Academic literature on the topic 'Television broadcasting – Economic aspects – Botswana'

Introduction. Research on live broadcasting television and interactive projects is an important contribution not only to the history and theory of social communications, but also a promising field for further research of this type of broadcasting that can be also applied to the investigation of the Internet. Generalization and distinguishing features of this type of broadcasting are less common in the scientific community. During the research the following methods were used: historical and historical-comparative to analyze and organize data concerning ways of live broadcasting and interactive programs formation; systematization, classification, and clustering methods were used to get generalizations. A comparative method was implemented to distinguish common and diverse features of different types of broadcasting which are used in broadcast journalism. The content analysis method was applied for the organization of data concerning the development of programs, which use the interaction with the viewer as a certain communicative technology. The purpose of our study is to formulate a certain concept of genre features that are typical for interactive and live television broadcasting. We set out the following tasks: to distinguish the features of interactive and live broadcasting; outline their particularities in the different types of broadcasting and offer promising directions for using that type of broadcasting. This allowed us to distinguish the difference between live and interactive broadcasting, to focus on time and duration of interaction, to trace the use of different genres in these types of programs, to distinguish their specific features, to generalize and classify them, to identify promising directions of research. Results and conclusions. Live interactive television is characterized by a genre-themed variety. Language-communication and an improvisational script are mainly used in live broadcasting that motivates the audience to engage, provides lasting interest, trust, and positive changes in the image of the channel. News uses live broadcasting as the main way of organization of information (using «live» or stream of momentous events broadcasting), the use of interactivity in this type of broadcasting is indirect and is more oriented to further communication using individual touchpoints. Analytical programs are represented by various conversations in-studio and telemarathon. Viewer interaction is limited to the «viewer as one of the audience» type. Entertainment broadcasting is presented in such formats as Life-Show, Reality-Show (one of its varieties is Talent-Show), and Intelligence-Show, where interaction with the viewer is one of the formative factors. We see the benefits of this type of television among other forms of broadcasting in economic, dramatic, ideological, and communication aspects. Keywords: interactive television, communication, media audience, live television, television content.

<span>&lt;div style=’text-align:</span><span>center</span><span>;’&gt;</span>The writing of this paper analyzes the legal position contained in the Law relating to public health broadcast programs. Further review of the legal aspects of public health broadcast programs that researchers do are not limited to understanding the legal construction that applies in the positivism perspective, but researchers conduct legal reconstruction of public health broadcast programs on television broadcasting institutions with a post-positivism perspective approach namely conceptualizing the law as a set of rules of enactment are influenced by economic, political and social cultural factors. Then there is a need for regulative efforts in the context of the spectrum of balancing laws relating to market regulation and state regulation. The results of the discussion found the following conclusions: First, there was no harmonization in the legal spectrum relating to public health service broadcast programs on television which were dominated in the form of promotions, commercial advertisements, and publications relating to drugs. Second, the laws and regulations governing public health service broadcast programs in broadcasting institutions have not encouraged strong public awareness about the highest degree of health. Third, the public health service broadcast program has a social impact on the interests of the community that is in the form of community self-awareness but also has an economic impact especially for the drug industry and hospitals. However in regulative, it has not provided a framework for social and economic impacts. <span>&lt;/div&gt;</span>

Publicly funded broadcasters with a track record in science programming would appear ideally placed to represent climate change to the lay public. Free from the constraints of vested interests and the economic imperative, public service providers are better equipped to represent the scientific, social and economic aspects of climate change than commercial media, where ownership conglomeration, corporate lobbyists and online competition have driven increasingly tabloid coverage with an emphasis on controversy. This prime-time snapshot of the Australian Broadcasting Corporation’s main television channel explores how the structural/rhetorical conventions of three established public service genres – a science programme, a documentary and a live public affairs talk show – impact on the representation of anthropogenic climate change. The study findings note implications for public trust, and discuss possibilities for innovation in the interests of better public understanding of climate change.

