Journal articles on the topic 'Temple of Jerusalem (Jerusalem) – Influence'
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1
Koltun-Fromm, Naomi. "Imagining the Temple in Rabbinic Stone: The Evolution of the ʾEven Shetiyah." AJS Review 43, no. 2 (November 2019): 355–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009419000539.
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The mythical ʾeven shetiyah, often translated as the “foundation stone,” marks the physical place where the Jerusalem temples once stood in the rabbinic imagination. In its earliest incarnation it identified the place where the ark of the covenant resided in Solomon's Temple. Over the centuries it absorbed cosmogonic and eventually eschatological meaning. In later post-talmudic rabbinic literature, it adopted another mythic trope—the seal on the tehom. I argue that these two separate narrative strands of a seal on the tehomunder the Temple and ʾeven shetiyahin the Temple became intertwined, but only in late (post-talmudic) rabbinic midrash. I trace this evolutionary trend and argue that while the early rabbis both innovated and reinvigorated older biblical and ancient Near Eastern cosmogonic motifs with their ʾeven shetiyah, the later rabbinic texts were influenced by Christian and Muslim competition for spiritual and earthly Jerusalem. The stone that started as a means for rabbinic self-authorization became a reassertion of God's control of history and protection of Israel and the world, but in the process displaced priestly authority.
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Masalha, Nur. "Jewish Fundamentalism and the ‘Sacred Geography’ of Jerusalem in Comparative Perspective (1967–2004): Implications for Inter-Faith Relations." Holy Land Studies 3, no. 1 (May 2004): 29–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2004.3.1.29.
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Since the occupation of East Jerusalem and the West Bank by Israel in 1967 radical Judaism has developed into a major force, with a considerable influence on the attitudes and votes of many Israelis. The new messianic fervour centres on the building of the Temple on the site of the Muslim shrines in Jerusalem. This article explores the rise of a variety of Jewish fundamentalism in Israel and its implications for community, nationalist and interfaith relations in the Holy Land. It examines, in particular, the social and political conditions under which these fundamentalist attitudes have evolved. It explores evolving attitudes towards the ‘sacred geography’ of Jerusalem and rights of occupancy, within the wider context of multifaith relations and comparative (Jewish, Muslim and Christian) perspectives.
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Asadov, Farda Muharram. "The historical continuum of Jerusalem: the inseparability of time and space, past and present, history and politics." Orientalistica 4, no. 1 (March 30, 2021): 96–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7043-2021-4-1-096-120.
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Over the long centuries and nowadays the historical concept and political status of Jerusalem remain the most acute problem of relations between the peoples and states of the Middle East, Arabs and Jews, Israel and the Arab Palestinian state. The poignancy of the problem, the arguments of the opposing sides, are mainly rooted in conflicting interpretations of the history of Jerusalem and its holy places. The article presents a view of the history of Jerusalem as a process that began before the formation of the historical consciousness of the Arabs and Jews but used to continuously influence its shaping during the struggle for the city between powerful political forces standing behind the claims of various congregations. The article examines the written evidence of the shrines of Jerusalem that existed before the construction of the First Temple; selected archaeological data are used for additional verification of written sources. Recent proposals for a solution to the political status of Jerusalem are placed in the context of ideas about its cultural and historical significance. Particular attention is paid to the importance of Jerusalem in the history of the formation of religious doctrine and ritualism in Islam; a distinctive opinion is substantiated by the author concerning the reasons of the initial orientation of the Muslim prayer ritual towards Jerusalem; the existence of perceptions of the shrines of Jerusalem as sacred objects, recognized in the religious and ritual traditions of the Semitic peoples – the ancestors of Jews and Arabs – is established. On the ground of research findings the inseparability of history, culture, spatial limits and political status of the city of Jerusalem as an organic whole and a system is argued, the breach of the balance of which is claimed to inevitably destroy the integrity of the characteristics of Jerusalem in the history of the region, various peoples and all of humanity. The search for a solution to the Jerusalem problem is seen as interaction and the development of a model that recognizes and balances three factors of influence: 1) ideas about the importance of Jerusalem in the national historical narrative of Arabs and Jews; 2) the concept that asserted the consideration of the beginning of the cultural history of Jerusalem as a common Middle Eastern religious centre; and 3) the range of various political solutions proposed for the settlement of the problems of disputed territories in international relations with the assumption of the feasibility of fundamentally new models of solution.
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Van Aarde, A. "Aanneming tot kind van God by Paulus in Romeine 8 teen die agtergrond van die Jerusalemse tempelkultus - Deel II." Verbum et Ecclesia 19, no. 1 (August 6, 1998): 96–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v19i1.1156.
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Paul’s notion of “adoption” in Romans 8 in the light of the Jerusalem temple cult In a previous article it was shown that the marriage arrangements advocated within the sphere of the Second Temple cult in Jerusalem provided the parameters for the use of the metaphor “Israel as family”. When Paul explained who the people really were who constituted the true “Israel of God”, he used the same metaphor as point of departure in spite of being influenced by the Greco-Roman thought and Hellenistic-Semitic wisdom tradition on the concept “divine sonship”. This article aims to show how Paul, who personally did not know Jesus of Nazareth, continued to transmit the “heart” of Jesus’ message about children entering God’s kingdom. Paul achieved this by making use of the notion “adoption”. The article describes the trajectory from Paul to Jesus to John the Baptist, the initiator of the idea of an inclusive and egalitarian community.
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Kang, Seung Il. "The Garden of Eden as an Israelite Sacred Place." Theology Today 77, no. 1 (April 2020): 89–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040573617731712.
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This article attempts to interpret the Garden of Eden as sacred space, comparing its features with those of other sacred places. This article disputes the common view that biblical descriptions of the Solomonic Temple were influenced by the Garden of Eden imagery; instead, it demonstrates that some features of Jerusalem and the Temple were incorporated into the Garden of Eden story. While many biblical scholars have hypothesized that the Garden of Eden story has Mesopotamian roots, this article describes how the author of the Eden narrative tries to present the Garden of Eden as an Israelite sacred place geographically, historically, and religiously.
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Cesari, Jocelyne. "Time, Power, and Religion." Journal of Law, Religion and State 9, no. 1 (March 2, 2021): 95–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22124810-00803003.
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Abstract The main argument of this paper is that the sacred time and space of the nation has displaced the meaning of sacredness of the religious sites, and legitimized the national community. By comparing the Temple Mount and Ayodhya disputes, the paper exposes the tensions between two polarities, sacred/profane and religious/political, which helps explain the influence of national identities on the contested sacredness of religious sites. The competition over the Temple Mount is nested within a “thicker” context of conflicting political claims over Jerusalem and national territory between Jewish groups on one hand and between Jews and Muslims on the other. The Ayodhya disagreement is related to the political tensions between the dominant and the minority religions, which have turned the religious dispute over a holy site into a debate on the sacredness of the national community.
