Journal articles on the topic 'Tenant owners’ association'

The Mew Gull Larus canus is both a coastal and inland breeder and can be found on many different substrates, including man-made structures. It is known since long to nest in urban areas of Sweden, but neither the number of urban breeding pairs nor their behaviour have been well documented. We made some observations of breeding Mew Gulls in the city of Malmö in south Sweden and asked the chair of the tenant owners’ association that comprised one of the buildings with Mew Gull nest about the tenants’ experience of the species. Some perceive Mew Gulls as harmful because they dirty the roofs, leave a bad smell, are noisy, and defend their young with aggressive behaviours. Given the often-conflicting interests of gulls and humans, a better documentation of the nesting population in urban areas of Sweden, as well as their behaviour and interaction with people, is called for.

British housing policy has, since 1979, been dominated by a shift from collectivist to market-oriented strategies. The single most important element of this policy shift has been the sale of public-sector dwellings to sitting tenants. The patterns of such sales have been well documented, but the longer-term effects on the broader housing market are less well understood. This paper is a report of the results of a research project into the resale by purchasing tenants of Scottish Special Housing Association dwellings over the period 1979–90. The findings are placed in the broader context of the general government housing policy aimed at widening the access to owner occupation for lower-income households. The authors conclude that the long-term impact of the sale of public-sector dwellings is more likely to widen choice for existing owners rather than to increase access to owner occupation.

Climate change: the question is not anymore if it happens, but what the impact is of its effects such as drought, heat waves and increased precipitation on the quality of our lives in cities, offices and houses. A significant share of the Northern European housing stock is owned and maintained by large stock owners, such as housing associations. It is their responsibility to be aware of changes and risks that might challenge the quality of life of their tenants. Moreover, in order to provide housing with a good market value in the future, adaptation to climate change can no longer be overlooked. With the aim to discover the level of awareness of climate change adaptation among Dutch housing associations, a content analysis was undertaken on the policy plans and the annual reports of the 25 largest housing associations. Subsequently they were classified according to their level of awareness. The analysis returned no topics that directly referred to climate change adaptation, which implies that all housing associations are categorised as being ‘unaware’. Therefore, in order to reach higher levels of awareness and to incentivize the implementation of adaptation measures, appropriate governance strategies need to be developed. Future research will define the characteristics of these strategies in relation to the level of awareness of the housing associations. Adoption of the measures could be easier if adaptation measures are combined with maintenance activities, as this has been the case with mitigation measures.

LEED Canada for Existing Buildings: Operations and Maintenance (LEED Canada EB:O&M) and Building Owners and Managers Association's Building Environmental Standards (BOMA BESt) are complex green rating systems that offer owners, managers, consultants, and tenants distinct value propositions for existing buildings. Upon close examination, significant variations between the systems are evident in certification process, cost, rigor, engagement, marketing, accessibility, transparency, management, and program philosophy. Despite the many differences between the systems, they are often seen to be complementary programs and are sometimes used in tandem for the same building. This paper reports on a survey of the industry perceptions of the value and strengths of the LEED Canada EB:O&M and BOMA BESt rating systems with respect to the above criteria. As a result of the fundamentally different nature of the programs, preferences for LEED Canada EB:O&M and BOMA BESt are determined by stakeholder values and the programs are used for a variety of reasons.

AbstractThe historical-comparative study of social democracy and cooperative organization are the foster children of historical sociology. This article offers a first account of systematic ideological differences in social-democratic ideology regarding private ownership and different cooperative traditions in the housing sphere of Northern European and continental German-speaking countries. The long-run trajectory of housing welfare regimes in these two country groups has been one of divergence: Nordic countries have moved to Anglo-Saxon levels of high homeownership, high levels of mortgage indebtedness, and house price increases, whereas private tenancy, lower indebtedness, and lower price increases still characterize their German counterparts. Based on historical case studies of Germany and Norway, we argue that the divergence in these two countries can be understood by the different social-democratic and cooperative solutions to the urban housing question from the 1920s onward. Supported by a pro-ownership social democracy, Norway started to develop housing cooperatives of the owner cooperative type, whereas German social democracy was in favor of associations of the tenant cooperative type. The differential growth of these two types of cooperatives and disparities in social democratic party ideology contributed to the urban housing divergence between the two country groups that has been observed ever since. We argue, more generally, that varieties of social democracy and welfare-anticipating cooperative organizations are important in helping us understand the welfare differences between countries.

AbstractComparative welfare and production regime literature has so far neglected the considerable cross-country differences in the sphere of housing. The United States became a country of homeowners living in cities of single-family houses in the twentieth century. Its housing policy was focused on supporting private mortgage indebtedness with only residual public housing. Germany, on the contrary, remained a tenant-dominated country with cities of multi-unit buildings. Its housing policy has been focused on construction subsidies to non-profit housing associations and incentives for savings earmarked for financing housing. The article claims that these differences are the outcome of different housing institutions that had already emerged in the nineteenth century. Germany developed non-profit housing associations and financed housing through mortgage banks, both privileging the construction of rental apartments. In the United States, savings and loan associations favored mortgages for owner-occupied, single-family house construction. When governments intervened during housing crises in the 1920/1930s, they aimed their subsidies at these existing institutions. Thus, US housing policy became finance-biased in favor of savings and loan associations, while Germany supported the housing cooperatives.

