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Journal articles on the topic 'Television in politics – Italy'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Cosentino, Gabriele. "L’Isola dei Famosi: Minority politics in Italy via reality television." Journal of Italian Cinema & Media Studies 3, no. 1 (March 1, 2015): 117–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jicms.3.1-2.117_1.

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2

D’Arma, Alessandro. "Global media, business and politics." International Communication Gazette 73, no. 8 (December 2011): 670–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048511420095.

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This article presents a comparative analysis of News Corporation’s entry strategy and rise to dominance in the British and Italian television markets through its satellite pay-TV operations, BSkyB and Sky Italia respectively. As well documented, News Corporation’s strategy in the UK has been heavily dependent on Rupert Murdoch’s cultivation of political connections. By contrast, in Italy Murdoch has been unable to influence local politics to further his business interests, as evidenced by the several regulatory setbacks suffered by Sky Italia. Thus, in order to explain News Corporation’s success in Italy, this article argues that emphasis must be placed primarily on the managerial and financial resources that the company has been able to mobilize. The analysis aims at broadening our understanding of how News Corporation operates in different national contexts, and should also prove valuable for the broader question concerning the shifting balance of power between transnational and national actors in today’s globalizing media landscape.

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3

Agnew, John. "Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics under the ‘Second Republic’." Modern Italy 12, no. 1 (February 2007): 17–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940601134791.

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The Italian Second Republic was meant to have led to a bipolar polity with alternation in national government between conservative and progressive blocs. Such a system it has been claimed would undermine the geographical structure of electoral politics that contributed to party system immobilism in the past. However, in this article I argue that dynamic place configurations are central to how the ‘new’ Italian politics is being constructed. The dominant emphasis on either television or the emergence of ‘politics without territory’ has obscured the importance of this geographical restructuring. New dynamic place configurations are apparent particularly in the South which has emerged as a zone of competition between the main party coalitions and a nationally more fragmented geographical pattern of electoral outcomes. These patterns in turn reflect differential trends in support for party positions on governmental centralization and devolution, geographical patterns of local economic development, and the re-emergence of the North–South divide as a focus for ideological and policy differences between parties and social groups across Italy.

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4

Pilati, Antonio, and Emanuela Poli. "Digital terrestrial television." Modern Italy 6, no. 2 (November 2001): 195–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1353294400011984.

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SummaryIn Italy, as in much of Europe, the beginning of the new century has brought a crucial period of change to the television system. The change affects technology, strategies and regulation of the medium. This article starts by reconstructing the current situation and the emerging trends at a global level. It then analyses the state of the Italian television industry on the eve of the introduction of digital terrestrial broadcasting, setting out the opportunities and potential developments this opens up.

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5

Gardini, Gianluca. "Broadcasting, the Free Market and the Public Interest: Is the Italian Path to Pluralism Viable?" European Public Law 13, Issue 2 (May 1, 2007): 239–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2007014.

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The television and the mass media in general have a vital function in the creation of the democratic process, similar to that of institutions. The basic argument of this article is that television is not a simple market commodity and general competition laws cannot protect adequately the public interest of citizens in broadcasting. In Italy, in particular, the television sector has always suffered for lack of pluralism, a highly concentrated market, strong influence of political forces over public broadcasting. For these reasons the Italian experience represents an interesting case, as it allows one to observe the effects of a transition from a broadcasting framework entirely based on specific public regulation (monopoly) to a system hinged on general competition laws and technological development After looking at the evolution of broadcasting in Italy, the author will try to suggest some remedies for the Italian television sector.

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6

Barber, Sian, Elena Caoduro, and Kai Knörr. "Editorial: Education & TV. Histories of a Vision." Education & TV. Histories of a Vision 11, no. 21 (August 3, 2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/view.301.

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The articles included in this issue take into consideration the relationship between television and education in its broadest sense, offering historical studies of television programming, national policies, audience attitudes and evolving socio-political contexts. It includes case studies of different broadcasters, specific educational programming initiatives, government or state education policy delivered through the television medium, the intersections between broadcast programmes and what is retained in television archives. They cover Turkey, Germany, Italy, the UK, and Finland and map the period from the 1960s to the present day. All of this material helps situate educational provision on television within broader histories of both television as a form and education as an overarching idea or objective.

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Veth, K. Manuel. "The Berlusconization of Post-Soviet Football in Russia and the Ukraine: Money Scores Goals, Goals Win Titles, and Titles Win Popularity." Journal of Sport History 41, no. 1 (April 1, 2014): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jsporthistory.41.1.55.

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Abstract The Berlusconization of post-Soviet professional football in Ukraine and Russia highlights the close connection between politics, business, and football. The former Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi built a position of political power through his connection with professional soccer. In 1986, Berlusconi, a multi-millionaire who made his fortune through construction and television, bought AC Milan. Berlusconi was able to use the popularity gained by owning one of Europe’s most successful clubs to sharpen his political profile to such an extent that he was elected as prime minister of Italy three times. After the fall of the Soviet Union and the mass privatization of assets, football clubs, especially in the Ukraine, fell into the hands of rich businessmen or oligarchs. These oligarchs then used the popularity of football clubs to secure political positions. This system was then copied in Russia where Moscow used football, especially in the Caucasus, to achieve political goals.