The article discusses the methodology for calculating the amount of material damage that is inflicted on the owners of related rights to distribute television programs (television companies and individuals who have acquired exclusive and non-exclusive property rights to distribute television programs). The legislative framework for economic examinations in the field of intellectual property is analyzed. The main cases of calculating the amount of damages depending on the category of the owner of related rights to broadcast TV channels are given. The calculation of the amount of material damage for the violation of related property rights to broadcast television channels is carried out for the period proven, as part of investigative actions, the time of violation. Usually, economic expertise in the field of intellectual property is preceded by a number of technical examinations, which are carried out by experts in the field of telecommunications in order to confirm the fact of illegal broadcasting of TV channels. According to paragraph 26 of the National Standard № 4 «Evaluation of Intellectual Property Rights», the amount of damages for illegal use of an object of intellectual property rights is determined as of the valuation date using the valuation procedure for accumulating profit (income) that the subject of the intellectual property right did not receive and / or the licensee, as a result of the illegal use of the object of intellectual property rights and, based on the volume of production and / or sale of counterfeit products. Now, in the field of broadcasting, the main media groups enter into licensing agreements for broadcasting with legal entities that represent their interests and conclude sublicensing agreements on their own behalf. They are of two types – with the transfer of an exclusive license to distribute programs using DVB-C / MITPIC / MMDS / TELESELO / analog network, IPTV, OTT and DTH and a non-exclusive license to distribute programs using DVB-C / MITPIC / MMDS / TELESELO / analog network, IPTV, OTT and DTH. In the case of the transfer of exclusive property rights to calculate the amount of material damage, the author considers it expedient to obtain information from the investigation (by sending a corresponding petition) under similar sub-licensing agreements with other providers, which are “similar” to the so-called company-violator. Consequently, the amount of material damage caused to the owner of related property rights, as a result of an illegal broadcast, is calculated as an arithmetic average of the amounts of similar sublicensing contracts, that is, using the procedure of income accumulation. If a legal entity applies to law enforcement agencies that owns non-exclusive proprietary rights to distribute programs using DVB-C / MITPIC / MMDS / TELESELO / analog network, IPTV, OTT and DTH, then Art. 1108 of the Civil Code of Ukraine “A non-exclusive license does not exclude the possibility for the licensor to use an object of intellectual property rights in an area that is limited by this license and to issue licenses to others to use this object in this area” So, according to the author, a legal entity that owns non-exclusive property rights does not bear material damage. Key words: exclusive license, nonexclusive license, material damage.

Purpose: This research aims to analyze the implementation of the regulation of the board of directors of the TVRI public broadcasting institution regarding non-civil servants (Study at the Indonesian Television Public Broadcasting Institute (TVRI), East Nusa Tenggara Station. Research methodology: In this study, the authors used an interpretive research paradigm. The interpretive approach aims to understand the "world of human experience". In this study, the total population was 110 people consisting of 27 non-civil servants and 83 civil servants. Furthermore, purposively, the researcher selected 11 people as informants with details of 1 Head of the Office as Key Informants and 10 non-civil servants as Ordinary Informants Results: The conclusions of this study can be grouped into four aspects, namely actors, organizations, procedures, and techniques. Limitations: this research only analyzes the implementation of policies on the development of Indonesian migrant workers' families in the field of economic empowerment in Kupang city. Contribution: This research becomes scientific information for public administration science. Keywords: Regulations, Implementation, Broadcasting agency, Non-Civil Servant

Migration from analog to digital technology, requires a lot of preparation, both from the side of the device, the regulation of the broadcasting industry, and the society. This study refers to the Diffusion of Innovations theory (the theory of Diffusion of Innovation) (Rogers, 1986) that try to explain how an innovation (technology) can be accepted into the community, through a process of decision. The aim of the research is to find out the relationship between socio-economic characteristics of the innovation and decision-making broadcast of digital television. This research uses a quantitative approach with descriptive methods aim to find out the relationship between socio-economic characteristics of the innovation and decision-making broadcast of digital television. The research was carried out in seven counties/cities in West Java Province and Banten Province. The selection of samples is carried out by Multistage Random Cluster Sampling. The number of samples as many as 813 people assigned by Proportional Sampling techniques, with the character category of respondents age 15 years until 64 years. Significance test results with the method at the rate of 5% Pearson pointed out that, the relationship between innovation decision-making variables with socio-economic characteristics on three aspects, namely, education, income, and spending is weak and insignificant, while on access to information, the value of relationships and significant. This suggests the necessity of strengthening the capacity of absorption of community efforts in the face of digital broadcast television, can be done by fixing the value of any existing components on the operational level. As a priority, is how the effort to improve the economy of society, especially in terms of education, income, and expenditure permonth.