Abstract The transition to a fossil fuel free society is expected to affect the way we live considerably. As part of Dutch Climate Agreement (Klimaatakkoord) which aims to reduce CO2 emissions, the Dutch government has expressed the ambition to gradually move towards a ‘natural-gas-free’ built environment in 2050. This decision will eventually affect all citizens in the Netherlands, both home owners and tenants. In this paper we study the extent of public support for this policy ambition. We aim to unravel differences between groups, and factors explaining those differences. Data were collected in the LISS-panel, with an online questionnaire, in May 2019 (Verkenning Energietransitie 2019; VET’19). We performed data analyses in this large population study of Dutch residents, using structural equation modeling (SEM). Results show significant differences by financial position, education, age, and gender, with higher support in those financially better off, with a higher level of education, younger adults (18-34 years), and women. These associations could be partly explained by psycho-social and contextual factors included in the model.

SummaryRelationships between migration and fertility are examined, using data from the OPCS Longitudinal Study of England and Wales, including linked information from the 1971 and 1981 Censuses and birth registration data for the period 1971–80. The results showed that the proportion moving between the 1971 Census and the first subsequent birth was higher among tenants than owner occupiers, particularly for women in shared accommodation in 1971. The association between tenure and moving was more consistent than the relationship between moving and the husband's social class. Differences in the proportions moving between the censuses were positively associated with fertility in the same period particularly for women in potentially crowded accommodation in 1971. Moving in 1970–71 was not associated with differences in parity progression ratios 1971–81. There were, however, differences in the timing of births, suggesting that long distance migration was associated with a postponement of the first or second child, probably because both longer distance migration and fertility behaviour are associated with other characteristics such as education.

Abstract: A financial management eficiently begin, primarily, with an accounting record kept in the best possible conditions, this being conditioned on the adoption of a uniform forms, rational, clear and simple accounting. Throughout history, there have been known two forms of accounting: the simple and double entry. Romanian society after 1990 underwent a substantial change in social structure, the sector on which put a great emphasis being private, that of small manufacturers, peddler, freelance, who work independently and authorized or as associative form (family enterprises, various associations (owners, tenants, etc.), liberal professions, etc.). They are obliged to keep a simple bookkeeping, because they have no juridical personality. Companies with legal personality are required to keep double entry bookkeeping; therefore, knowledge and border demarcation between the two forms of organisation of accounting is an essential. The material used for this work is mainly represented by the financial and accounting documents, by the analysis of the economic, by legislative updated sources, and as the method was used the comparison method, using hypothetical data, in case of an authorized individual and a legal entity. Based on the chosen material, an authorized individual (who perform single entry accounting system) and a juridical entity (who perform double entry accounting system) were selected comparative case studies, using hypothetical data, were analysed advantages and disadvantages in term of fiscal, if using two accounting systems, then were highlighted some conclusion that result.

This article describes some specific features of the ethnosocial status of the Limbus in Nepal. Since the annexation by Royal Nepal, the Limbus have retained a certain degree of autonomy which is centered around maintaining their own traditional system of land ownership. This was the only ethnicity based type of land ownership in Nepal. The rest of the land was originally state-owned and the state put it out to lease or sold it to tenants. However, the Limbus’ autonomy gradually decreased as time passed, the amount of clan-owned lands was reduced, and gradual integration into the Hindu society was begun. The Limbus were included into the caste system, in which they were placed in between the upper-caste and the untouchable Parbatiya. Hindu practices supplanted traditional ones, for example, ground burial was replaced by cremation and some rites were performed by Brahmins instead of Shamans. Gradually the Limbus started to worship Hindu deities, make occasional offerings in the Hindu temples, and to celebrate Nepali state holidays. The intensification of Sanskritization led to the consolidation of ethnic movements among the Limbus. In the middle of the XX century, the Limbu alphabet was rediscovered and Limbu ethnic associations emerged. These associations tried to increase the political influence of the Limbus and to retain their traditional culture and beliefs, which they considered to be the core of their ethnic identity. There was also an attempt to create a new syncretistic religion on the basis of Hinduism and traditional beliefs of the Limbus. These multidirectional processes formed the basis of the transformations occurring nowadays among the small nations of South Asia.

ObjectivesTo investigate associations between a range of different indicators of socioeconomic position (SEP: occupational class, education, household overcrowding and tenure, and experience of financial hardship) across life and chronic widespread and regional pain (CWP and CRP) at age 68.DesignProspective birth cohort; the Medical Research Council National Survey of Health and Development.SettingEngland, Scotland and Wales.ParticipantsUp to 2378 men and women who have been followed-up since birth in 1946 to age 68.Primary outcome measuresOn the basis of their self-report of pain at age 68, participants were classified as: CWP (American College of Rheumatology criteria), CRP (pain of at least 3 months’ duration but that does not meet the definition of CWP), other pain (<3 months in duration) or no pain.ResultsAt age 68, the prevalence of CWP was 13.3% and 7.8% in women and men, respectively, and that of CRP was 32.3% and 28.7% in women and men, respectively. There was no clear evidence that indicators of SEP in childhood or later adulthood were associated with pain. Having experienced (vs not) financial hardship and being a tenant (vs owner-occupier) in earlier adulthood were both associated with an increased risk of CWP; for example, moderate hardship adjusted relative risk ratio (RRRadj) 2.32 (95% CI: 1.19 to 4.52) and most hardship RRRadj 4.44 (95% CI: 2.02 to 9.77). Accumulation of financial hardship across earlier and later adulthood was also associated with an increased risk of CWP.ConclusionsConsideration of socioeconomic factors in earlier adulthood may be important when identifying targets for intervention to prevent CWP in later life.