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8

van den Bergen, Kimberley. "Advertising Restrictions versus the Freedom to Provide Services." Legal Issues of Economic Integration 41, Issue 3 (August 1, 2014): 305–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie2014018.

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In order to protect consumers from excessive television advertising and to create a level playing field for all broadcasters within the European Union (EU), the Audiovisual Media Services Directives sets rules regarding television advertising. Stricter national rules on television advertising are permitted provided they are in compliance with Union Law. Italy used national regulation to impose different maximum transmission times for advertising on pay-TV broadcasters and free-to-air broadcasters. This case-note on SKY-Italia discusses whether the different maximum transmission times for television advertising are compatible with the general principle of equal treatment within EU law and with various fundamental freedoms of the internal market. Is it justified to restrict the freedom to provide services defined in Article 56 TFEU by the 'public interest' of consumer protection or is the national rule an example of a purely economic and political consideration resulting in a distortion of competition?

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9

Dines, Martin, and Sergio Rigoletto. "Country cousins: Europeanness, sexuality and locality in contemporary Italian television." Modern Italy 17, no. 4 (November 2012): 479–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2012.706999.

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This article examines the consequences of the concurrence of a recent surge of interest in LGBT lives in the Italian media with the perceived transformation of Spain. Long considered Italy's close – though inferior – cultural cousin, Spain has been seen to be forging its own path with the reforms of the Zapatero administration, gay marriage especially. The article focuses on Il padre delle spose (RAIl, 2006), which generated intense discussion across the political spectrum precisely during the period in which the issue of recognising domestic partnerships between same-sex couples was being contested in Italy. The drama and surrounding media debates are analysed in order to articulate both the anxieties and the sense of opportunity brought about by Spain's ‘sorpasso’ of Italy. The drama is also informative for the way it reverses the standard ‘metropolitan’ trajectory of LGBT narrative. By relocating its lesbian protagonists to rural Puglia, the drama indicates how local traditions might be better able to respond to hetero-patriarchal oppression than imported ideals of ‘coming out’. Further, the drama's emphasis on local forms of solidarity suggests an alternative vision of LGBT existence to the one increasingly dominant across Europe and the West which privileges economically productive subjects.

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10

Vaccari, Cristian, and Augusto Valeriani. "Dual Screening, Public Service Broadcasting, and Political Participation in Eight Western Democracies." International Journal of Press/Politics 23, no. 3 (June 7, 2018): 367–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161218779170.

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We investigate the relationship between political dual screening—that is, watching political contents on television while reading and commenting on them on social media—and political participation across eight Western democracies: Denmark, Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Based on custom built online surveys conducted between 2015 and 2016 on samples representative of the adult population with internet access in each country, we test hypotheses on both intra-country and cross-country direct and differential effects of political dual screening on various forms of offline and online political participation. We find a positive correlation between the frequency with which citizens dual screen political content and their overall levels of participation. Such correlation is stronger among respondents with lower levels of interest in politics, suggesting that dual screening has the potential to bridge participatory gaps between citizens who are more and less politically involved. The relationship between dual screening and participation is also significantly stronger in countries whose media systems feature the strongest Public Service Broadcasters. Our findings suggest that dual screening makes a positive contribution to democratic citizenship and political equality, and that it can also help public service media fulfill some of their key functions.

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11

DellaVigna, Stefano, Ruben Durante, Brian Knight, and Eliana La Ferrara. "Market-Based Lobbying: Evidence from Advertising Spending in Italy." American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 8, no. 1 (January 1, 2016): 224–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.20150042.

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We analyze a novel lobbying channel: firms shifting spending toward a politician's business in the hope of securing favorable regulation. We examine the evolution of advertising spending in Italy during 1993–2009, a period in which Berlusconi was in power three separate times, while maintaining control of Italy's major private television network, Mediaset. We document a significant pro-Mediaset bias in the allocation of advertising during Berlusconi's political tenure, especially for companies in more regulated sectors. We estimate that Mediaset profits increased by one billion euros during this period and that regulated firms anticipated sizeable returns, stressing the economic importance of this channel. (JEL D72, L51, L82, M31)

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12

Padovani, Cinzia. "‘Berlusconi's Italy’: the media between structure and agency." Modern Italy 20, no. 1 (February 2015): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2014.988605.

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In this article, I explore the conditions of the media in Italy by taking into consideration a variety of elements: the context of media legislation and media concentration that have favoured the interests of Silvio Berlusconi, and the role of progressive agency (media professionals, citizens' groups) as they worked within those constraints to keep alive the flames of democracy during the ‘Berlusconi era’. This perspective is intended to provide an alternative interpretation to what has become the prevailing view of contemporary Italy: an ‘abnormal’ country; the ‘Sick Man of Europe’; worse yet: a country of ‘servants’. The framework of analysis includes the influence of the media-magnate-turned-politician on media legislation and the television sector, but also evaluates the important roles that media professionals and citizens have played to improve pluralism. The article argues that despite extreme levels of media concentration and an unprecedented conflict of interests, a commitment to engage in political discourse has continued to characterise Italy's political culture. This commitment has been expressed by a multiplicity of actors, from journalists and media professionals to citizens' organisations and media activists.