The analysis of the draft law On Media No. 2693, submitted for consideration by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine in December 2019. The official reason for its development was the lack of working mechanisms to ensure information security and protection of the national media space of Ukraine in a hybrid war. The main task of our study is an attempt to determine the place of the bill in the reformed system of legal regulation of the media in Ukraine, from a position neutral to the process of the scientific community. (The following draft law On Misinformation, which is also under consideration by the Verkhovna Rada, speaks in favor of a systematic policy of reforms in the media sector of Ukraine). To this end, a detailed content analysis was conducted, which showed that the potentially ambiguous wording of the adopted document at the stage of its enforcement leaves the regulatory authorities free to interpret them depending on the interests of the parties, rather than on the letter of the law. The key to understanding the risks associated with its entry into force is the section on the National Television and Radio Broadcasting Council of Ukraine, which will have jurisdiction over all aspects of the country's media structures, including economic ones. Thus, the proposed material may be of interest and be considered as a contribution to the development of criteria for a comprehensive scientific analysis of the legislation governing media structures, while the need for the participation of the scientific community in the development of such documents and public discussion at the stage of their preparation is obvious.

“Key issue” describes the main issue or perspective an article focuses on when reporting on a news topic. There might be different key issues for the same topic: When reporting on terrorism, articles can for example concentrate on the incident itself, the perpetrator behind it, victims and/or political reactions to terrorism. Field of application/theoretical foundation: Key issues share similarities with other variables such as news “frames”, “issue salience” or “issue ownership” that also try to identify different perspectives for the same or different news topics. Therefore, studies based on “Framing” (Entman, 1993) work with similar variables to analyze what issues journalists focus on and many studies cited here use the concept of framing to identify key issues, for example Li (2007) or Zhang & Hellmüller (2016). References/combination with other methods of data collection: Studies for example combine content analysis and interviews with journalists to shed more light on dynamics and structures of terrorism coverage, including key issues (Larsen, 2019). Example studies: Li (2007); Matthews (2016) Information on Li, 2007 Authors: Li (2007) Research question: How did television outlets frame 9/11 during the first 24 hours of coverage and how did this framing change over time? Object of analysis: News coverage by five TV outlets (ABC, CBS, NBC, CNN, and FOX news) Time frame of analysis: 24 hours after attacks on September 9 2001 occurred Info about variables Variable name/definition: Coverage frame: “The coverage frame is defined as the aspects of a perceived reality identified through a story that makes these aspects more salient in the news coverage” (Li, 2007, p. 676). Level of analysis: News story (TV) Variables and values: Political coverage frame, economic coverage frame, criminal coverage frame, environment coverage frame, safety coverage frame, human interest coverage frame, religion coverage frame, disaster coverage frame, other coverage frame Reliability: Scott’s pi: .8 Information on Matthews, 2016 Authors: Matthews (2016) Research question: How did newspapers react in the immediate aftermath of the London bombings 2005? Object of analysis: News coverage by nine UK newspapers and their Sunday equivalents (The Star, The Sun, Daily Mail, Daily Mirror, Daily Express, The Times, The Telegraph, The Guardian and The Independent) Time frame of analysis: July 8 2005 to July 15 2005 Info about variables Variable name/definition: Story themes Level of analysis: News article Variables and values: Reconstruction and reaction, bombers’ identities, police investigation, victims/the missing, heroism and survivors, London’s reaction Table 1. Measurement of “Key Issue” in terrorism coverage. Author(s) Sample Manifestations Reliability Codebook An et al. (2018) Articles from terrorist websites 31 different key issues, ranging from terrorist attacks to their political consequences Average Holsti value for all pairwise