The subject of the paper is conclusion and execution of direct contracts between consumers and utilities providers.The main aim of the paper is to confirm or disprove the hypothesis that direct contracts between consumers and utilities providers are more convenient for utilities providers than for consumers.The methodology of the study includes general scientific methods (analysis, synthesis, comparison, generalization, description) as well as particular academic legal methods (formal-legal analysis of theoretical and regulatory sources, interpretation of legal acts, judicial and arbitration practice).The main results and scope of their application. The current procedure for the provision and payment of utilities is based on the concept of "performer of utilities", which are the management organizations, homeowners' associations, housing cooperatives. The performer of utilities enters into a contract with utilities provider. These utilities are acquired by the contractor at the border of its operational responsibility (on the border of an apartment building), then this resource is already provided as a utility service to final users – tenants and owners of premises in an apartment building. Consumers pay for utility services to the contractor of utilities, and he, in turn, transfers the received payments to the utilities provider (resource supplying organization). Such a scheme of contractual relations leads to problems, including the following: the performers do not enter into contracts with the utilities providers (resource-supplying organizations), thereby trying to exclude their responsibility for the quality of services; do not pay fully or partially for the supplied utility resource. In this regard, the legislation has been amended to allow direct contracts between consumers of public services and resource organizations and, accordingly, directly pay for utilities.Conclusions. Direct contracts between consumers and utilities providers are more convenient for utilities providers than for consumers in the scope of responsibility for the poor quality of utilities.

This paper concerns the use of the buildings along a heritage street in Johor Bahru city centre in Malaysia. The fabrics of Johor Bahru city are in the phase of changing, similar to the other cities in the world. Parts of the city were already torn down and replaced by new buildings to meet the demands of the modern society. Some sections of the city were accepted as heritage area by the local authority. This includes a street known as Tan Hiok Nee Street. Both sides of the street are lined partly with rows of shop houses built in the early 20th century. A preliminary study on the street indicated that it was not popular to the general public during the day time. It is often emphasized by scholars that the current and future uses of the old buildings are crucial to their survival. The usefulness of the existing buildings along the street was thus questionable. A research was then conducted to examine the current situation of the street especially in the use and the condition of the buildings. The intention was also to probe on the reasons why the street was not lively. The data was collected from site observation, literature review and interview of the tenants, owners as well as visitors. The analysis was based on these data from which the conclusions were drawn. It was found that part of the street was rather quiet with some of the shops hardly survived to meet ends. Some of the buildings were not in use and their condition revealed poor maintenance. The external area was already upgraded by the local authority. However, the condition of the area showed the lack of maintenance. The other reasons include the shifting of the residents, the lack of strong interest for the visitors, the lack of strong connectivity to the major nodes and the high rent. It is inevitable that the whole area needs a constant supervision. It also suggests that some of the buildings do not meet the current demands of the users. This may result in the removal of the buildings in the near future. Some strategies need to be devised in order to retain the heritage street for the benefit of the future generations. Keywords: heritage; street; shophouses; Johor. eISSN 2514-751X © 2018. The Authors. Published for AMER ABRA cE-Bs by e-International Publishing House, Ltd., UK. This is an open-access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/). Peer–review under responsibility of AMER (Association of Malaysian Environment-Behaviour Researchers), ABRA (Association of Behavioural Researchers on Asians) and cE-Bs (Centre for Environment-Behaviour Studies), Faculty of Architecture, Planning & Surveying, Universiti Teknologi MARA, Malaysia.