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13

Barron, Emma. "Television audience enjoyment and theLascia o raddoppia?phenomenon." Modern Italy 21, no. 3 (August 2016): 227–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2016.32.

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From the end of 1955 to the middle of 1959, the quiz programmeLascia o raddoppia?transformed the way that Italians watched television, attracting a mass audience and appealing to viewers of different class backgrounds and levels of education. The quiz, watched by 15 million Italians at its peak, was more than Italy’s first successful television show:Lascia o raddoppia?also reflected the social and cultural transformations of Italy’s economic ‘miracle’, and confirmed the growing importance of mass culture and education in modern Italy. Yet, the role and response of the viewer in this television phenomenon has been largely overlooked. Viewers, if discussed at all, are often represented as an ‘Everyman’, mediocre, or the victims of Americanisation. This article examines the audience responses to the quiz by connecting the Radiotelevisione Italiana (RAI) broadcaster’s audience enjoyment ratings to the programme transcripts, specific contestants and media coverage. The audience data, when linked to individual programmes and contestants, reflects important changes in society and education and challenges the myth of the passive viewer, demonstrating even that 1950s television audiences were not as malleable or as conservative as contemporary commentators and many histories suggest.

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14

Gundle, Stephen. "The death (and re-birth) of the hero: charisma and manufactured charisma in modern Italy." Modern Italy 3, no. 02 (November 1998): 173–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532949808454802.

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Summary In the twentieth century Italy has witnessed an unusual variety of charismatic political figures. Given the tradition of the Risorgimento and in particular the influence of Garibaldi, several of these donned the mantle of heroism. However, in modern conditions this heroism was largely a matter of showmanship. With the rise of mass communications, political leaders were compelled to reinvent the nature and forms of their appeal to the people and also to engage with the languages of popular entertainment. It is argued that cinema heralded a profound change in the nature of charisma and that television subsequently undermined it by rendering political leaders familiar and reducing the distance necessary for stage management.

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15

Ceron, Andrea, and Sergio Splendore. "From contents to comments: Social TV and perceived pluralism in political talk shows." New Media & Society 20, no. 2 (September 12, 2016): 659–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444816668187.

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Going beyond source and content pluralism, we propose a two-dimensional audience-based measure of perceived pluralism by exploiting the practice of “social TV”. For this purpose, 135,228 tweets related to 30 episodes of prime time political talk shows broadcast in Italy in 2014 have been analyzed through supervised sentiment analysis. The findings suggest that the two main TV networks compete by addressing generalist audiences. The public television offers a plural set of talk shows but ignores the anti-political audience. The ideological background of the anchorman shapes the audience’s perception, while the gender of the guests does not seem to matter.

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16

Rosen, Philip. "Nation and Anti-Nation: Concepts of National Cinema in the "New" Media Era." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 5, no. 3 (December 1996): 375–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.5.3.375.

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[M]y knowledge of movies, pictures, or the idea of movie-making, was strongly linked to the identity of a nation. That’s why there is no French television, or Italian, or British, or American television. There can be only one television because it’s not related to nation. It’s related to finance or commerce. Movie-making at the beginning was related to the identity of the nation and there have been very few ―national‖ cinemas. In my opinion there is no Swedish cinema but there are Swedish movie-makers—some very good ones, such as Stiller and Bergman. There have been only a handful of cinemas: Italian, German, American and Russian. This is because when countries were inventing and using motion pictures, they needed an image of themselves. The Russian cinema arrived at a time they needed a new image. And in the case of Germany, they had lost a war and were completely corrupted and needed a new idea of Germany. At the time the new Italian cinema emerged Italy was completely lost—it was the only country which fought with the Germans, then against the Germans. They strongly needed to see a new reality and this was provided by neo-realism. Today, if you put all these people in one so-called ―Eurocountry,‖ you have nothing; since television is television, you only have America. (Jean-Luc Godard in conversation with Colin MacCabe [Petrie 98] )

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17

Barca, Flavia. "The local television broadcasting system in Italy: too few resources for too many companies?" Media, Culture & Society 21, no. 1 (January 1999): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016344399021001006.

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18

BOSWORTH, R. J. B. "THE ITALIAN NOVECENTO AND ITS HISTORIANS." Historical Journal 49, no. 1 (February 24, 2006): 317–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05005169.

