Cold War in 1990 and the demise of the Soviet Union as a Eurasian empire, some cultural theorists proposed a postcolonial, inter-Asian perspective to de-globalize the Euro-American-dominated humanities and social sciences, recognizing that many areas once deemed by the West as marginal and peripheral had contributed to the transformation of the modern world. The nineteenth-century Western imperialists and early twentieth-century Japanese militarists once deployed the geopolitical concept of “Asia” to advance their respective discourses of modernity and progress. Thus, the very notion of Asian solidarity or Pan-Asianism is deeply problematic because it reminds us of the entwined histories of colonial oppression and resistance against imperialistic intrusions. Research limitations/implications The conventional “inter-Asian” perspective that emphasizes relational connectedness across and within nations does not seem applicable to explaining the troublesome relationship between American universalism and China-centric authoritarianism. Practical implications In today’s multipolar world, the USA and China are embroiled in a competitive relationship regarding the shape the global order should take. The recent US-China trade war is only the opening shot in the wider bilateral conflict. Behind this contest for global leadership in economic influence and technology is a serious battle of ideas. Social implications China is still coming to terms with many unexpected consequences of globalization. Steady recovery gave China a temporary reprieve but the overall economy has weakened due to many years of trade disputes with the USA and the COVID-19 pandemic. China has yet to find a way to coexist with a fast-developing India, address the genuine grievances and demands for democratic change in Hong Kong and accommodate a stronger pro-independence force in Taiwan. To revive the vision of inter-Asian solidarity, China should build trust at home and abroad and reimagine institutional mechanisms for conflict resolution. Otherwise, it would trap itself in endless cycles of tensions and conflicts that benefit no one. Originality/value The rapid rise of China to power in the Eurasian continent and Asian waters has not only distorted the inter-Asian vision of seeking unity among postcolonial states but also accelerated competitions for territorial resources and regional dominance. By reflecting on the latest interventions of China in geopolitical affairs, this paper shows that despite the rhetorical appeal of horizontality, the engagement of many emerging Asian powers has diverged from the ideal of inter-Asian cooperation. The task for scholars is to gain a more accurate understanding of the fluid situations on the ground.
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der Loo, Guillaume Van, and Peter Van Elsuwege. "Competing Paths of Regional Economic Integration in the Post-Soviet Space: Legal and Political Dilemmas for Ukraine." Review of Central and East European Law 37, no. 4 (2012): 421–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/092598812x13274154887060.
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This contribution compares the different paths of regional economic integration in the post-Soviet space and analyzes their implications for Ukraine. First, it examines the legal framework of EU-Ukraine trade relations and the impact of the envisaged establishment of a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA) in the context of the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP). Second, the various initiatives of regional trade integration with Russia and other post-Soviet republics are scrutinized in light of Ukraine’s legal commitments towards the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the EU. It is argued that the establishment of a DCFTA with the European Union precludes Ukraine’s full participation in the Eurasian Economic Community and the customs union between Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan.
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Baksheev, A. I. "RELATIONS BETWEEN STATE BODIES AND TRADE UNIONS OF SIBERIA (1918—1929)." Federalism, no. 3 (September 16, 2019): 88–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2073-1051-2019-3-88-97.
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The problems of the trade union movement are multidimensional and each state has its own characteristics related to the cultural and historical past of nations, traditions, ethnic composition of the population, level of economic development of the state, its territorial communities, etc. Along with the specific features of trade union organizations, theory and practice defined relatively well-established principles of forming trade unions and their tasks, which can be used in the further development of the state, including in today’s Russia. In this regard, the development of relations between trade unions and state structures of Siberia in the 1920s is of great importance. Twentieth century. It was at this time that new areas of work of trade union bodies associated with the development of the Soviet state system are growing and gaining strength. This includes the nomination by the trade unions of candidates for leadership, above all economic, positions and uncritical support by the trade unions of any proposals from managers of enterprises and the abandonment of the struggle for workers’ rights in state enterprises, etc. Thus, Russia began the process of merging trade union organizations with the Soviet state. The reluctance of the trade unions to draw a clear distinction between their duties and the role of the appendages of economic bodies in production had a painful effect on relations with the workers. Such a position of the trade unions separated them from the real needs and demands of the workers, caused frustration and apathy of the population towards the trade union movement.
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Sun, Yizhi. "The Soviet Union and the May Thirtieth Movement in Shanghai." Problemy dalnego vostoka, no. 4 (2022): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120021382-1.