Masyarakat pesisir di perbatasan Kabupaten Nunukan (Provinsi Kalimantan Utara, Indonesia) dan Tawau (Sabah, Malaysia) saling ketergantungan diantara keduanya dalam pemenuhan kebutuhan pokok dan input produksi perikanan. Kajian ini bertujuan menggambarkan hubungan kekerabatan masyarakat Nunukan dengan masyarakat Tawau, dan menganalisis perilaku para pelaku utama pada usaha perikanan. Responden dipilih secara purposive terhadap pemilik usaha penangkapan ikan dan budi daya rumput laut di Pulau Nunukan dan Pulau Sebatik. Data primer diperoleh melalui wawancara, Focus Group Discussion (FGD), dan observasi dengan metode survei. Analisis data dilakukan secara deskriptif kualitatif dan deskripsi tabulasi silang dengan penghitungan sederhana. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa perekonomian masyarakat perbatasan di Nunukan dipengaruhi oleh sistem kekerabatan dalam menjalankan usaha dan perilaku bisnis. Sistem kekerabatan dibangun untuk menjamin agar usaha yang dijalankan dapat berjalan dengan baik. Perilaku bisnis nelayan dan pembudi daya rumput laut menjamin keberlanjutan peningkatan skala usaha melalui akses sumber daya yang terjamin, pemilihan tenaga kerja yang tepat, pemilihan akses pasar yang sesuai, pemilihan teknologi yang tepat, pemanfaatan sumber modal yang saling menguntungkan, serta pemanfaatan sumber tabungan yang ada. Oleh karena itu, pemerintah daerah Kabupaten Nunukan diharapkan dapat membentuk asosiasi atau kelompok dagang dan mendorong lembaga keuangan finansial (terutama Bank BRI atau Bank BUMN lain) mempunyai perwakilan di desa-desa produsen rumput laut dan penangkapan ikan.Title: Coastal Community and Its Behavior to Fisheries Business Networks: Case Study of Border Area in Nunukan RegencyCoastal communities in Nunukan Regency (North Kalimantan Province, Indonesia) and Tawau (Sabah, Malaysia) are interdependent in the fullfillment of the basic needs and fishery’s input production. This study aimed to describe the relationship between Nunukan and Tawau coastal community and to analyze the behaviors of the main actors of fishery businesses. Respondents were purposively selected from the owners of fishing boats and seaweed farm in Nunukan and Sebatik Island. Primary data were collected through interviews, group discussion, and survey observation. Data were analyzed with qualitative descriptive method and cross-tabulation with simple calculation. The results found that the economy of community in Nunukan was influenced by relationship system in business activities and behavior. Relationship system was built to ensure the benefit of their businesses. The business behaviors helped to ensure the sustainability and expansion of their businesses through the guarantee of resource access, employee selection, market selection, technology selection, mutual benefit of financial capital sources, and the use of existing savings. Therefore, the government of Nunukan Regency need to establish trade association or groups and to encourage the financial institution (especially government banks) to operate in the village of seaweed and fishing activities.

Di Indonesia, jumlah kasus baru HIV positif yang dilaporkan pada Tahun 2015 sebanyak 30.935 kasus, menurun dibandingkan tahun sebelumnya. Perkumpulan Ibu-ibu Dasa Wisma Seruni merupakan perkumpulan ibu-ibu di wilayah Balecatur yang memiliki karakteristik dari segi profesi beragam, meliputi tenaga kesehatan, tenaga kependidikan, dan 70 % adalah IRT. Jenis pekerjaan yang dimiliki jika diperhatikan merupakan jenis pekerjaan yang rentan terhadap penularan HIV/AIDS dan paparan HIV/AIDS ini erat kaitannya dengan Kanker Serviks yaitu sopir truk antar kota, pelayar kapal, tenaga kerja di Arab. Balecatur merupakan wilayah di Kabupaten Sleman yang keberadaannya dekat dengan Jalan Wates sehingga merupakan wilayah yang berisiko dengan akses ke penjaja seks tidak langsung. Tujuan kegiatan adalah transfer informasi dan skrining Ca.Cerviks memlaui pemeriksaan IVA pada ibu rumah tangga di wilayah Dasawisma Dusun Ngaran Balecatur. Metode pelaksanaan kegiatan dengan melakukan skrining pada ibu ibu di perkumpulan Dasawisma Seruni Balecatur, karena skrining ini terutama dilakukan pada kelompok yang rentan terhadap paparan HIV yakni karena telah di ketahui bahwa pada kelompok ini akan lebih mudah terkena paparan HPV penyebab kanker serviks. Skrining dilakukan pada 15 ibu dasawisma yang telah dilakukan anamnesa dan pemeriksaan vtal sign terlebih dahulu. Kegiatan IbM skrining IVA ini hasilnya dari 15 ibu terdapat 13 hasil normal dan 2 ibu perlu rujukan ke puskesmas. Sebagai upaya tindak lanjut dari kegiatn ini diperlukan kerjaam dengan lintas sektor baik itu perangkat desa di masyarakat maupun dengan sektor penyedia layanan kesehatan untuk dapat melakukan kegiatan serupa secara rutin sehingga bisa menjamin kualitas kesehatan masyarakat pada umumnya.Kata kunci: deteksi dini, kanker serviks, IVA.AbstractIn Indonesia, the number of new HIV positive cases reported in 2015 was 30,935 cases, down from the previous year. The Dasawisma Seruni is an association of mothers in the Balecatur region who have various professional characteristics, including health workers, education staff, and 70% are IRTs. The type of work that is owned if it is considered is the type of work that is susceptible to HIV / AIDS transmission and exposure to HIV / AIDS is closely related to Cervical Cancer namely inter-city truck drivers, ship sailors, workers in Arabia. Balecatur is an area in Sleman Regency which is close to Wates Street, making it a risky area with access to indirect sex workers. The purpose of the activity was the transfer of information and screening of Cervical Cancer through IVA examination in housewives in the Dasawisma area of Ngaran, Balecatur. The method of carrying out activities is by screening mothers in the Dasawisma Seruni Balecatur , because screening is mainly done in groups vulnerable to HIV exposure because it is known that this group will be more susceptible to exposure to HPV causing cervical cancer. Screening was carried out on 15 charismatic mothers who had done anamnesa and vtal sign examination first. The IbM IVA screening activity results from 15 mothers with 13 normal results and 2 mothers needing referral to the puskesmas. As a follow-up effort, these activities require cross-sectoral work, both village officials in the community and with the health care provider sector to be able to carry out similar activities on a regular basis so that they can guarantee the quality of public health in general.