comparisons: .66 Available Du & Li (2017) Online news articles 6 different key issues, including “description and updates of the incident itself”, “causes of the incident”, “consequences of the incident”, “conflicting viewpoint related to the incident”, “condemn the terrorist behavior and discuss the punishment/reprisal”, and “background/history knowledge of the incident areas” Scott’s pi for all variables in study: between .798 and 1 Available Haußecker & Jirschitzka, 2010; Jirschitzka et al., 2010 Broadcasting programs 11 different key issues, ranging from war against terror to communication of terrorists Average Holsti value for all pairwise comparisons with five coders and one main coder: .66 Available Larsen (2019) Broadcasting programs and online news articles 3 different key issues, including “threat of terrorism”, “countering and prevention”, and ”terrorism as phenomenon” Cohen’s kappa: .782 Available Li (2007) Broadcasting programs 9 different key issues, including “political”, “economic”, “criminal”, “environment”, “safety”, “human interest”, “religion”, “disaster”, and “other” coverage frame Scott’s pi: .8 Not available Li & Izard (2003) Broadcasting programs and news articles 10 different key issues, including “business”, “World Trade Center”, “Pentagon”, “safety (concerning future attacks)”, “government and U.S. president, “criminal activity and terrorism,” “personal story”, “American public”, “U.S. Arab community”, and “past events” Scott’s pi for all nominal variables in study: between .78 and .96 Not available Matthews (2016) Newspaper articles 6 different key issues, including “reconstruction and reaction”, “bombers’ identities”, “police investigation”, “victims/the missing”, “heroism and survivors”, and “London’s reaction” Not reported Not available Zhang & Hellmüller (2016) Online news articles 8 key issues, sorted in the overarching categories “geopolitics” (consisting of “failing state”, “political opportunism”, “strategic game”, “geopolitical alignment”) and “existential threat” (consisting of “ISIS prowess”, “human rights crisis”, “economic consequences”, and “ISIS propaganda”) Krippendorf’s alpha: .73 Available References An, Y., Mejía, N. A., Arizi, A., Villalobos, M. M, & Rothenberger, L. (2018). Perpetrators’ strategic communication: Framing and identity building on ethno-nationalist terrorists’ websites. Communications, 43(2), 133–171. doi:10.1515/commun-2017-0057 Du, Y. R., & Li, L. (2017). When press freedom meets national interest: How terrorist attacks are framed in the news in China and the US. Global Media and China, 2(3–4), 284–302. doi:10.1177/2059436418755761 Entman, R. M. (1993). Framing: Toward clarification of a fractured paradigm. Journal of Communication, 43(4), 51-58. doi:10.1111/j.1460-2466.1993.tb01304.x Haußecker, N., & Jirschitzka, J. (2010). Mediale Konstruktion I: Methodisches Vorgehen—Inhaltsanalyse der Terrorberichterstattung in deutschen Fernsehnachrichten [Media construction I: Methods – content analysis of terrorism coverage in German TV news]. In W. Frindte & N. Haußecker (Eds.), Inszenierter Terrorismus [Staged terrorism] (pp. 67–89). VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. Jirschitzka, J., Haußecker, N., & Frindte, W. (2010). Mediale Konstruktion II: Die Konstruktion des Terrorismus im deutschen Fernsehen – Ergebnisdarstellung und Interpretation. [Media construction II: the construction of terrorism in German TV - results and interpretation]. In W. Frindte & N. Haußecker (Eds.), Inszenierter Terrorismus [Staged terrorism] (pp. 81–119). Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. Larsen, A. G. (2019). Threatening criminals and marginalized individuals: Frames and news conventions in reporting of radicalization and violent extremism. Media, War & Conflict, 12(3), 299–316. doi:10.1177/1750635218769331 Li, X. (2007). Stages of a crisis and media frames and functions: U.S. television coverage of the 9/11 incident during the first 24 hours. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 51(4), 670–687. doi:10.1080/08838150701626578 Li, X., & Izard, R. (2003). 9/11 Attack coverage reveals similarities, differences. Newspaper Research Journal, 24(1), 204–219. oi:10.1177/073953290302400123 Matthews, J. (2016). Media performance in the aftermath of terror: Reporting templates, political ritual and the UK press coverage of the London Bombings, 2005. Journalism, 17(2), 173–189. doi:10.1177/1464884914554175 Zhang, X., & Hellmüller, L. (2016). Transnational media coverage of the ISIS threat: A global perspective? International Journal of Communication, 10, 766–785.