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Bardill, Jonathan. "A NEW TEMPLE FOR BYZANTIUM: ANICIA JULIANA, KING SOLOMON, AND THE GILDED CEILING OF THE CHURCH OF ST. POLYEUKTOS IN CONSTANTINOPLE." Late Antique Archaeology 3, no. 1 (2006): 339–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134522-90000048.
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The extent to which the design of Anicia Juliana’s church of St. Polyeuktos influenced Justinian’s cathedral of St. Sophia is an issue that has attracted much attention. There is broad agreement that Juliana’s church is likely to have been crowned with a brick dome on pendentives (a precursor of that crowning St. Sophia). But a reconsideration of the literary and archaeological evidence suggests that this was not the case. I argue here that a tale related by Gregory of Tours on the gilding of the roof of St. Polyeuktos reliably describes the church’s panelled wooden ceiling, and that the account is consonant with the archaeological evidence from the excavated site. Juliana commissioned for her church a ceiling similar to that which had adorned Solomon’s Temple in Jerusalem. Inspired by political and religious circumstances, she claimed to have built a copy of the New Temple, which, according to Biblical prophecy, would descend from heaven in the eschatological era and surpass the defiled Solomonic Temple.
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Zaitsev, D. M. "Peculiarities of traditional pilgrimage in judaism." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of Belarus, Humanitarian Series 66, no. 1 (February 25, 2021): 16–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.29235/2524-2369-2021-66-1-16-22.
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The article considers the pilgrimage in Judaism as an important part of the religious life of the Jews. The questions of the origin and development of this phenomenon are analyzed. Numerous examples show the diversity and importance of pilgrimage in Judaism. It is noted that the activities and heritage of pilgrims are a significant material for studying the culture of this spiritual civilization. The most visited religious objects are singled out: first of all, the Jerusalem Temple, sacred places, burials of the Prophets, graves of the experts of the Law. For millions of Jews, a reverent attitude to the object of worship serves the fulfillment of the will of the Creator. The purpose of the study is to reveal the peculiarities of pilgrimage in Judaism, to show the influence of historical, geographical, cultural factors on their formation. This work can be useful for solving pressing problems of interaction with representatives of the world of Jewish civilization, which significantly influenced the formation and development of Christianity and Islam.
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Khaletskyj, O. V. "The Second Jerusalem: the birth of one unspoken idea." Scientific Messenger of LNU of Veterinary Medicine and Biotechnologies 21, no. 93 (November 16, 2019): 81–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.32718/nvlvet-e9316.
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In our opinion, the spiritual purpose of Ancient Rus in the middle of the ІХ–ХІV centuries was the spread of Christianity to the vast expanses of Eastern Europe, its contribution to the spiritual transformation of the world. Overcoming the insurmountable obstacles of nomadic destruction, Ukraine-Rus own strife and betrayal step by step goes to self-determination as the Second Jerusalem – the spiritual center of Orthodoxy and of all Eastern Christianity through the choice of faith, through the three christening of Rus Askoldov, Olzhine and Volodymyrove, through the disregard for Christianity, through the creation of the glorious Kiev variant of Orthodoxy, through the acquisition of holiness in the temples of St. Sophia, the Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra, and the exploits of its monasticism, etc., through the acquisition of apostolic origin in the legend of Andrew, through overcoming all temptations, preservation and rebirth, through the enrichment of world experience of Christianity, because of the fostering of mystical Eastern Christian foundations in Paisii Velychkovsky's Little Rus monasteries, in Skovoroda, in Gogol, in Bulatovych's nameword, etc., through the Metropolitan of Kyiv Petro Mogyla of the Orthodox Center – New Jerusalem already reached and finally, overcoming all the insurmountable obstacles in the creation of our own Orthodox Church of Rus-Ukraine in recognition of patriarchy and in unity with world orthodoxy and modern religious revival. Let Moscow want to be a political center and it proves very consistently, and Ukraine-Russia, the blasphemous city of Kyiv, emerge as a spiritual center – the New Jerusalem, which is evidenced by all its historical development, already demonstrated by the fact that the “priesthood is higher than the kingdom”, which could be its contribution to the spiritual transformation of the world. Thus, the very reason that Kyiv could become the spiritual center of Eastern Christianity could be that it 1) overcame all temptations, first and foremost 2) the loss of gain, 3) consistently pursues the unity of Christianity, for example, Kyiv is also the center of the UGCC, 4) Kyiv with its shrines concentrates the fullness of the holiness of Christianity, 5) it develops its specifically Eastern Christian mystical foundations and is 6) open to the positive world (Kyiv – Mohylyanska Academy and its theology, etc.) of mutual influence. Let's form Ukraine-Rus as the New Jerusalem – the spiritual center.
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Nesher, S. "Hebrew Influences and Self-Identity in the Judeo-Georgian Language and in the Caucasus “Mountain of Tongues”." Язык и текст 7, no. 3 (2020): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/langt.2020070302.
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The Caucasus region has been called the “Mountain of Tongues”. History writers from Herodotus, 2,500 years ago, until present time have given different numbers of languages, e.g. the Greek geographer and historian Strabo (64 BCE- 21 CE) claimed more than 70 tribes speaking different languages, Pliny stated that the Romans used 130 interpreters when trading. At present more than 50 languages are spoken in the Caucasus (Catford 1977: 283). Hebrew is the ancient original language for all the twelve tribes of Israel, also after the division of the Land of Israel in 927 BCE into the Northern Kingdom, Israel, with ten of the tribes and the Southern Kingdom, Juda, with two tribes. The Israelites got exiled by the Assyrian Kings, e.g. Shalmaneser in 722 BCE. These ten tribes soon lost their language and identity. The southern tribes, Juda, got exiled by the Babylonian Nebuchadnezzar, between 606-586 BCE, who destroyed the Temple in Jerusalem (586 BCE).
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Hemi, Yossi. "החרבת בית מקדש שומרוני בידי מלך יהודה: בין יאשיהו ליוחנן הורקנוס הראשון." Judea and Samaria Research Studies 30, no. 2 (2021): 241–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.26351/jsrs/30-2/4.