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The politics of Italian national identity. Edited by Gino Bedani and Bruce Haddock. Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2000. Pp. vii+296. ISBN 0-7083-1622-0. £40.00.Fascist modernities: Italy, 1922–1945. By Ruth Ben-Ghiat. Berkeley, University of California Press, 2001. Pp. x+317. ISBN 0-520-22363-2. £28.50.Le spie del regime. By Mauro Canali. Bologna: Il Mulino, 2004. Pp. 863. ISBN 88-15-09801-1. €70.00.I campi del Duce: l'internamento civile nell'Italia fascista (1940–1943). By Carlo Spartaco Capogreco. Turin: Einaudi, 2004. Pp. xi+319. ISBN 88-06-16781-2. €16.00.The American South and the Italian Mezzogiorno: essays in comparative history. Edited by Enrico Dal Lago and Rick Halpern. Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002. Pp. 256. ISBN 0-333-73971-X. £28.50.Disastro! Disasters in Italy since 1860: culture, politics, society. Edited by John Dickie, John Foot, and Frank M. Snowden, Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002. Pp. ix+342. ISBN 0-312-23960-2. £32.50.Remaking Italy in the twentieth century. By Roy Palmer Domenico. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2002. Pp. xiv+181. ISBN 0-8476-9637-5. £16.95.Twentieth century Italy: a social history. By Jonathan Dunnage. Harlow: Pearson, 2002. Pp. xi+271. ISBN 0-582-29278-6. £16.99.Milan since the miracle: city, culture and identity. By John Foot. Oxford: Berg, 2001. Pp. xiv+240. ISBN 1-85973-550-9. £14.99.Squadristi: protagonisti e tecniche della violenza fascista, 1919–1922. By Mimmo Franzinelli. Milan: Mondadori, 2003. Pp. 464. ISBN 88-04-51233-4. €19.00.For love and country: the Italian Resistance. By Patrick Gallo. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 2003. Pp. viii+362. ISBN 0-7618-2496-0. $55.00.The struggle for modernity: nationalism, futurism and Fascism. By Emilio Gentile. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2003. Pp. xix+203. ISBN 0-275-97692-0. $69.95.Italy and its discontents. By Paul Ginsborg. Harmondsworth: Allen Lane, 2001. Pp. xv+521. ISBN 0-713-99537-8. £25.00.Silvio Berlusconi: television, power and patrimony. By Paul Ginsborg. London: Verso, 2004. Pp. xvi+189. ISBN 1-84467-000-7. £16.00.Fascists. By Michael Mann. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. Pp. x+429. ISBN 0-521-53855-6. £15.99.Mussolini: the last 600 days of Il Duce. By Ray Moseley. Dallas: Taylor Trade publishing, 2004. Pp. vii+432. ISBN 1-58979-095-2. $34.95.Lo stato fascista e la sua classe politica, 1922–1943. By Didier Musiedlak. Bologna: Il Mulino, 2001. Pp. 585. ISBN 88-15-09381-8. €32.00.Italy's social revolution: charity and welfare from Liberalism to Fascism. By Maria Sophia Quine. Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002. Pp. xv+429. ISBN 0-333-63261-3. £55.00.La seduzione totalitaria: guerra, modernità, violenza politica (1914–1918). By Angelo Ventrone. Rome: Donzelli, 2003. Pp. xvi+288. ISBN 88-7989-840-X. €24.00.With its winning of an American Academy Award, the film Life is beautiful (1997), brought its director and leading actor, Roberto Benigni, global fame. Benigni's zaniness and self-mockery seemed to embody everything that has convinced foreigners that Italians are, above all, brava gente (nice people). Sometimes, this conclusion can have a supercilious air – niceness can easily be reduced to levity or fecklessness. In those university courses that seek to comprehend the terrible tragedies of twentieth-century Europe, Italians seldom play a leading role. German, Russian, Polish, Yugoslav, and even British and French history are each riven with death and disaster or, alternatively, with heroism and achievement. In such austere company, brava gente can seem out of place.

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19

Lusito, Fabio. "«Diamo l’assalto al cielo!» («Let’s assault the sky»): science communication between scientists and citizens and Lombardo Radice’s television in Italy in the years of the protests." Journal of Science Communication 19, no. 03 (June 8, 2020): A03. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.19030203.

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The years of the protests marked a period of social turmoil in Italy. The critical impulses that developed within worker and student groups had political effects even on science. This paper aims to offer a historiographical description of some stages of the relationship between scientists and protesting movements, going back over the developments in science communication in Italy between the late sixties and the seventies, focusing on the case of Lucio Lombardo Radice and his work as a TV populariser. The reinterpretation of the recent past could be useful to better understand the contemporary developments in science communication from a historical perspective.

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20

Hayward, Mark. "Good workers: television documentary, migration and the Italian nation, 1956–1964." Modern Italy 16, no. 1 (February 2011): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532941003683021.

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This paper examines a series of documentaries produced in the period between 1956 and 1964 that document the activities of Italian migrants around the world (a corpus of more than 100 films and programmes altogether). These films, which record the dedicated and laborious nature of Italians around the globe, play a double role. On the one hand, they serve as a necessary adjunct to the establishment of a ‘labour culture’ in Italy, a central aspect of the compromise between labour unrest and the demands of capital in which the figure of the worker is continually praised. At the same time, they serve to obscure and rewrite the Italian collective memory concerning the legacy of Fascist imperialism and Italian involvement in colonial expansion, in the process recasting the Italian coloniser as the ‘good worker’.