The present study intends to investigate the relationship between farm size and productivity. The objectives of the study are: to investigate the relationship between farm size and productivity, to suggest some policy implications. The study is based on secondary data. Data were collected from different published and unpublished documents. The main findings of the study are: the small farms have the higher productivity of land than the larger ones, there exists the inverse farm size productivity relationship, few studies showed that although there exists an inverse relationship between these two this inverse relationship got weakened or even disappeared in the regions adopting new technology, some cases there also exists the positive relationship between farm size and productivity, the output level of owner cultivator is likely to be higher than the share-cropper. Few researchers pointed out the higher productivity of sharecroppers than the owner cultivators. In view of the above findings, the following policy measures are suggested: emphasis should be given to farm-related research, the assistance of small farmers in order to form associations for enhancing production, absorbing credit, and adopting farm technologies.

Abstrak Sertifikasi dan lisensi tenaga perpustakaan sekolah/ madrasah (TP-SM) merupakan dokumen yang menandakan pengakuan bahwa seseorang memiliki kewenangan untuk melaksanakan tugas sebagai tenaga pengelola perpustakaan di lembaga pendidikan (sekolah dan madrasah) secara profesional. Sertifikasi dan lisensi hanya diberikan kepada seseorang yang telah memenuhi persyaratan kualifikasi dan penguasaan tentang standar kompetensi tenaga perpustakaan sekolah sebagaimana yang telah ditetapkan dalam Permendiknas Nomor 25 Tahun 2008. Penguasaan tentang standar kompetensi tersebut merupakan dasar dan pedoman dalam penyelenggaraan pendidikan dan pelatihan tenaga perpustakaan dan pendidikan profesi pustakawan untuk menerbitkan sertifikasi kompetensi dan pemberian lisensi tenaga perpustakaan dan pustakawan. Proporsi yang sangat rendah tentang keberadaan pustakawan dan/atau tenaga pengelola perpustakaan tentulah menjadi pekerjaan rumah bagi semua pihak, baik bagi pemerintah (Direktorat terkait di Kemdiknas dan Kemenag), Perpusnas, perguruan tinggi pengelola program studi perpustakaan, dan asosiasi profesi. Hal ini terkait dengan kepemilikan perpustakaan dan tenaga pengelola perpustakaan di sekolah/ madrasah yang harus dapat terpenuhi selambat-lambatnya pada Juni 2013 atau 5 (lima) tahun setelah peraturan tentang hal tersebut ditetapkan.Permasalahannya adalah (1) Apakah semua tenaga perpustakaan sekolah yang ada saat ini sudah profesional?; (2) Kualifikasi dan kompetensi apa yang dibutuhkan agar mereka dapat menjadi profesional?; (3) Apa bukti yang menunjukkan bahwa mereka memiliki kewenangan sebagai tenaga perpustakaan yang profesional?; (4) Pendidikan atau pelatihan yang bagaimana yang dibutuhkan agar dapat mempersiapkan dan mengembangkan seseorang menjadi tenaga perpustakaan yang profesional? (5) Bagaimana kesiapan Perguruan Tinggi untuk mempersiapkan Tenaga Perpustakaan Sekolah/Madrasah ini? Jawabannya tentu perlu dikaji secara teoritik dan empirik. Sebagai bahan diskusi pertanyaan (1) dan (2) akan dijawab dengan paparan pada bagian B, pertanyaan (3) dan (4) akan dijawab melalui paparan pada bagian C, sedangkan pertanyaan ke (5) akan dijawab melalui paparan bagian D, dengan ilustrasi memaparkan Program Studi Perpustakaan dan Informasi, Jurusan Kurikulum dan Teknologi Pendidikan, Fakultas Ilmu Pendidikan, Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia. Sertifikasi dan lisensi tenaga perpustakaan akan menghasilkan tenaga yang profesional apabila melibatkan berbagai unsur sebagai berikut, yaitu: perguruan tinggi penyelenggara disiplin ilmu perpustakaan, lembaga yang mengelola perpustakaan (Perpusnas), lembaga yang mengelola tenaga perpustakaan (Kemdiknas) dan asosiasi profesi perpustakaan. Kata Kunci: Pustakawan, Tenaga Pengelola Perpustakaan, Sertifikasi, Lisensi, Perpustakaan Sekolah/Madrasah, Pendidikan Pustakawan Abstract Certification and license of school librarian/ Madrasah librarian (Tenaga Pustakawan-Sekolah/Madrasah - TPSM) refers to a document admitting that an individual has a right to execute a task assuming the responsibility to manage a library at an educational institution (school or Madrasah) professionally. The certification and the license are issued to individuals who have met some qualification as required so as to describe a mastery in a standardized competencies owned by school librarians as enacted by Permendiknas No.25/2008 (an Act of the Ministry of Education and Culture). The mastery of the aforementioned competencies serves as basics and principles in operationally running education and training for librarians and professional librarian education prior to the issuances of competency certification and license for assistant librarians and librarians. Less than adequate proportion of the existence of librarians remains a big task to be done by all parties including the Government (directorates, Kemendikbud (Ministry of Education and Culture), and Ministry of Religion), Perpusnas (National Library of Indonesia), universities running the programs of library schools, and profession associations. It brings with it some concerns with services libraries and their librarians have to provide. According to the Permendiknas, by June 2013 (five years after the issuance of the Act) schools and Madrasah have to equipped themselves with libraries managed by librarians. Problems arise once concerns on providing library services have to be working: (1) Are all school/Madrasah librarians on duty professional in category?, (2) What qualifications and competencies should the librarians have to be professional?, (3) What could be the proof that the librarians have every right to work as professionals?, (4) What kind of education and training do the librarians need to undergo to have a good command of managing library collections professionally?, (5) How prepared are higher education institutions in training librarians to have adequate competencies in managing libraries? Answers to the queries need to be explored both theoretically and empirically through a study. To initiate a discussion, questions (1) and (2) will be entertained through explanation in Part B; questions (3) and (4) will be entertained through explanation in Part C while questions (5) will be entertained through explanation in Part D with an illustration of Library and Information Studies-Department of Curriculum and Educational Technology-Faculty of Education-UPI (Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia-Indonesia University of Education). Certification and license for school librarians will work the excellent way to produce professionals in librarianship if the elements involved in the program are promising enough in terms of qualifications. Those to be involved include universities running the programs of library studies, institutions with the power of managing libraries nationwide including Perpusnas, institutions which concern in establishing libraries (Kemendikbud), and profession associations in librarianship.Key words: librarian, library managers, certification, license, school/Madrasah libraries, training for librarians.