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In the complicated history between the Jews and the Samaritans in antiquity, it is possible to identify several foundational events that influenced the relationship between the two groups. Two of these events concern the destruction of a Israeli/ Samaritan temple by the ruler of Judah. The first is the destruction of the Israeli/ Samaritan temple in Beit El by King Josiah at the turn of the seventh century BCE. The second is the destruction of the Samaritan temple on Mount Gerizim by John Hyrcanus at the end of the second century BCE. Although more than 500 years elapsed between the two events, the two nonetheless show many similarities. In both cases, the period in question is the first period of independence in Judea after many years of foreign rule; in both cases, the ruler of Judah had carried out significant religious reforms in the Land of Israel; in both cases, this was a Jewish ruler who had expanded the borders of his kingdom; in both periods, a national awakening had taken place. The resemblance between these two events associated with the destruction of a Samaritan temple is even more pronounced in the view of the "long dimension," which examines processes in history over centuries. Along with the many similarities, however, we found that the events' consequences were completely different: While Josiah's goal was probably to bring the Samaritan population closer to Judah, John Hyrcanus treated the Samaritans as rivals. The destruction of the Temple at Beit El appears to have brought some of the Samaritan population closer to the Kingdom of Judah and the Temple in Jerusalem, thus apparently fulfilling the goals of King Josiah. By contrast, the destruction of the Samaritan Temple on Mount Gerizim and the transformation of the complex, holy to the Samaritans, into a heap of ruins was probably a breaking point in the relationship between the Jews and the Samaritans. From that point on, the relationship began to deteriorate severely, culminating in actual physical injury on the eve of the destruction of the Second Temple.
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Kinsella, Karl. "Richard of St Victor's Solutions to Problems of Architectural Representation in the Twelfth Century." Architectural History 59 (2016): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/arh.2016.1.
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AbstractThis article argues that Richard of St Victor's twelfth-century architectural drawings for his historical exegesis of Ezekiel's vision of the Temple of Jerusalem is more sophisticated than the historiography has suggested to date. In his commentary, Richard provided plans and elevations for a number of different buildings, including the Temple's gatehouse. When attempting to convey the dimensions of the gatehouse, he made a distinction between measurements taken as if along a flat plane and those that take the slope of the mountain into account, calling these planum and superficies respectively, words that indicate a strong correlation to contemporary practices in geometry. When he wished to illustrate the dimensions of a gatehouse's interior, he included a lateral section of the building, which is possibly the earliest in existence. The use of the term planum (similar in meaning to the subsequent word ‘plan’) and the appearance of a section are unusually early, although there is still no evidence that Richard's work directly influenced later architectural drawings.
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Bay, Carson. "Writing the Jews out of History: Pseudo-Hegesippus, Classical Historiography, and the Codification of Christian Anti-Judaism in Late Antiquity." Church History 90, no. 2 (June 2021): 265–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640721001451.
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AbstractScholarly narratives of the development of Christian anti-Jewish thinking in antiquity routinely cite a number of standard, well-known authors: from Irenaeus, Tertullian, and Justin Martyr in earlier centuries to Eusebius, John Chrysostom, Ambrose, Jerome, and Augustine in the fourth and early fifth centuries. The anonymous author known as Pseudo-Hegesippus, to whom is attributed a late fourth-century Latin work called On the Destruction of Jerusalem (De Excidio Hierosolymitano), rarely appears in such discussions. This has largely to do with the fact that this text and its author are effectively unknown entities within contemporary scholarship in this area (scholars familiar with Pseudo-Hegesippus tend to be specialists in medieval Latin texts and manuscripts). But “Pseudo-Hegesippus” represents a critical contribution to the mosaic of Christian anti-Jewish discourse in late antiquity. De Excidio's generic identity as a Christian piece of classical historiography makes it a unique form of ancient anti-Jewish propaganda. This genre, tied to De Excidio's probable context of writing—the wake of the emperor Julian's abortive attempt to rebuild the Jerusalem Temple, resurrect a robust Judaism, and remove Christians from public engagement with classical culture—renders De Excidio an important Christian artifact of both anti-Judaism and pro-classicism at the same time. This article situates Pseudo-Hegesippus in a lineage of Christian anti-Jewish historical thinking, argues that De Excidio codifies that discourse in a significant and singular way, frames this contribution in terms of its apparent socio-historical context, and cites De Excidio's later influence and reception as testaments to its rightful place in the history of Christian anti-Judaism, a place that modern scholarship has yet to afford it. As a piece of classical historiography that mirrors not Christian historians—like Eusebius and others—but the historians of the broader “pagan” Greco-Roman world—like Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon, Sallust, Livy, and Tacitus—De Excidio leverages a cultural communicative medium particularly well equipped to undergird and fuel the Christian historiographical imagination and its anti-Jewish projections.
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Sarot, Marcel. "Transformative Poetry. A Case Study of W. H. Auden’s Musée Des Beaux Arts and General Conclusions." Perichoresis 14, no. 2 (October 1, 2016): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/perc-2016-0012.
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Abstract This article situates Auden’s poem Musée des Beaux Arts in the process of his conversion to Christianity. The author argues for the layered intertextuality of the poem, in which allusions to Bruegel’s Landscape with the Fall of Icarus, The Census at Jerusalem, and The Massacre of the Innocents can be recognised. Moreover, Philippe de Champaigne’s Presentation in the Temple and Peter Paul Rubens’s The Martyrdom of St Livinus (in the same museum in Brussels) seem also to have influenced the poem. Finally, there is reason to suppose that John Singer Sargent’s Crashed Aeroplane influenced Auden. In an analysis of the structure of the poem, the author argues that there is a clear structure hidden under the surface of day-to-day language. He connects this hidden structure with Auden’s poem The Hidden Law, and suggests that Auden wished to claim that even though we cannot understand suffering, it has a hidden meaning known only to God. This hidden meaning connects our suffering with the self-emptying of Christ, a connection which the author demonstrates is in fact also made in Musée des Beaux Arts.
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ELIOR, Rachel. "The Jerusalem Temple." Studies in Spirituality 11 (January 1, 2001): 126–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/sis.11.0.505278.
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Assis, Elie. "Why Edom? On the hostility towards Jacob's brother in prophetic sources." Vetus Testamentum 56, no. 1 (2006): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853306775465144.