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21

Durante, Ruben, Paolo Pinotti, and Andrea Tesei. "The Political Legacy of Entertainment TV." American Economic Review 109, no. 7 (July 1, 2019): 2497–530. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.20150958.

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We study the political impact of commercial television in Italy exploiting the staggered introduction of Berlusconi’s private TV network, Mediaset, in the early 1980s. We find that individuals with early access to Mediaset all-entertainment content were more likely to vote for Berlusconi’s party in 1994, when he first ran for office. The effect persists for five elections and is driven by heavy TV viewers, namely the very young and the elderly. Regarding possible mechanisms, we find that individuals exposed to entertainment TV as children were less cognitively sophisticated and civic-minded as adults, and ultimately more vulnerable to Berlusconi’s populist rhetoric. (JEL D72, L82, M31, Z13)

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22

Mazzoleni, Gianpietro. "Emergence of the candidate and political marketing: Television and election campaigns in Italy in the 1980s." Political Communication 8, no. 3 (July 1991): 201–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10584609.1991.9962919.

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23

Ernst, Nicole, Frank Esser, Sina Blassnig, and Sven Engesser. "Favorable Opportunity Structures for Populist Communication: Comparing Different Types of Politicians and Issues in Social Media, Television and the Press." International Journal of Press/Politics 24, no. 2 (December 22, 2018): 165–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161218819430.

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The aim of this study is to explore favorable opportunity structures for populist communication of politicians in Western democracies. We analyze the content and style of 2,517 statements from 103 politicians from six countries (France, Italy, Germany, Switzerland, United Kingdom, and United States) who differ in their party affiliation (populist versus nonpopulist) and hierarchical position (backbencher vs. frontbencher). To learn more about their media strategies and chances of success, we investigate four communication channels (Facebook, Twitter, talk shows, and news media) that systematically differ in their degree of journalistic intervention and examine fourteen often-raised topics that differ in their suitability for populist mobilization. Our content analysis shows the highest probability of populist communication comes from (1) members of populist parties and (2) backbenchers who address (3) mobilizable issues in (4) social media or newspaper articles. We conclude by explaining why populists have become so successful in getting their messages into newspapers.

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24

Cienki, Alan, and Gianluca Giansante. "Conversational framing in televised political discourse." Cognitive Perspectives on Political Discourse 13, no. 2 (August 20, 2014): 255–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.13.2.04cie.

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The present study applies the notion of framing by examining how politicians may frame themselves as conversation partners with the audience, even in the virtual environment of television (and Internet video). The hypothesis is that ‘populist’ politicians are more likely than other kinds to frame their televised talk as a conversational encounter, given that this could facilitate mental simulation of ‘fictive interaction’ with their viewing audience. This study compares two national politicians in the U.S. and Italy known as ‘populist’ – Sarah Palin and Silvio Berlusconi – with their respective competitors: Joseph Biden and Walter Veltroni. For each speaker, a set of behaviours from televised debates or interviews in 2008 was analysed, including the use of pronouns, colloquial versus learned vocabulary, length of intonation units, syntax, and eye gaze and gesture. Consideration is given to the potential cognitive/affective consequences of framing in terms of conversational linguistic ‘performance’.

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D’Arma, Alessandro, Tim Raats, and Jeanette Steemers. "Public service media in the age of SVoDs: A comparative study of PSM strategic responses in Flanders, Italy and the UK." Media, Culture & Society 43, no. 4 (January 7, 2021): 682–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443720972909.

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Netflix and other transnational online video streaming services are disrupting long-established arrangements in national television systems around the world. In this paper we analyse how public service media (PSM) organisations (key purveyors of societal goals in broadcasting) are responding to the fast-growing popularity of these new services. Drawing on Philip Napoli’s framework for analysing strategic responses by established media to threats of competitive displacement by new media, we find that the three PSM organisations in our study exhibit commonalities. Their responses have tended to follow a particular evolution starting with different levels of complacency and resistance before settling into more coherent strategies revolving around efforts to differentiate PSM offerings, while also diversifying into activities, primarily across new platforms, that mimic SVoD approaches and probe production collaborations. Beyond these similarities, however, we also find that a range of contextual factors (including path-dependency, the role and status of PSM in each country, the degree of additional government support, cultural factors and market size) help explain nuances in strategic responses between our three cases.

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Focardi, Filippo. "Italy’s fascist past: A difficult reckoning." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, no. 3 (December 28, 2018): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.40.3.4.