My thesis is that new media, starting with analog broadcast and going through digital convergence, blur the line between work time and free time. The technology that we are adopting has transformed free time into potential and actual labour time. At the dawn of the modern age, work shifted from tasked time to measured time. Previously, tasked time intermingled work and leisure according to the vagaries of nature. All this was banished when industrial capitalism instituted the work clock (Mumford 12-8). But now, many have noticed how post-industrial capitalism features a new intermingling captured in such expressions as "24/7" and "multi-tasking." Yet, we are only beginning to understand that media are driving a return to the pre-modern where the hour and the space are both ambiguous, available for either work or leisure. This may be the unfortunate side effect of the much vaunted "interactivity." Do you remember the old American TV show Dobie Gillis (1959-63) which featured the character Maynard G. Krebs? He always shuddered at the mention of the four-letter word "work." Now, American television shows makes it a point that everyone works (even if just barely). Seinfeld was a bold exception in featuring the work-free Kramer; a deliberate homage to the 1940s team of Abbott and Costello. Today, as welfare is turned into workfare, The New York Times scolds even the idle rich to adopt the work ethic (Yazigi). The Forms of Broadcast and Digital Media Are Driving the Merger of Work and Leisure More than the Content It is not just the content of television and other media that is undermining the leisured life; it is the social structure within which we use the media. Broadcast advertisements were the first mode/media combinations that began to recolonise free time for the new consumer economy. There had been a previous buildup in the volume and the ubiquity of advertising particularly in billboards and print. However, the attention of the reader to the printed commercial message could not be controlled and measured. Radio was the first to appropriate and measure its audience's time for the purposes of advertising. Nineteenth century media had promoted a middle class lifestyle based on spending money on home to create a refuge from work. Twentieth century broadcasting was now planting commercial messages within that refuge in the sacred moments of repose. Subsequent to broadcast, home video and cable facilitated flexible work by offering entertainment on a 24 hour basis. Finally, the computer, which juxtaposes image/sound/text within a single machine, offers the user the same proto-interactive blend of entertainment and commercial messages that broadcasting pioneered. It also fulfills the earlier promise of interactive TV by allowing us to work and to shop, in all parts of the day and night. We need to theorise this movement. The theory of media as work needs an institutional perspective. Therefore, I begin with Dallas Smythe's blindspot argument, which gave scholarly gravitas to the structural relationship of work and media (263-299). Horkheimer and Adorno had already noticed that capitalism was extending work into free time (137). Dallas Smythe went on to dissect the precise means by which late capitalism was extending work. Smythe restates the Marxist definition of capitalist labour as that human activity which creates exchange value. Then he considered the advertising industry, which currently approaches200 billion in the USA and realised that a great deal of exchange value has been created. The audience is one element of the labour that creates this exchange value. The appropriation of people's time creates advertising value. The time we spend listening to commercials on radio or viewing them on TV can be measured and is the unit of production for the value of advertising. Our viewing time ipso facto has been changed into work time. We may not experience it subjectively as work time although pundits such as Marie Winn and Jerry Mander suggest that TV viewing contributes to the same physical stresses as actual work. Nonetheless, Smythe sees commercial broadcasting as expanding the realm of capitalism into time that was otherwise set aside for private uses. Smythe's essay created a certain degree of excitement among political economists of media. Sut Jhally used Smythe to explain aspects of US broadcast history such as the innovations of William Paley in creating the CBS network (Jhally 70-9). In 1927, as Paley contemplated winning market share from his rival NBC, he realised that selling audience time was far more profitable than selling programs. Therefore, he paid affiliated stations to air his network's programs while NBC was still charging them for the privilege. It was more lucrative to Paley to turn around and sell the stations' guaranteed time to advertisers, than to collect direct payments for supplying programs. NBC switched to his business model within a year. Smythe/Jhally's model explains the superiority of Paley's model and is a historical proof of Smythe's thesis. Nonetheless, many economists and media theorists have responded with a "so what?" to Smythe's thesis that watching TV as work. Everyone knows that the basis of network