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AbstractThis contribution offers a new approach to explain the hostile attitude of the biblical sources towards Edom. It is suggested that the relations between Edom and Israel are influenced by the way in which Israel perceived the meaning of the struggle between their fathers—Esau and Jacob. The constant conflict between Edom and Judah may well have been connected by the inhabitants of Judah, consciously or subconsciously, with the conflict between Esau and Jacob over the birthright, and over the control of the promised land. Edom's aspirations to occupy areas in Israel may have been interpreted as Edom's wish to reverse the situation and to restore the election and the birthright to Esau. Following the events in Judah of 587 BCE the people were in despair because they assumed that God had cast off his people forever. They interpreted the destruction of the temple and the expulsion from their land as severance of the relationship between God and his people. The people's exile because of their sins could also be interpreted as the people's loss of their status as the chosen people. Two facts supported their thoughts that they were rejected and Edom was now chosen by God. The first was the Edomite participation in the destruction of Jerusalem and the temple and the expulsion of Judah from their country. And the second was the colonization of the land of Judah by the Edomites. It was not Edom's participation in the destruction or even in the colonization of Judah that led to the exceptional attitude towards Edom in the Biblical sources. The ideological and theological significance that Judah assigned to Edom's acts is what led the prophets to focus on Edom. The anti-Edomite oracles were meant to instil into the hearts of the people that, despite the destruction, Israel is still the chosen people and the sins of Edom against Judah would not remain unpunished.
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Lapin, Hayim. "Feeding the Jerusalem Temple." Journal of Ancient Judaism 8, no. 3 (May 19, 2017): 410–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00803006.
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Although the Jerusalem Temple plays a central role in Jewish/Judaean society in both ancient sources and scholarly assessments, we have little direct evidence for how it functioned as an institution. Rather than work outward from the literary sources, this article works with a hypothetical model of the Temple’s minimal requirements. This approach helps to concretize the factors that we need to understand further, to identify areas where we can find substantiating or comparative evidence, and to provide a framework for critique of this and other treatments and for further research. The article presents an assessment of the economic scale of such a modeled Jerusalem Temple, suggesting that it mobilized resources comparable to those of a city, almost certainly exceeding the scale of operations of any individual enterprise. In addition, the article considers questions of provisioning a Temple operating on this scale with animals and other resources, and the local economic and social implications of sacrifice and pilgrimage for Jerusalem and its hinterland.
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Schwartz, Joshua. "The Temple of Jerusalem." Journal of Jewish Studies 49, no. 2 (October 1, 1998): 365–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2135/jjs-1998.
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Lapin, Hayim. "Feeding the Jerusalem Temple." Journal of Ancient Judaism 8, no. 3 (November 13, 2017): 410–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/jaju.2017.8.3.410.
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Школьник, Хаим Михайлович. "THE CIVIC BASILICA IN THE DECAPOLIS AND JUDAEA-PALAESTINA." ВОПРОСЫ ВСЕОБЩЕЙ ИСТОРИИ АРХИТЕКТУРЫ, no. 2(13) (June 5, 2020): 9–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.25995/niitiag.2020.13.2.001.
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В данной статье предпринимается попытка собрать воедино информацию об ограниченном корпусе римских (вторая половина I в. до н. э. - IV век н. э.) базилик, обнаруженных в городах Декаполиса и Иудеи-Палестины, и их сравнительного описания; по возможности приводятся сведения об их расположении относительно сети улиц и других городских построек. В деталях рассмотрены постройки в Канате, Гиппос-Суссите, Нисе-Скифополе (2 здания), Бейт Шеариме, Севасте и Аскалоне. Выявлено явное предпочтение продольноориентированной базилики с внутренним амбулаторием. Перестройки с монументализацией пространств, условно называемых трибуналами, во II-III в., вероятно, были связаны с посещениями региона императорами и возросшей важностью культа императора. Базилика в еврейском Бейт Шеариме отличается от остальных трехнефной планировкой - возможно, из желания уподобить ее Царской стое Иерусалимского храма. Отмечен отказ от попыток реконструкции разрушенных землетрясениeм 363 г. базилик и от данной архитектурной формы в целом при переходе в Византийский период. In the current paper, an attempt is made to gather the data on the limited corpus of Roman (second half of the 1st century BC - 4th century AD) basilicas, known in the cities of Decapolis and Judaea-Palaestina. The comparative description is given; wherever available - together with information on relationship with the urban context. The basilicas of Kanata, Hippos-Susita, Nysa-Scythopolis (2 structures), Beth She'arim, Sebaste and Ascalon are described in detail; the preference of the “ambulatory” type is apparent. The 2nd-3rd centuries reconstructions with monumentalization of features, conventionally called “tribunals”, were likely related to the imperial visits to the region and to the growing importance of the imperial cult. The basilica of the Jewish town of Beth She'arim differs from the rest with its nave and double-aisled plan and was possibly influenced by the Royal portico of the Jerusalem temple. The tendency not to reconstruct basilicas damaged by the 363 earthquake and the general tendency of obsolescence of this architectural form towards the Byzantine period is noted.
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Gudme, Anne Katrine de Hemmer. "Was the Temple on Mount Gerizim Modelled after the Jerusalem Temple?" Religions 11, no. 2 (February 6, 2020): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11020073.
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Was the Yahweh temple on Mount Gerizim modelled after the temple in Jerusalem? This question is important for our understanding of the sanctuary on Mount Gerizim and the people who worshipped there in the Persian and Hellenistic period; if the Gerizim temple was modelled after the Jerusalem temple, the argument in favour of the Gerizim cult as derived from the cult in Jerusalem is strengthened. On the other hand, if no such connection can be demonstrated convincingly, one must look elsewhere for the answer to the question of Samaritan origins. The present study gives a brief introduction to the relationship between early Judaism and early Samaritanism, or rather Southern and Northern Yahwism, followed by a presentation of Mount Gerizim and the excavations that were carried out there between 1982 and 2006. Finally, I shall turn to the theory that the temple on Mount Gerizim was modelled after the Jerusalem temple, which has been recast by Dr Yitzhak Magen (2008). I conclude that the archaeological remains from the Persian-period sanctuary on Mount Gerizim offer no evidence that this temple was modelled on the temple in Jerusalem.
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De Hemmer Gudme, Anne Katrine. "Blev templet på Garizim bygget med templet i Jerusalem som forbillede?" Dansk Teologisk Tidsskrift 78, no. 3 (October 10, 2015): 261–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dtt.v78i3.105760.
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Was the Yahweh temple on Mount Gerizim modelled after the temple in Jerusalem? This question is important for our understanding of the sanctuary on Mount Gerizim and the people who worshipped there; if the Gerizim temple was modelled after the Jerusalem temple the argument in favour of the Gerizim cult as derived from the cult in Jerusalem is strengthened. On the other hand, if no such connection can be demonstrated convincingly one must look elsewhere for the answer to the question of Samaritan origins.The present article gives a brief introduction to the relationship between early Judaism and early Samaritanism, or rather Southern and Northern Yahwism, followed by a presentation of Mount Gerizim and the excavations that were recently carried out there. Finally I shall turn to the theory that the temple on Mount Gerizim was modelled after the Jerusalem temple, which has recently been recast by Dr Yitzhak Magen. I conclude that the archaeological remains from the Persian period sanctuary on Mount Gerizim offer no evidence that this temple was modelled on the temple in Jerusalem.