In the third episode of the British sci-fi/thriller television series Torchwood (BBC3, 2007-) the team are investigating a portable ‘ghost machine’, which allows its users to see events which occurred in the past. After visiting an old man whose younger self the device may have allowed them to witness, the team’s medic, Owen Harper, spots Bernie Harris, who’d previously been in possession of the machine. A chase ensues; they run past a park, between a gang of kids playing football, over a railway bridge, through a housing estate, and eventually Bernie is cornered in a back garden and taken away for questioning. The scene demonstrates the series’ intention to be a fast-paced, modern, glossy thriller, with loud incidental music, fast cuts, and energetic camerawork. Yet for me the scene has quite a different meaning. The housing estate they run through is the one in which I used to live; the railway bridge they run over is the one I crossed every day on my way to and from work; the street they run down is my street; and there, in the background, clear and apparent and obvious for all to see, is my home. Yes; my house was on Torchwood. As Blunt and Dowling note, “home does not simply exist, but is made … [and] … this process has both material and imaginative elements” (23). It is through such imaginative elements that we turn ‘spaces’ that are “unnamed, unhistoried, unnarativized” into ‘places’ that are “indubitably bound up with personal experience” (Darby 50). Such experiences may be ‘real’ (as in things that actually happened there) or ‘representational’ (as in seen on television); my relationship to ‘home’ is here being inflected through the “indexical bond” (Kilborn and Izod 29) that links both of these strategies. In using a scene from Torchwood to say something about my personal history, I’m taking what is, in essence, a televisual ‘space’ and converting it into a ‘place’ which is not only defined by my “profilmic” (Ward 8) relationship to it, but also helps express that relationship. Telling everyone that my house was on Torchwood certainly says something about the programme; but more fundamentally I’m engaging in a process intended to say something about me. A bit of autobiography. The house is in Splott, a residential area of Cardiff, the capital of Wales, where Torchwood is set and filmed. I lived in Cardiff from 2000 to 2006, when I worked at the University of Glamorgan. For much of that time I lived in rented accommodation in Cathays, the student area of Cardiff. But in 2005 I bought a house in Splott, and this was the first property I ever owned. A year later I moved to Norwich (virtually the other side of the UK from Cardiff) to take a job at the University of East Anglia, but I kept the house in Cardiff and now rent it out. It was while living in Norwich that my house appeared on Torchwood, and I had no idea that the programme had been filming in that area. This means that, strictly speaking, at the time it was on television the property was no longer my ‘home’, but was instead my tenants’. Yet what I want to examine here is the “geography of feeling and emotion” (Rodaway 263) which is central to the idea of ‘home’, and which has been kick-started in me since some fictional television characters ran down the street I used to live in and the ‘real’ and the ‘representational’ began to intersect. There certainly is something personal which is required in order to turn a ‘space’ into a ‘place’, but what is it that then transforms it into ‘home’? That is, for me Cardiff is more than a ‘place’ which I know. Owning a property there makes a difference, but that is to too easily equate a commercial transaction with an emotive sense of feeling. Indeed, Cardiff felt like ‘home’ before I’d bought a house, and the majority of my memories of the city are connected to other properties I’ve lived in. In a capitalist society it’s tempting to equate ‘home’ with the property we own, and this probably is the case for the majority of people (Morley 19). Nevertheless, something emotive stirred in me when I saw my house in a chase sequence on a science-fiction television programme when I live in an entirely different city. Tuan defines this as ‘topophilia’, which is “the affective bond between people and place or setting” (Topophilia 4), and it’s clear that such bonds can be highly emotionally charged and a significant aspect of one’s sense of self. This is noticeable because of the ways in which I’ve used my house’s appearance on television. I’ve not been quiet about it; I was telling everyone at work the day after it appeared. Whenever people mention Torchwood it’s something I point out. This might not sound as if that is likely to occur very often, but considering the programme is a spin-off from the highly successful revival of Doctor Who (BBC1, 1963-89, 1996, 2005-) it is part of a well-known media landscape. Both Doctor Who and Torchwood are predominantly filmed in Cardiff and the surrounding areas of South Wales, but whereas Torchwood is also narratively set in Cardiff, Doctor Who merely uses the locations to represent other places, most often London. Yet many of these places are distinctive and therefore obviously Cardiff for those who know the area. For example, the hospital in the episode ‘New Earth’ (2006) is recognisably the interior of the Wales Millennium Centre, just as the exterior location where the Tardis lands at the beginning of the episode is clearly Rhossili on the Gower Peninsula. Inevitably, the use of such locations has often disrupted my