television is the sale of "eyeballs" to the advertisers. However, Smythe's thesis remains suggestive. Perhaps he arrived at it after working at the U.S. Federal Communications Commission from 1943 to 1948 (Smythe 2). He was part of a team that made one last futile attempt to force radio to embrace public interest programming. This effort failed because the tide of consumerism was too strong. Radio and television were the leading edge of recapturing the home for work, setting the stage for the Internet and a postmodern replication of the cottage industries of pre and proto-industrial worlds. The consequences have been immense. The Depression and the crisis of over-production Cultural studies recognises that social values have shifted from production to consumption (Lash and Urry). The shift has a crystallising moment in the Great Depression of 1929 through 1940. One proposal at the time was to reduce individual work hours in order to create more jobs (see Hunnicut). This proposal of "share the work" was not adopted. From the point of view of the producer, sharing the work would make little difference to productivity. However, from the retailer's perspective each individual worker would accumulate less money to buy products. Overall sales would stagnate or decline. Prominent American economists at the time argued that sharing the work would mean sharing the unemployment. They warned the US government this was a fundamental threat to an economy based on consumption. Only a fully employed laborer could have enough money to buy down the national inventory. In 1932, N. A. Weston told the American Economic Association that: " ...[the labourers'] function in society as a consumer is of equal importance as the part he plays as a producer." (Weston 11). If the defeat of the share the work movement is the negative manifestation of consumerism, then the invasion by broadcast of our leisure time is its positive materialisation. We can trace this understanding by looking at Herbert Hoover. When he was the Secretary of Commerce in 1924 he warned station executives that: "I have never believed that it was possible to advertise through broadcasting without ruining the [radio] industry" (Radio's Big Issue). He had not recognised that broadcast advertising would be qualitatively more powerful for the economy than print advertising. By 1929, Hoover, now President Hoover, approved an economics committee recommendation in the traumatic year of 1929 that leisure time be made "consumable " (Committee on Recent Economic Changes xvi). His administration supported the growth of commercial radio because broadcasting was a new efficient answer to the economists' question of how to motivate consumption. Not so coincidentally network radio became a profitable industry during the great Depression. The economic power that pre-war radio hinted at flourished in the proliferation of post-war television. Advertisers switched their dollars from magazines to TV, causing the demise of such general interest magazines as Life, The Saturday Evening Postet al. Western Europe quickly followed the American broadcasting model. Great Britain was the first, allowing television to advertise the consumer revolution in 1955. Japan and many others started to permit advertising on television. During the era of television, the nature of work changed from manufacturing to servicing (Preston 148-9). Two working parents also became the norm as a greater percentage of the population took salaried employment, mostly women (International Labour Office). Many of the service jobs are to monitor the new global division of labour that allows industrialised nations to consume while emerging nations produce. (Chapter seven of Preston is the most current discussion of the shift of jobs within information economies and between industrialised and emerging nations.) Flexible Time/ Flexible Media Film and television has responded by depicting these shifts. The Mary Tyler Moore Show debuted in September of 1970 (see http://www.transparencynow.com/mary.htm). In this show nurturing and emotional attachments were centered in the work place, not in an actual biological family. It started a trend that continues to this day. However, media representations of the changing nature of work are merely symptomatic of the relationship between media and work. Broadcast advertising has a more causal relationship. As people worked more to buy more, they found that they wanted time-saving media. It is in this time period that the Internet started (1968), that the video cassette recorder was introduced (1975) and that the cable industry grew. Each of these ultimately enhanced the flexibility of work time. The VCR allowed time shifting programs. This is the media answer to the work concept of flexible time. The tired worker can now see her/his favourite TV show according to his/her own flex schedule (Wasser 2001). Cable programming, with its repeats and staggered starting times, also accommodates the new 24/7 work day. These machines, offering greater choice of programming and scheduling, are the first prototypes of interactivity. The Internet goes further in expanding flexible time by adding actual shopping to the vicarious