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Allenov, Andrey. "“Mansurov project” of the Russian Palestine (based on materials from a trip in 1857 to Holy Places)." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 182 (2019): 292–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2019-24-182-292-298.
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We consider the activity of B.P. Mansurov in organizing Russian pilgrimage to the Holy Land. We describe the preparation, course and results of B.P. Mansurov’s trip to the Orthodox East (1857) that largely predetermined the nature of the Russian presence in Palestine. In the framework of this trip, we consider the reasons for creating the joint-stock company “Russian Company of Shipping and Trading”. We reveal that created as an attempt to preserve the presence of Russia on the Black Sea coast, the company set the task to facilitate the movement of Russian pilgrims to Palestine and Athos. By this step, the Russian government intended to increase Russia’s humanitarian influence in the region. We pay attention to B.P. Mansurov’s service instructions in trip to the East, the significance of his work for the publication of the “Guide to the Orthodox Worshiper to Holy Places”, and also Mansurov’s own views on the problem of Russian Orthodox pilgrimage in Palestine. We show that B.P. Mansurov’s program envisaged an increase in the intensity of the steamship communication with Palestine, the acquisition of land and construction of pilgrimage shelters, the erection of temples for the Russian worship. The development issues of Orthodox pilgrimage should be managed through the Russian consulates operating in the Middle East, including in Jerusalem itself. Consideration of results of the journey in 1857 allowed to draw conclusions about the significant role of B.P. Mansurov in the history of the Russian presence in the Holy Land.
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Leppäkari, Maria. "Liberating the Temple Mount: apocalyptic tendencies among Jewish temple activists." Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 19 (January 1, 2006): 193–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.30674/scripta.67309.
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Every now and then instances of violence are played out at the Temple Mount area in Jerusalem, also known as the Haram-esh-sharif. Some of the cases are referred to as results of the so-called ‘Jerusalem syndrome’, incidents when individuals’ manifestations of pre-existing psychopathology culminate in violent actions. Israeli psychiatrists and others have treated such incidents as examples of when peoples’ expectations of a heavenly Jerusalem collide with the very earthly reality in the city. For some people, such encounters may create anxiety that may threaten the victim’s very sanity. In such situations, an apocalyptic mission may become the only way for them to cope with the situation at hand. But the Temple Mount does not only attract lone-acting individuals, it also attracts organized groups who refer to the very spot as an important identity marker. In this article, the author draws on her field research material and interviews with Jewish Third Temple activists in Jerusalem collected on and off between 1998 and 2004. Here Yehuda Etzion’s, Gershon Salomon’s and Yoel Lerner’s theology and activities are studied in light of apocalyptic representations, and how these are expressed in relation to religious longing for the Third Temple in the light of the Gaza withdrawal. Not all those who are engaged in endtime scenarios act upon their visions. In Jerusalem, there have been, and still are, several religious-political groups that more or less ritually perambulate the Temple Mount area.
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Gregory, Bradley C. "Pride and Sin in Sirach 10:13 (15): A Study in the Interdependence of Text and Tradition." Harvard Theological Review 108, no. 2 (April 2015): 213–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816015000140.
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Ben Sira, a Jewish sage who lived and worked in Jerusalem in the early second centuryb.c.e., takes up the topic of pride in a discussion of politics in order to indict those who behave proudly as betraying the created nature of humans. Within his reflections on anthropology he links pride and sin in Sir 10:13 and then proceeds to assure his students that God will surely punish the proud through humiliation and calamity. Yet, from its rather unassuming role in Ben Sira's discussion of power, the link between pride and sin in Sir 10:13 became a locus of scribal activity and interpretation in subsequent centuries. As the text was transmitted and translated in Second Temple Judaism and late antiquity the versions of this verse in the Greek, Syriac, and Latin texts show vividly the interdependence between textual transmission and theological tradition. When placed within their historical context, the transformations of Sir 10:13 found in the forms of the verse evidence a dialogical interaction with current discussions regarding virtues and vices in moral theology in early Judaism and Christianity. A significant historical turning point occurred when Augustine made the Vulgate version of Sir 10:13a, “pride is the beginning of every sin,” a key prooftext in his discussions of sin. Thereafter this verse came to play a central role in Western Christian hamartiology, especially as it was connected to the placement of pride at the head of the capital vices or “Seven Deadly Sins.” This article will begin with a discussion of the role of pride in Ben Sira and then trace the textual transmission of Sir 10:13 and the theological influences that shaped its transmission and translation. Additionally, the story of how Sir 10:13a became a central text in Western discussions of the nature of sin will be shown to have significant theological implications for an understanding of the relationship between canonical text and the development of theological traditions.
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Adler, Yonatan. "Between Priestly Cult and Common Culture:." Journal of Ancient Judaism 7, no. 2 (May 14, 2016): 228–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00702005.
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Although miqwa’ot and chalkstone vessels have been found throughout Israel, the unparalleled number of such finds at Jerusalem has conventionally been explained in terms of the special demands of the Temple cult and of the city’s priestly residents. In light of a growing number of archaeological discoveries from the past number of years, however, the conception that Jerusalem and its Temple served as focal points of ritual purity observance deserves to be significantly reevaluated. The new data indicate that regular, widespread use of ritual baths and chalkstone vessels was not at all unique to Jerusalem or the priesthood, but rather was commonplace to a comparable degree in Jewish society throughout early Roman Judea. Jews everywhere throughout the country strove on a regular basis to maintain the purity of their bodies, clothing, utensils, food, and drink, and there is no reason to suppose that in doing so they somehow had the Temple in mind. Most Jews living at this time would probably have understood the pentateuchal purity regulations as prescribing that ritual purity be maintained on a regular basis in ordinary, everyday life – without specific regard to the Temple or its cult. This new understanding encourages us to reinterpret the archaeological finds from Jerusalem as reflecting an important facet of prevailing common culture rather than as stemming from the unique sanctity of Jerusalem, the Temple, or its priests.
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Zeidan, David. "Jerusalem in Jewish fundamentalism." Evangelical Quarterly 78, no. 3 (April 21, 2006): 225–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-07803006.
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Orthodox Jews are a small minority of the minority of religious Jews in Israel. Some are anti-Zionist even to the extent of not recognising the State of Israel. Other Orthodox Jews are messianic fundamentalists and Zionists. These ideas are found especially in Gush Enumim, ‘The Bloc of the Faithful’, which teaches that the Jewish people should occupy the whole land of Israel and rebuild the Temple. Some more radical groups are prepared to use any means to hasten this.