understanding of the story being told. That is, it’s hard to accept that this episode is taking place on a planet at the other end of the galaxy thousands of years into the future if the characters are standing on a cliff you recognise because you’ve been camping there. Of course, the use of locations to represent other places is necessary in media fictions, and I’m not trying to carry out some kind of trainspotter location identification in an attempt to undermine the programme’s diegesis. But it is important to note that while “remembering is a process that today is increasingly media-afflicted” (Hoskins 110), media texts can also be affected by the memories, whether communal or individual, that we bring to bear on them. A ‘real’ relationship with a place can be so intimate that it refuses to be ignored when ‘representations’ require it to be unnecessary. I’m a fan of Doctor Who and would rather not recognise the places so I can just get on with enjoying the programme. But it’s not possible to simply erase “Expressions of community” (Moores 368) which bring together identity and place, especially when that place is your home. Importantly, my idea of ‘home’ is inextricably bound up in the past. As it is a place I no longer live in, the ways in which I feel towards it are predicated on the notion that I used to live there, but no longer do. It’s clear that notions of home – especially those related to nation – are often predicated on ideas of history with significant emotional resonance (Anderson; Blunt and Dowling 140-195; Calhoun). This is a place that is an emotional rather than geographical home, even if it used to also be my home geographically. In buying a house, and engaging in the consumer culture which dominates the ways in which we turn a house into a home (oh, those endless hours at Ikea), I spent a lot of time wondering what it was that this sofa, or those lampshades, or that rug, said about me. The idea that the buildings that we own are a key way of creating and demonstrating a particular kind of identity or affiliation with a certain social group is necessary to consumer capitalism. But as I no longer live in it, the inside of this house can no longer be used as something I can show to other people hoping that they’ll ‘read’ my home how I want them to. Instead, the sense of home invigorated by my house’s appearance on Torchwood is one centred on location, related to the city and the housing estate where my house is, rather than what I did to it. ‘Home’ here becomes something symbolised by the bricks and mortar of the house I bought, but is instead more accurately located in the city and area which the house sits in; Cardiff. More importantly, Cardiff and my house become emotionally meaningful because I’m no longer there. That is, while it’s clear I had a particular relationship to Cardiff when I was a resident, this has altered since my move to Norwich. In moving to a new city – one which I had never visited before, and had no family or friends living in – it seems that my understanding of Cardiff as my ‘home’ has become intensified. This might be because continuing to own property there gives me an investment in the city, both emotionally and financially. But this idea of ‘home’ would, I think, have existed even if I’d sold my house. Instead, Cardiff-as-home is predicated on an idea of personal history and nostalgia (Wheeler; Massey). Academics are used to moving great distances in order to get jobs; indeed, “To spend an entire working career in a single department may seem to be a failure of geographical imagination” (Ley 182). The labour market insists that “All people may now be wanderers” (Bauman, Globalization 87), and hence geographical origins become something to be discussed with new colleagues. For me, like most people, this is a complicated question; does it mean where I was born, or where I grew up, or where I studied, or where I have lived most of my life? In the choices I make to answer this question, I’m acknowledging that “migration is a complex process of cultural negotiation, resistance, and adaptation” (Sinclair and Cunningham 14). As Freeman notes, “the history one tells, via memory, assumes the form of a narrative of the past that charts the trajectory of how one’s self came to be” (33, italics in original). Importantly, this narrative must be seen to make sense; that is, it must help explain the present, conforming to narrative ideas of cause and effect. In constructing a “narratable self” (Caravero 33, italics in original) I’m demonstrating how I think I came to end up where I am now, doing the job I’m doing. In order to show that “I am more than what the thin present defines” (Tuan, Space and Place 186) it’s necessary to reiterate a notion of ‘home’ which supports and illustrates the desired identity narrative. This narrative is as much about “the reflexive project of the self” (Gauntlett 99) in these “liquid times” (Bauman, Liquid Times), as it is a “performance” (Goffman) for others. The coherence and stability of my performance was undercut in a recent episode of Doctor Who – ‘Smith and Jones’ (2007) – in which a family row occurred outside a pub. I became quite distraught that I couldn’t work out where that pub was, and was later reassured to discover that it was in Pontypridd, a town a good few miles from Cardiff, and therefore it wasn’t surprising that I couldn’t recognise it. But in being distraught at not recognising locations I was demonstrating how central knowledge is to an idea of ‘home’. Knowing your way