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ITALY’S FASCIST PAST: A DIFFICULT RECKONINGIn January 2002, a survey conducted by a popular television program revealed that 25 percent of young Italians held a favorable opinion of Fascism and Dictator Benito Mussolini. Shortly thereafter, Italy’s most prominent scholar of Fascism, Emilio Gentile, warned of a “retroactive de-fascistization” in Italian society: the widespread tendency to cast fascism in a benevolent light forgetting, or softening, its repressive and brutal features. For many Italians, Fascism was very diff erent from Nazism and Communist Totalitarianism — it might have been an authoritarian regime but it was not a bloody one. This assessment was no doubt further conditioned by the politics of memory promoted at that time by Silvio Berlusconi’s center-right government. However the origins of this watered-down interpretation go back much further. The idea that Italian Fascism was not on a par with other totalitarian regimes took root in the collective conscience following the end of World War II, as Italy attempted to rehabilitate its reputation in the eyes of the world, hoping to be spared harsh judgment and punishment on the international stage. Its cornerstone was the contrast between Italian Fascism and German National Socialism. On one side, the brutality and ideological fanaticism of the Nazis and on the other, the Italian Fascists, who according to the narrative were over-bearing but not so criminal This distinction between Fascism and Nazism has permeated Italian public opinion throughout the history of the Italian Republic. It was shared by historian Renzo De Felice and pervasive from the 1980s onward in mass media which were inspired by the new wave of revisionism.Over the last twenty years, the ‘dark pages’ of Italian Fascism — from the regime’s anti-Semitic policies to crimes committed in the colonies and Balkan territories occupied during the Second World War — have been thoroughly investigated in the historiography. Broad sectors of the public still however consider Fascism a mild dictatorship not without its merits. The country that invented Fascism, therefore, is still struggling to come to terms with the legacy of its Fascist past.

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Bini, Andrea. "Marco Paolini’s Theatre of Trauma: Vajont." Quaderni d'italianistica 37, no. 2 (January 27, 2018): 149–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/q.i..v37i2.29233.

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This paper analyzes the work of actor/writer Marco Paolini, and his acclaimed monologue Il racconto del Vajont in particular. In the wake of Dario Fo and Franca Rame’s teatro civile, Paolini’s monologues contributed to the birth of the so-called teatro di narrazione in the 1990s, which can also be defined as “theatre of trauma”, that is, a theatre that recovers the memory of tragic events from the past. In recent times, trauma has become a central theme of Western narrative, politics, and other forms of representation in the public sphere. Following the thought of philosophers such as Jean-François Lyotard and Slavoj Zižek, the article reads Paolini’s Il racconto del Vajont as a significant example of what writer Kyo Maclear calls “witness art.” Characterized by a crisis of the traditional models of representation in mainstream culture, witness art is conceived by Maclear in opposition to the traditional divisions between art, knowledge, and the political instances of public discourse. Among Paolini’s many performances of Vaiont, the one performed at the same time and place where the tragedy took place 34 years before, and broadcasted live on RAI 2 in 1997, stands out for its uniqueness. That night, Paolini evoked the reenactment of a traumatic experience by its witnesses, and, on a wider scale, by the audience watching television at home. An almost forgotten tragedy became a media event, and for the first time trauma witnessing as such—and not as a means for a specific political claim—became part of the public discourse in the elaboration of post-1989 Italy.

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Palis, Eleni. "A Problem of Fit: Athina Rachel Tsangari and Greek “Weird Wave” Cinema." Camera Obscura: Feminism, Culture, and Media Studies 37, no. 2 (September 1, 2022): 59–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/02705346-9787014.

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Abstract This article uses Athina Rachel Tsangari's films to interrogate and reframe the Greek “Weird Wave” film movement (largely shaped by her frequent collaborator, Yorgos Lanthimos), revealing how the wave has obscured Tsangari's feminist authorship. In general, the Weird Wave had described a cohort of films beginning around 2009 in which familial dysfunction, violence, ineffectual communication, and corporeal “weirdness” allegorize Greek political, economic, and social crises. In a kind of temporal jumble, Tsangari's first film Fit (Greece, 1994) provides instructions for reading her later, supposedly Weird Wave films. The conceptual capaciousness of the term fit, as both a film title and a concept, refracts across Tsangari's films and career at large. This article exploits wordplay around fit as a technical standard of sound and image cohesion (how image and sound fit together), as a thematic narrative preoccupation regarding space, place, and belonging (fitting in), and as a categorizing metric (fit for inclusion). Reading diegetic and extradiegetic fit in Tsangari's film and television works, including Attenberg (Greece, 2010), The Capsule (Greece, 2012), the short 24 Frames per Century (Italy, 2013), Chevalier (Greece, 2015), and Trigonometry (BBC, 2020), reveals Tsangari's authorial signature and how Tsangari's films ambivalently benefit from “wave” marketing even as their reception bears out the costs of that uncomfortable fit. Paradoxically, Tsangari's auteur signature emerges in her struggle against category, especially Weird Wave and “women's cinema” labels. In diegetic and extradiegetic negotiations of belonging, Tsangari's auteurism emerges.

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Ong, Jonathan Corpus, Elisabeth Staksrud, and George Pleios. "The television of politics, the politics of television." International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics 4, no. 3 (December 8, 2008): 391–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/macp.4.3.391_3.

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Stasch, Rupert. "The Camera and the House: The Semiotics of New Guinea “Treehouses” in Global Visual Culture." Comparative Studies in Society and History 53, no. 1 (January 2011): 75–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417510000630.