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Van Aarde, A. G. "Die Jerusalemse tempelkuItus se huweliksmaatreel versus Christelike waardes." Verbum et Ecclesia 18, no. 2 (July 4, 1997): 345–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v18i2.568.
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The marriage arrangements in the Jerusalem Temple cult in opposition to Christian values. Equal access for everyone to God's grace in an unmediated way is a central aspect of Jesus' presentation of the Kingdom of God. Inclusivity and egalitarity should be regarded as essential aspects of Christian selfunderstanding. This article aims to show how these values stood in opposition to the marriage arrangements in the Jerusalem Temple cult. Marriage strategies during the patriarchal and monarchical periods prior to the first-century Jerusalem Temple cult are also briefly touched upon. In a following up article the author will argue that Paul's use of the notion "adopted as children of God" should be seen as an expression of the Christian values advocated within an inclusive and egalitarian community.
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Hunt, E. D. "Constantine and Jerusalem." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 48, no. 3 (July 1997): 405–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900014858.
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On 27 November 395, shortly after the remains of Theodosius had been interred beside the tombs of Constantine and his successors in Constantinople, the eastern praetorian prefect Fl. Rufinus was murdered by troops outside the capital. Zosimus' narrative of the incident, deriving from Eunapius, adds that Rufinus' widow and daughter escaped with a safe conduct to sail to Jerusalem, ‘which had once been the dwelling of the Jews, but from the reign of Constantine had been embellished with buildings by the Christians’. As the only glimpse of the fourth-century development of Jerusalem from outside the Christian tradition, Zosimus' passing remark is not without interest – even if no more than a casual and seemingly unpartisan aside. We cannot unfortunately make comparisons with what, if anything, Eunapius' contemporary Ammianus Marcellinus had said on the subject in his lost narrative of Constantine; but to judge from the Constantinian back-references in the surviving books it is unlikely to have been sympathetic – certainly no more so than his lukewarm endorsement of Julian's later attempt at restoring the Jewish Temple to Jerusalem, which Ammianus attributed merely to a desire ‘to perpetuate the memory of his reign with great public works’.
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Patrich, Joseph, and Asher Selig Kaufman. "Kaufman, "The Temple of Jerusalem: Tractate Middot"." Jewish Quarterly Review 85, no. 3/4 (January 1995): 453. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1454741.
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Ma'oz, Moshe. "The Role of the Temple Mount / Al-Haram Al-Sharif in the Deterioration of Muslim–Jewish Relations." Approaching Religion 4, no. 2 (December 8, 2014): 60–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.30664/ar.67550.
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For both Jews and Muslims the Temple Mount and the Old City of Jerusalem constitute highly important religious, cultural, political and national centres. For centuries Jews in the diaspora prayed in the direction of Jerusalem, vowed never to forget it (‘If I forget thee Jerusalem, may my right arm wither’); and blessed one another ‘Next year in Jerusalem’. The Zionist-Jewish movement (since the 1880s) – although predominantly secular – has considered Jerusalem (Zion) as the political and cultural centre of the Jewish people.By comparison, the Palestinian-Arab national movement has, since the 1920s established its national and political-cultural centre in East Jerusalem, while the Haram al Sharif, particularly the Al-Aqsa Mosque, has continued to be a top religious shrine for Muslims. They termed it Awla Al-Qiblatayn (the first prayer direction before Mecca); Thani Masjidayn (the second mosque after Mecca); a place where Prophet Muhammad ascended to heaven (Isra’ and Mi’raj).This article will examine the changes in Muslim–Jewish mutual relations, especially since 1967, at both government and public levels. Special attention will be given to the development of both Islamic Judeophobia and Jewish Islamophobia, which have been associated with the dispute over the Temple Mount and East Jerusalem.
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Yisraeli, Oded. "Jerusalem in Naḥmanides's Religious Thought: The Evolution of the “Prayer over the Ruins of Jerusalem”." AJS Review 41, no. 2 (November 2017): 409–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009417000435.
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R. Moses ben Naḥman (1194–1270), one of the most prominent rabbinic figures of medieval Spanish Jewry, wrote the majority of his works in Catalonia, and composed only a few isolated pieces after his move to ’Ereẓ Yisra'el three years before his death. This article examines one of his latest works—the prayer he delivered in Jerusalem on visiting its ruins in 1267. This lament over the city, which extols its majesty during its glory days, also reflects the place the temple occupied in Naḥmanides's religious thought. This article presents an earlier version of the prayer that was probably written during the heyday of his career in Catalonia. A close analysis of the changes Naḥmanides made to it after his move to ’Ereẓ Yisra'el reveals changes in his perception of the temple, perhaps also shedding light on some of the motives behind his decision to move to ’Ereẓ Yisra'el at the end of his life.
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Perkins, Pheme. "IF JERUSALEM STOOD: THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM AND CHRISTIAN ANTI-JUDAISM." Biblical Interpretation 8, no. 1-2 (2000): 194–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851500750119178.
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AbstractAsking what would have been the case had the Jewish War of 66-70 CE not ended with the destruction of the Temple demonstrates the momentous consequences of those events for the history of Christianity and of anti-Judaism in Western culture. That the war might not have occurred or might have been nipped in the bud is a consensus view of Jewish, Roman and primitive Christian authors. That its consequences fueled a perception of Jews as abominable or rightly abandoned by their own God can be documented in both Roman and Christian texts. But the most disastrous consequence of the events of 66-70 CE was the anti-Judaism which is embedded in the Christian imagination through the canonical Gospels. Their accounts of the divinely authorized breech between followers of Jesus messiah and fellow Jews would never have been credible had moderate Jewish voices quelled the rebellion. Christianity would have remained a Jewish movement which incorporated Gentiles into God's people and anti-Judaism would not have been inscribed on the Western imagination.
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Kirschner, Robert. "Apocalyptic and Rabbinic Responses to the Destruction of 70." Harvard Theological Review 78, no. 1-2 (April 1985): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000027371.
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Until Titus's destruction of Jerusalem in 70 CE, the national and religious life of Palestinian Jewry was organized around the cultic system of the Temple. Despite many changes in the political status of the nation and of Jerusalem itself, the Temple continued to serve as the seat of the priesthood, the destination of sacred pilgrimage, and the instrument of cultic expiation. Other places and forms of worship are attested during the second commonwealth, and by the advent of the common era groups such as the Qumran community had turned away from Jerusalem altogether. Yet there can be little doubt that the Temple was perceived as the preeminent symbol of Israel's God. Excavations of first-century Palestinian synagogues have revealed a basic architectural design of orientation toward the sanctuary. Although geographically and religiously remote from the Temple, the Jews of the diaspora continued, writes Philo of Alexandria (ca. 20 BCE–50 CE), to “hold the Holy City where stands the sacred Temple of the most high God to be their mother city.”