around, knowing where certain shops are, knowing the history of the place; these are all aspects of home, all parts of what Crouch calls “lay knowledge” (217). Ignorance of a space marks the outsider, who must stand on street corners with a map and ask locals for directions. For someone like me who prides himself on his sense of direction (who says I conform to gender stereotypes?) an inability to recognise a pub that I thought I should know suggested my knowledge of the area was dissipating, and so perhaps my ability to define that city as my home was becoming less valid. This must be why I take pleasure in noting that Torchwood’s diegesis is often geographically correct, for the ‘representational’ helps demonstrate my knowledge of the ‘real’ place’s layout. As Tuan notes, “When space feels thoroughly familiar to us, it has become place” (Space and Place 73), and the demonstration of that familiarity is one of the ways of reasserting one’s relationship to home. In demonstrating a knowledge of the place I’m defining as home, I’m also insisting that I’m not a tourist. Urry shows how visitors use a “tourist gaze” (The Tourist Gaze), arguing viewing is the most important activity when encountering a place, just as Tuan (Space and Place 16) and Strain (3) do. To visit somewhere is to employ “a dominance of the eye” (Urry, “Sensing the City” 71); this is why photography has become the dominant manner for recording tourist activity. Strain sees the tourist gaze as one “trained for consumerism” (15) with tourist activity defined primarily by commerce. Since Doctor Who returned Cardiff has promoted its association with the programme, opening an ‘Up Close’ exhibition and debating whether to put together a tourist trail of locations. As a fan of these programmes I’m certainly excited by all of this, and have been to the exhibition. Yet it feels odd being a tourist in a place I want to call home, and some of my activity seems an attempt to demonstrate that it was my home before it became a place I might want to visit for its associations with a television programme. For example, I never went and watched the programme being filmed, even though much of it was shot within walking distance of my house, and “The physical places of fandom clearly have an extraordinary importance for fans” (Sandvoss 61). While some of this was due to not wanting to know what was going to happen in the programme, I was uncomfortable with carrying out an activity that would turn a “landscape” into a “mediascape” (Jansson 432), replacing the ‘real’ with the ‘representational’. In insisting on seeing Cardiff, and my house, as something which existed prior to the programmes, I’m attempting to maintain the “imagined community” (Anderson) I have for my home, distinguishing it from the taint of commerce, no matter how pointless or naïve such an act is in effect. Hence, home is resolutely not a commercial place; or, at least, it is a location whose primary emotive aspects are not defined by consumerism. When houses are seen as nothing more than aspects of commerce, that’s when they remain ‘houses’ or ‘properties’; the affective aspects of ‘homes’ are instead emotionally detached from the commercial factors which bring them about. I think this is why I’m keen to demonstrate that my associations with Cardiff existed before Doctor Who started being made there, for if the place only meant anything to me because of the programme that would define me as a tourist and therefore undermine those emotional and personal aspects of the city which allow me to call it ‘home’. It also means I can be proud that such a cultural institution is being made in ‘my’ city. But it’s a city I can no longer claim residence in. This means that Torchwood and Doctor Who have become useful ways for me to ‘visit’ Cardiff. It seems I have started to adopt a ‘tourist gaze’, for the programmes visually recreate the locations and all I can do is view them, no matter how much I use my knowledge of location in an attempt to interpret those images differently from a tourist. It’s tempting to suggest that this shows how there is a “perpetual negotiation between the real event and its representation” (Bruzzi 9), and how willing I am to engage in the “mobile privatization” that Williams saw as a defining aspect of television (26). But this would be to accept the “unhomeyness” which results from “the ultimate failures of the home in postmodern times” (Lewis and Cho 74). In adopting an autobiographical approach to these issues, I hope I’ve demonstrated the ways in which individuals can experience emotional resonances related to ‘home’ which, while clearly inflected through the social, cultural, and technological aspects I’ve outlined, are nevertheless meaningful and maintain a dominance of the ‘real’ over the ‘representational’. Furthermore, my job tells me I shouldn’t feel this way about my home; or, at least, it reminds me that such emotionality can be explained away through cultural analysis. But that doesn’t in any way make ‘home’ any less powerful nor fully explain how such dry criteria mutate into humanist, emotional significance. So, I can tell you what my home is: but I’m not sure I can get you to understand how seeing my home on television makes me feel. 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Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/08-mills.php>. APA Style Mills, B. (Aug. 2007) "What Happens When Your Home Is on Television?," M/C Journal, 10(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/08-mills.php>.