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One of the most frequently encountered representations of West Papuan people internationally today is a photographic or video image of a Korowai or Kombai treehouse (Figure 1). Circulation of these images first exploded in the mid-1990s. In 1994, anArts & Entertainment Channelfilm about Korowai was broadcast in the United States under the titleTreehouse People: Cannibal Justice, and in 1996National Geographicpublished a photo essay titled “Irian Jaya's People of the Trees.” Korowai and Kombai treehouses have since been depicted in dozens of magazine and newspaper articles and twenty television productions, made by media professionals from the United States, United Kingdom, France, Germany, Austria, Sweden, Finland, Japan, Australia, Switzerland, Italy, Croatia, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Vietnam, and recently West Papua itself. Some representations have had mass global distribution through programming partnerships and satellite transmission agreements, and international editions of major magazines. Recently, several reality television programs have been produced about white travelers' stays in treehouses with Korowai or Kombai hosts. These include an episode ofTribebroadcast on BBC and Discovery in 2005, the six episodes ofLiving with the Kombai Tribeshown on Travel Channel and Discovery International in 2007, and an episode ofRendez-Vous En Terre Inconnuetelevised to much acclaim on France 2 in 2009. Treehouses were widely seen by Australian audiences in 2006 in theSixty Minutessegment “The Last Cannibals,” and during a subsequent media firestorm that surrounded a rival show's unsuccessful effort to film their anchor accompanying a supposedly endangered Korowai orphan boy to a safer life in town. In 2009, a BBC film crew filmed Korowai house construction for the forthcoming blockbuster seriesHuman Planet, and in 2010National Geographicbegan researching a possible second story on Korowai treehouses. In late June and early July 2010, photos of Korowai treehouses were published by newspapers in Indonesia, Singapore, Malaysia, Vietnam, Paraguay, Spain, Romania, Hungary, Turkey, Finland, Germany, France, the United Kingdom, and other countries, to illustrate stories reporting the Indonesian census bureau's announcement that it had counted Korowai thoroughly for the first time (e.g., Andrade 2010; most stories drew their content from Agence France-Presse). In August 2010, production began for a feature-length Indonesian film about physical and romantic travails of Javanese protagonists who sojourn with Korowai in their jungle home; no filming is being carried out in the Korowai area or with Korowai actors, but treehouses figure prominently in the film's early written and visual publicity.

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Neveu, Erik. "Politics on French Television." European Journal of Communication 14, no. 3 (September 1999): 379–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323199014003004.

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Gurevitch, Michael, and Anandam P. Kavoori. "Television spectacles as politics." Communication Monographs 59, no. 4 (December 1992): 415–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03637759209376284.

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Bondebjerg, Ib. "Politics Backstage - Television Documentaries, Politics and Politicians." MedieKultur: Journal of media and communication research 22, no. 40 (September 15, 2006): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/mediekultur.v22i40.1316.

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This article deals with "the transformation of visibility" in political discourse on and representation of politics and politicians in resent Dansih television documentaries. Drawing on the theories of Habermas, Meyrowitz and John B. Thompson, it is argued that the political persona on television is moved closer to the individual citizen, creating a sort "mediated quasi-inter- action" giving mediated communication a stronger element of face-to-face interaction. Together with the more pervasive "live" coverage of politics and politicians, this expands media coverage to both the backstage of political processes and the private and personal backstage of politicians, changing the form of democracy and public debate.

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Engelstad, Audun. "Watching Politics." Nordicom Review 29, no. 2 (November 1, 2008): 309–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nor-2017-0193.

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Abstract What can fictional television drama tell us about politics? Are political events foremost related to the personal crises and victories of the on-screen characters, or can the events reveal some insights about the decision-making process itself? Much of the writing on popular culture sees the representation of politics in film and television as predominately concerned with how political aspects are played out on an individual level. Yet the critical interest in the successful television series The West Wing praises how the series gives insights into a wide range of political issues, and its depiction of the daily work of the presidential staff. The present article discusses ways of representing (fictional) political events and political issues in serialized television drama, as found in The West Wing, At the King’s Table and The Crown Princess.

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Daniels, Douglas J. "TELEVISION AND/IN FRENCH POLITICS." Contemporary French Civilization 13, no. 2 (October 1989): 190–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/cfc.1989.13.2.006.

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Bolin, Göran. "Television Journalism, Politics, and Entertainment." Television & New Media 15, no. 4 (March 13, 2014): 336–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1527476414525671.

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Peter, Jochen, Holli A. Semetko, and Claes H. de Vreese. "EU Politics on Television News." European Union Politics 4, no. 3 (September 2003): 305–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14651165030043003.

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Karel, Thomas A. "Politics and television re-viewed." Government Information Quarterly 3, no. 2 (January 1986): 226–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0740-624x(86)90027-4.

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Matteucci, Nicola. "Strategies for Digital Television: DTT in Italy." International Journal on Media Management 12, no. 3-4 (November 26, 2010): 159–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14241277.2010.527315.

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Barraclough, Steven. "Pakistani Television Politics in the 1990s." Gazette (Leiden, Netherlands) 63, no. 2-3 (May 2001): 225–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0016549201063002008.