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Shin, W. Gil. "The Ambivalence of Jerusalem in Luke–Acts: The Limitations of Dyadic Approaches, and a Test of a Sojan Model of Thirdspace for Acts 7." Bulletin for Biblical Research 32, no. 1 (May 1, 2022): 41–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bullbiblrese.32.1.0041.
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Luke’s ambivalent attitude toward Jerusalem and the temple remains a thorny issue in Lukan scholarship. This article reviews the history of scholarship according to two models of replacement versus continuity, which often operate in a dyadic paradigm. Sojan geography is suggested as a way of breaking through the deadlock this paradigm has created, as it attends to “thirding” that encompasses the two sides of ambivalence. In utilizing Sojan geography, a modified rubric derived from Prinsloo’s model is introduced as a remedy to Sleeman’s primarily synchronic approach. A test of this modified model is conducted on the spatiality of Jerusalem in Acts 7. This examination elucidates the complex ambivalence of Jerusalem without having to reduce one aspect over the other. Especially, Stephen’s retold history shows the trialectic structure of “lived space” in Abraham’s relation to the land, which becomes a model of the Jerusalem temple as a “lived space” for his offspring.
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Sleeman, Matthew. "Mark, the Temple and Space: A Geographer's Response." Biblical Interpretation 15, no. 3 (2007): 338–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851507x184919.
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AbstractAs a production of space, the Jerusalem temple has multiple dimensions which render a rich material and ideational locale. The paper links interpretation of the Jerusalem temple in Mark's Gospel to a growing interest in spatial theory and narrative spatiality which resists reducing space to either background staging or the realm of ideas. Such theory calls for a genuinely spatialized reading, rather than a privileging of temporality which marginalizes readings for space.
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SARI ÇETİN, Aysu. "İSLAM DÜNYASINDA KUDÜS VE SELAHADDİN EYYÜBİ." JOURNAL OF INSTITUTE OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND SOCIAL RESEARCHES 7, no. 26 (February 20, 2021): 37–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31623/iksad072604.
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The importance and value of Jerusalem, the holy city for Islam and Muslims, in the Middle East geography. Even though a lot of money has been paid for Jerusalem, which has a very important place for Christians, Jews and Muslims from the past to the present, it is seen that these religions still do not give up Jerusalem. The reason for this is the Temple of Solomon for Jews, Hz for Christians. Jerusalem is the place where Jesus is believed to be resurrected and Jerusalem is the city of the Prophets for Muslims, as well as being mentioned as a verse in the Quran and Masjid Accent is the first qibla. Hz. The giving of the keys of the city by trusting the justice of Umar and the conquest of Jerusalem by the Islamic armies and the siege of Jerusalem by the sultan of the east, Saladin, will be explained.
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Tili, Mihael. "World and world views at the time of the first Christians." Sabornost, no. 14 (2020): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/sabornost2014023t.
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Central places like Rome, Delphi, or Jerusalem legitimize the respective cult community by directing all conditions in the world and in history towards their center. Accordingly, the world order is maintained in the microcosm of the temple. As the "navel of the world," the temple thus serves the emergence and preservation of the cultic community. On the one hand, this makes it understandable that even the first Christians held fast to the Jerusalem Temple as a place of religious orientation. On the other hand, it explains why the Christian tradition soon identified the crucifixion site of Golgotha as the sacred world center.
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Ciecieląg, Jerzy. "The Temple on the Coins of Bar Kokhba – a Manifestation of Longing or a Political Programme? A Few Remarks." Notae Numismaticae - TOM XV, no. 15 (May 17, 2021): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.52800/ajst.1.a.02.
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The article is an attempt to answer the question of whether the building on coins issued during the Bar Kokhba revolt, usually interpreted as the Temple in Jerusalem, was a testimony of the control of Jerusalem by the rebels or a manifestation of the political programme of the revolt. This meant that perhaps also worship on the Temple Mount was resumed. The image of the building itself is analysed against a comparative background composed of other sacred buildings shown on earlier Jewish coins, in particular those coming from the period of the First Jewish War with Rome. Coins from other areas where similar buildings are represented were also used as comparative material. Consequently, the answer to the basic question of whether the possible Temple on Bar Kokhba coins was a confirmation of the historical fact of taking power over the Jewish capital or was it only a manifestation of longing – firstly after the loss of the Temple in 70, and secondly after the restoration of Jerusalem as the spiritual and political centre of the Chosen Nation – clearly leads to the second conclusion.
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Sheppard, Anthony. "The Letter of Barnabas and the Jerusalem Temple." Journal For The Study of Judaism 48, no. 4-5 (October 11, 2017): 531–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12481176.
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AbstractThis article examines a short passage in the Letter of Barnabas (16:3-4) which appears to refer to a rumoured, planned, or actual contemporary rebuilding of the Jerusalem Temple under Roman auspices. I identify a possible historical context and set the possible attempted reconstruction of the Temple in the framework of Roman policy relating to colonies and indigenous temples. In particular, I reject attempts to date Barnabas from a cryptic apocalyptic quotation (4:4-5), preferring to rely mainly on an apparent reference to 4 Ezra, datable to ca. 100 ce. Combining this approach to dating with a search for possible historical contexts leads me to opt for a Hadrianic date, specifically during the planning of the Roman military colony of Aelia Capitolina, for the actual or, more likely, planned/rumoured reconstruction of the Temple.
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Klem, Matthew J. "Flipping Tables and Building Temples: An Intertextual Reading of Psalm 68:10 LXX in John 2:17." Horizons in Biblical Theology 43, no. 1 (April 16, 2021): 70–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712207-12341423.
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Abstract John 2:17 quotes Ps 68:10: “Zeal for your house will consume me.” Interpreters disagree about whether consume portrays Jesus’s zeal overwhelming him during the temple incident or leading to his death. They also disagree about whether John alludes metaleptically to the whole psalm, especially the rebuilding of Jerusalem in Ps 68:36–37. This article argues that consume portrays Jesus’s death. It substantiates that John alludes to the whole psalm, not only the rebuilding of Jerusalem in 68:36–37, but also the table becoming a trap and the pouring out of wrath in 68:23, 25. These echoes suggest that Jesus embodies the judgment of God in the temple incident, the suffering of the psalmist in his death, and the restoration of Jerusalem in his resurrection. The story from the Psalter is thus reconfigured in the temple incident: God rebuilds the forsaken city by identifying with Israel’s exile in the crucified body of Jesus.