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This article focuses specifically on the Soviet factor in The May Thirtieth Movement in Shanghai, including the degree of central and local Soviet authorities' involvement in the preparation and course of the Movement and financial assistance to Chinese strikers. It also examines Soviet intelligence activities in Shanghai during this period. Until May 30 the central organs of the USSR and the RCP(b) were not the initiators of the Movement. The largest workers' movement in Shanghai occurred spontaneously and was not under the control of the Comintern or the Politburo. However, we cannot completely deny the existence of attempts to organize and control the Movement by the Soviet Consulate as early as the first days of the strikes and it has been documented that the practical actions of Soviet agents began even before the Politburo began to pay attention to the Shanghai events. The All-Union Central Trade Union Council represented the "legal" support for the strikers by the Soviet authorities. The arrival of a delegation of Soviet trade unions in Shanghai was open and contained no elements of secret diplomacy. In the field of "secret politics", G.N. Voitinsky was sent to Shanghai to lead the Movement through the CCP. During the May Thirtieth Movement, Soviet intelligence had to work in intensified mode. However, in the Shanghai municipal police files we can only find references to the activities of Soviet spies at the beginning of the Movement. The reason for this is that all police attention in July and August was concentrated on the so-called "Dosser case", which was essentially of a small scale, but was hyped up by the Shanghai press and the Municipal Council of International Settlement. Nevertheless, one should not exaggerate the influence of the Soviets on the May Thirtieth Movement. The Soviets could only control, through the CCP and the General Trade Union, the workers' and partly the students' part of the strikes. The leading role in the May Thirtieth Movement was still held by the Shanghai merchants, not by the Politburo and the Comintern.
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Marrella, Fabrizio, Rafik Khammatovic Usmanov, and Patricio Ignacio Barbirotto. "On Trade Liberalization for Political Ends: The Case of the EAEU." Journal of World Trade 55, Issue 4 (June 1, 2021): 597–618. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2021025.
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As evidenced by WTO theory and practice, even as exceptions regulated at Article XXIV GATT 1994 and Article V GATS, regional trade agreements (RTAs) or preferential trade agreements are an important legal tool to liberalize trade and strengthen economic or political cooperation. In recent years, notwithstanding the fiasco of TTIP and TPP, RTAs have proliferated in different regions of the world. Among them, the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) is a customs union established in 2015 which is institutionally similar to the European Union (EU) albeit unexplored in academic literature. Remarkably, during its first five years of existence as an international organization, the EAEU has become a trade entity capable of adopting common technical regulations and a uniform customs code regulating cross-border trade in the internal single market and with third parties. Moreover, the EAEU has been quite active in concluding international agreements with third States, setting the basis to make the EAEU a key player on the global arena. Is the EAEU an RTA with the purpose to liberalize trade and services, mindful of the WTO philosophy, or rather is it a mean to attract back in the Moscow’s orbit some of the Post-Soviet States thus reaching precise geopolitical ends? What is its relevance for international business? Regional Trade Agreements, International Economic Law, Eurasian Economic Union, WTO, International Economic Organizations, Post-Soviet States, EAEU Customs Code, Russia, Common Market
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Lutz, Carol, and James Lutz. "Russia and the Use of Trade Policy: Concentration with Soviet Successor States." Global Economy Journal 17, no. 4 (September 2017): 20170068. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/gej-2017-0068.
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Economic policy has often been an integral part of foreign policy usage by governments. Many states will use trade, aid, and investment as instruments to attain other objectives deemed to be in the national interest. Albert Hirschman in an early and classic study suggested that governments in the Weimar Republic and Nazi Germany consciously attempted to dominate the trade of weaker states in Europe as a means of enhancing the German foreign policy position. Russian trade policy since the breakup of the Soviet Union has followed a similar policy, especially in regard to the other successor states of the former Soviet Union. Patterns were different for the Baltic countries, other European successor states, the Transcaucasian states, and Central Asian countries. Notwithstanding differences that were present, there was evidence in the trade patterns to indicate that Moscow was using trade policy to gain influence in the successor states.
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Busygina, Irina, and Mikhail Filippov. "Trade-offs and inconsistencies of the Russian foreign policy: The case of Eurasia." Journal of Eurasian Studies 12, no. 1 (January 2021): 46–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1879366521998241.
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In this article, we explore the inherent trade-offs and inconsistencies of Russia’s policies toward the post-Soviet space. We argue that attempts to rebuild an image of Russia as a “great power” have actually led to a reduction of Russian influence in the post-Soviet region. The more Russia acted as a “Great Power,” the less credible was its promise to respect the national sovereignty of the former Soviet republics. In 2011, Vladimir Putin declared that during his next term as president, his goal would be to establish a powerful supra-national Eurasian Union capable of becoming one of the poles in a multipolar world. However, Russia’s attempt to force Ukraine to join the Eurasian Union provoked the 2014 crisis. The Ukrainian crisis has de-facto completed the separation of Ukraine and Russia and made successful post-Soviet re-integration around Russia improbable.
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Wooden, Mark. "Union Amalgamations and the Decline in Union Density." Journal of Industrial Relations 41, no. 1 (March 1999): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569904100102.
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Confronted by a marked decline in trade union density, the union movement in Australia bas responded by promoting the restructuring and amolgamation of trade unions. As a result, the number of active trade unions in Australia has fallen markedly since 1990. Despite tbis, the decline in trade union density accelerated during the 1990s, leading some analysts to suggest that the union amalgamation process may actually have been counterproductive in terms of overall trade union membership. This article tests this hypothesis using panel data collected as part of the Australian Workplace Industrial Relations Survey. A regression model of changes in union density in the period 1989/90 to 1995 is developed and estimated. The results indicate that while declining union numbers have been associated with the decline in union density, none of the blame for the fall can be traced to the amalgamation process.