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Zeng, Wenna, and Colin Sparks. "Production and politics in Chinese television." Media, Culture & Society 41, no. 1 (April 6, 2018): 54–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443718764785.

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Political pressure and censorship are unavoidable conditions for producing an entertainment show in Chinese TV. The relationships between a production team and the government are, however, extremely complex. Based on participant observation in a TV channel and in-depth interviews with related television professionals, this article analyses the tensions between production and politics in Chinese television. The article argues that a centralized and top-down model fails to capture all the aspects of power relations in television production. A more productive starting point is that television production necessarily involves negotiation between different participants. This article analyses relations between the production team, the central broadcasting authorities and local governments. The production team in this case study utilized different strategies to negotiate with multiple levels of government.

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Rawlings, H. F. "Impartiality in Television Coverage of Politics." Modern Law Review 48, no. 5 (September 1985): 584–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2230.1985.tb00862.x.

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Bârlea, Gheorghe. "Leonidas Donskis – an encyclopedic Renaissance-like figure." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 6, no. 2 (December 15, 2014): 241–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v16i2_16.

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This report was made at the Doctor Honoris Causa conferred to Prof. Leonidas Donskis by Valahia University of Târgoviște on November 6th, 2014. The editors express their gratitudeto Vlad-Gabriel Ghiorghiu, a CoolPeace graduate, for the admirable translation of this report. The publication of this report is supported by EEA Grants, contract no 4/22.07.2014. Currently a professor of advanced studies and academic development at the ISM University of Management and Economics of Kaunas and Vilnius, Lithuania, and a former member of the European Parliament, Leonidas Donskis was born on the 13th of August 1962 in Klaipėda, Lithuania. From 2005 to 2009 he served as dean of the Faculty of Political Science and Diplomacy at Vytautas Magnus University of Kaunas, Lithuania. As a docent, visiting and associate professor, he also taught at the University of Helsinki, Finland, in the field of social and moral philosophy, at the University of Tallinn, Estonia, in the field of philosophy and theory of culture, as well as universities from the United States (Dickinson College, Pennsylvania and Montevallo University, Alabama) in the field of cultural studies and universities from England, Italy and Hungary in similar fields of endeavor. Alongside his scholarly career stands his remarkable contribution to the field of the mass-media, both as a producer and moderator of cultural programs for the Lithuanian Television or as editor for the print media (The Baltic Times, The Ukrainian Week etc). The academic bettering carried out in countries like Lithuania and Finland spawned his encyclopedic character and determined the ramification of his intellectual interests. His bachelor’s degree in philosophy and theater, received from the Lithuanian State Conservatoire (presently the “Lithuanian Academy of Music and Theatre”) in 1985 was followed by a master’s degree program in philosophical studies at the University of Vilnius (1987). From the same university he took his first doctorate in philosophy and the humanities, with a thesis about the culture in crisis and the philosophy of culture in the views of O. Spengler, A. J. Toynbee and L. Mumford (1990). This was soon to be followed by a second doctorate, received from the University of Helsinki, with a thesis dwelling on the relation between ideology and utopia, moral imagination and cultural criticism in the 20th century (1999).

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Zadnikar, Gita. "Videoactivism and ‘Street Television’: Alternative Television in Practice." Monitor ISH 17, no. 2 (November 3, 2015): 25–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.33700/1580-7118.17.2.25-43(2015).

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Strongly influenced by the experience of the US video movement, the beginning of the new millennium produced a special form of the alternative video and television production in Italy, Telestreet. As the 1970s had witnessed the mass spread of alternative radio stations, the country was now flooded with small alternative street television broadcasters, who tried to realise various alternative visions of television. If the video collectives (Videofreex, Raindance Corporation et al.) in the US believed that it was essential to provide people with access to communication tools, street television represented an attempt to bring television closer to people and encourage them to create their own media practices.

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Delmont, Matt. "“Miserable Women on Television”: Irene McCabe, Television News, and Antibusing Politics." Camera Obscura: Feminism, Culture, and Media Studies 29, no. 3 (2014): 33–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/02705346-2801507.

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Levine, Elana. "Teaching the Politics of Television Culture in a “Post-television” Era." Cinema Journal 50, no. 4 (2011): 177–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cj.2011.0047.

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PETERSON, MARK ALLEN. "Dramas of Nationhood: The Politics of Television in Egypt:Dramas of Nationhood: The Politics of Television in Egypt." Visual Anthropology Review 21, no. 1-2 (April 2005): 183–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/var.2005.21.1-2.183.

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Smyth, Dion. "Politics and palliative care: Italy." International Journal of Palliative Nursing 17, no. 11 (November 2011): 570. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/ijpn.2011.17.11.570.

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Statham, Paul. "Television News and the Public Sphere in Italy." European Journal of Communication 11, no. 4 (December 1996): 511–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323196011004005.

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Padovani, Cinzia. "Digital Television In Italy: From Duopoly To Duality." Javnost - The Public 14, no. 1 (January 2007): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13183222.2007.11008936.

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