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Hays, J. Daniel. "The Persecuted Prophet and Judgment on Jerusalem: The Use of LXX Jeremiah in the Gospel of Luke." Bulletin for Biblical Research 25, no. 4 (January 1, 2015): 453–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bullbiblrese.25.4.0453.
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Abstract This article argues that within Second Temple Judaism, Jeremiah was well known as the paradigmatic “persecuted prophet” and was likewise closely associated with the consequential fall and destruction of Jerusalem. Thus, when the Gospel of Luke portrays Jesus as the “persecuted prophet” in conflict with the leaders in Jerusalem or recounts Jesus' warnings of judgment on Jerusalem, allusions and parallels to Jeremiah are numerous, implying that the traditions associated with LXX Jeremiah form a critical background for understanding those texts.
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Fonfeder, Robert, Mark P. Holtzman, and Eugene Maccarrone. "INTERNAL CONTROLS IN THE TALMUD: THE JERUSALEM TEMPLE." Accounting Historians Journal 30, no. 1 (June 1, 2003): 73–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/0148-4184.30.1.73.
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We examine the Hebrew Talmud's account of internal controls in the ancient Jerusalem Temple (c.823 B.C.E. to 70 C.E.) This far-reaching enterprise involved an extensive system of sacrificial offerings, management of three annual pilgrimages, a court system and maintenance of a priestly class. We outline the annual process of collecting half-shekel and other donations, withdrawals from the Temple treasury and the sale of libations. The Talmud describes numerous internal controls: donations were segregated according to their specific purposes and donation chests were shaped with small openings to prevent theft. When making withdrawals from the Temple treasury, the priest-treasurer was required to wear specific clothing to prevent misappropriation of assets. The Treasury chamber itself had seven seals, requiring the presence of seven different individuals, including the king, in order to open it. The process of selling libations and meal offerings required purchasing and then redeeming different tickets, which were specifically marked to prevent fraud. In explaining the reasoning for this tight system of internal controls, the Talmud reveals that an individual “shall be guiltless before G-D and before Israel” [Numbers 32: 22], so that a sound system of internal controls prevents both theft and any suspicion of theft, thus establishing the fiscal credibility of the Temple institution in the eyes of its congregants. Such an approach indicates that accounting did not represent a profane, secular vocation at odds with the Temple's mission. To the contrary, a system of accountability formed integral steps in the Temple's ritual processes.
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CANSDALE, Lena. "Julian and the Rebuilding of the Jerusalem Temple." Ancient Near Eastern Studies 34 (January 1, 1996): 18–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/anes.34.0.525757.
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Sass, Benjamin. "Arabs and Greeks in Late First Temple Jerusalem." Palestine Exploration Quarterly 122, no. 1 (January 1990): 59–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/peq.1990.122.1.59.
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Hartsock, Ralph. "The temple of Jerusalem: past, present, and future." Jewish Culture and History 16, no. 2 (August 27, 2014): 199–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1462169x.2014.953832.
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Moss, Candida R., and Liane M. Feldman. "The New Jerusalem: Wealth, Ancient Building Projects and Revelation 21–22." New Testament Studies 66, no. 3 (June 5, 2020): 351–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688520000053.
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Scholarly interpretations of the descent and description of the New Jerusalem in Revelation 21–22 have tended to evaluate the city against biblical and extra-canonical descriptions of the Jerusalem Temple, apocalyptic accounts of heaven and ancient utopian literature in general. While some have noted the ways in which the New Jerusalem parallels the description of Babylon elsewhere in the Apocalypse, no one has yet considered the ways in which the New Jerusalem mimics, mirrors and adapts the excesses of elite Roman architecture and decor. The argument of this article is that when viewed against the backdrop of literary and archaeological evidence for upper-class living space, the luxury of the New Jerusalem is domesticated and functions to democratise access to wealth in the coming epoch. The ways in which Revelation's New Jerusalem rehearses the conventions of morally problematic displays of luxury can partially explain later patristic discomfort with literalist readings of this passage.
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Ousterhout, Robert. "Rebuilding the Temple: Constantine Monomachus and the Holy Sepulchre." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 48, no. 1 (March 1, 1989): 66–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/990407.
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The reconstruction of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem c. 1042-1048 by the Byzantine Emperor Constantine IX Monomachus marks an important turning point in the history of the building. An analysis of the surviving remains of this phase of construction suggests that the plan was determined by an architect from the Byzantine capital, and the construction was carried out by two teams of masons. One workshop was apparently from Constantinople, and the other was trained locally in or around Jerusalem. An analysis of wall and vault construction bears out this conclusion.
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Avni, Gideon, and Jon Seligman. "Between the Temple Mount/Haram el-Sharif and the Holy Sepulchre: Archaeological Involvement in Jerusalem's Holy Places." Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 19, no. 2 (April 15, 2007): 259–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/jmea.2006.v19i2.259.
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Archaeological involvement in the holy places of Jerusalem has become a focus of professional and public concern during recent years. The two sacred areas of the Temple Mount and the Holy Sepulchre combine their role as historical and architectural monuments of supreme importance with their daily use as central religious sites. The connection between scholars, mainly archaeologists and architects, who studied these monuments, and the local religious authorities in charge of the holy sites has accompanied research on Jerusalem since the mid-nineteenth century. The main issues to be analyzed in this paper are related to the ways archaeologists and other scholars are involved with the major holy sites of Jerusalem: how the 'owners' of the Temple Mount and the Holy Sepulchre viewed these scholars and their research; to what degree they were prepared to cooperate with them; what their motives were for doing so and how archaeologists and other researchers operated and adhered to scholarly interests in such complex sites. The Jerusalem case study is used to investigate the larger scope of interrelations between the academic world and the religious 'owners' of holy sites in other locations.
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Wardle, Timothy. "Mark, the Jerusalem Temple and Jewish Sectarianism: Why Geographical Proximity Matters in Determining the Provenance of Mark." New Testament Studies 62, no. 1 (November 20, 2015): 60–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688515000375.
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Rome or Syria? This article addresses the issue of the provenance of Mark's Gospel by exploring affinities between the second Gospel and Jewish sectarian groups of the first centuries bce and ce. It is argued that Mark displays certain sectarian tendencies, and that these tendencies, most notably seen in the Gospel's negative evaluation of the Jerusalem temple and its priestly overseers, strongly suggest that the Gospel was written in close geographical proximity to Jerusalem and its temple. Accordingly, an area in the Syrian Decapolis is a much more likely place of origin for Mark's Gospel than that of Rome.