enjoyment of consumerist products on television. The Internet user continues to perform the labour of watching advertising and, in addition, now has the opportunity to do actual work tasks at any time of the day or night. The computer enters the home as an all-purpose machine. Its purchase is motivated by several simultaneous factors. The rhetoric often stresses the recreational and work aspects of the computer in the same breath (Reed 173, Friedrich 16-7). Games drove the early computer programmers to find more "user-friendly" interfaces in order to entice young consumers. Entertainment continues to be the main driving force behind visual and audio improvements. This has been true ever since the introduction of the Apple II, Radio Shack's TRS 80 and Atari 400 personal computers in the 1977-1978 time frame (see http://www.atari-history.com/computers/8bits/400.html). The current ubiquity of colour monitors, and the standard package of speakers with PC computers are strong indications that entertainment and leisure pursuits continue to drive the marketing of computers. However, once the computer is in place in the study or bedroom, its uses fully integrates the user with world of work in both the sense of consuming and creating value. This is a specific instance of what Philip Graham calls the analytical convergence of production, consumption and circulation in hypercapitalism. The streaming video and audio not only captures the action of the game, they lend sensual appeal to the banner advertising and the power point downloads from work. In one regard, the advent of Internet advertising is a regression to the pre-broadcast era. The passive web site ad runs the same risk of being ignored as does print advertising. The measure of a successful web ad is interactivity that most often necessitates a click through on the part of the viewer. Ads often show up on separate windows that necessitate a click from the viewer if only to close down the program. In the words of Bolter and Grusin, click-through advertising is a hypermediation of television. In other words, it makes apparent the transparent relationship television forged between work and leisure. We do not sit passively through Internet advertising, we click to either eliminate them or to go on and buy the advertised products. Just as broadcasting facilitated consumable leisure, new media combines consumable leisure with flexible portable work. The new media landscape has had consequences, although the price of consumable leisure took awhile to become visible. The average work week declined from 1945 to 1982. After that point in the US, it has been edging up, continuously (United States Bureau of Labor Statistics). There is some question whether the computer has improved productivity (Kim), there is little question that the computer is colonising leisure time for multi-tasking. In a population that goes online from home almost twice as much as those who go online from work, almost half use their online time for work based activities other than email. Undoubtedly, email activity would account for even more work time (Horrigan). On the other side of the blur between work and leisure, the Pew Institute estimates that fifty percent use work Internet time for personal pleasure ("Wired Workers"). Media theory has to reengage the problem that Horkheimer/Adorno/Smythe raised. The contemporary problem of leisure is not so much the lack of leisure, but its fractured, non-contemplative, unfulfilling nature. A media critique will demonstrate the contribution of the TV and the Internet to this erosion of free time. References Bolter, Jay David, and Richard Grusin. Remediation: Understanding New Media. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000. Committee on Recent Economic Changes. Recent Economic Changes. Vol. 1. New York: no publisher listed, 1929. Friedrich, Otto. "The Computer Moves In." Time 3 Jan. 1983: 14-24. Graham, Philip. Hypercapitalism: A Political Economy of Informational Idealism. In press for New Media and Society2.2 (2000). Horkheimer, Max, and Theodor W. Adorno. Dialectic of Enlightenment. New York: Continuum Publishing, 1944/1987. Horrigan, John B. "New Internet Users: What They Do Online, What They Don't and Implications for the 'Net's Future." Pew Internet and American Life Project. 25 Sep. 2000. 24 Oct. 2001 <http://www.pewinternet.org/reports/toc.asp?Report=22>. Hunnicutt, Benjamin Kline. Work without End: Abandoning Shorter Hours for the Right to Work. Philadelphia: Temple UP, 1988. International Labour Office. Economically Active Populations: Estimates and Projections 1950-2025. Geneva: ILO, 1995. Jhally, Sut. The Codes of Advertising. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1987. Kim, Jane. "Computers and the Digital Economy." Digital Economy 1999. 8 June 1999. October 24, 2001 <http://www.digitaleconomy.gov/powerpoint/triplett/index.htm>. Lash, Scott, and John Urry. Economies of Signs and Space. London: Sage Publications, 1994. Mander, Jerry. Four Arguments for the Elimination of Television. New York: Morrow Press, 1978. Mumford, Lewis. Technics and Civilization. New York: Harcourt Brace, 1934. Preston, Paschal. Reshaping Communication: Technology, Information and Social Change. London: Sage, 2001. "Radio's Big Issue Who Is to Pay the Artist?" The New York Times 18 May 1924: Section 8, 3. Reed, Lori. "Domesticating the Personal Computer." Critical Studies in Media Communication17 (2000): 159-85. Smythe, Dallas. Counterclockwise: Perspectives on Communication. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993. United States Bureau of Labor Statistics. Unpublished Data from the Current Population Survey. 2001. Wasser, Frederick A. Veni, Vidi, Video: The Hollywood Empire and the VCR. Austin, TX: U of Texas P, 2001. Weston, N.A., T.N. Carver, J.P. Frey, E.H. Johnson, T.R. Snavely and F.D. Tyson. "Shorter Working Time and Unemployment." American Economic Review Supplement 22.1 (March 1932): 8-15. <http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0002-8282%28193203%2922%3C8%3ASWTAU%3E2.0.CO%3B2-3>. Winn, Marie. The Plug-in Drug. New York: Viking Press, 1977. "Wired Workers: Who They Are, What They're Doing Online." Pew Internet Life Report 3 Sep. 2000. 24 Oct. 2000 <http://www.pewinternet.org/reports/toc.asp?Report=20>. Yazigi, Monique P. "Shocking Visits to the Real World." The New York Times 21 Feb. 1990. Page unknown. Links http://www.pewinternet.org/reports/toc.asp?Report=20 http://www.pewinternet.org/reports/toc.asp?Report=22 http://www.atari-history.com/computers/8bits/400.html http://www.transparencynow.com/mary.htm http://www.digitaleconomy.gov/powerpoint/triplett/index.htm http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0002-8282%28193203%2922%3C8%3ASWTAU%3 E2.0.CO%3B2-3 Citation reference for this article MLA Style Wasser, Frederick. "Media Is Driving Work" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 4.5 (2001). [your date of access] < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0111/Wasser.xml >. Chicago Style Wasser, Frederick, "Media Is Driving Work" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 4, no. 5 (2001), < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0111/Wasser.xml > ([your date of access]). APA Style Wasser, Frederick. (2001) Media Is Driving Work. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 4(5). < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0111/Wasser.xml > ([your date of access]).

“We have made Italy, now we must make Italians,” in the (probably apocryphal) words of the Prime Minister, sometime after the unification of the nation in 1860. Perhaps in French, if it was said at all. (The quotation is typically attributed to Massimo D’Azeglio, the prime minister of Piedmont and predecessor of the first Italian prime minister Camillo Cavour. Many have suggested that the phrase was misquoted and misunderstood (see Doyle.) D’Azeglio spoke in Italian when he addressed the newly-formed Italian parliament, but my reference to French is meant to indicate the fragility of the national language in early Italy where much of the ruling class spoke French while the majority of the people in the peninsula still spoke regional dialects.) It was television – more than print media or even radio – that would have the biggest impact in terms of ‘making Italians.’ Writing about Italy in the 1950s, a well-known media critic suggested that television, a game show actually, “was able to succeed where The Divine Comedy failed … it gave Italy a national language” (qtd. in Foot). But these are yesterday’s problems. We have Italy and Italians. Moreover, the emergence of global ways of being and belonging are evidence of the ways in which the present transcends forms of belonging rooted in the old practices and older institutions of the nation-state. But, then again, maybe not. “A country that allows you to vote in its elections must be able to provide you with information about those elections” (Magliaro). This was 2002. The country is still Italy, but this time the Italians are anywhere but Italy. The speaker is referring to the extension of the vote to Italian citizens abroad, represented directly by 18 members of parliament, and the right to information guaranteed the newly enfranchised electorate. What, then, is the relationship between citizenship, the state and global television today? What are the modalities of involvement and participation involved in these transformations of the nation-state into a globally-articulated network of institutions? I want to think through these questions in relation to two ways that RAI International, the ‘global’ network of the Italian public broadcaster, has viewed Italians around the world at different moments in its history: mega-events and return information. Mega-Events Eighteen months after its creation in 1995, RAI International was re-launched. This decision was partially due to a change in government (which also meant a change in the executive and staff), but it was also a response to the perceived failure of RAI International to garner an adequate international audience (Morrione, Testimony [1997]). This re-launch involved a re-conceptualisation of the network’s mandate to include both information services for Italians abroad (the traditional ‘public service’ mandate for Italy’s international broadcasting) as well as programming that would increase the profile of Italian media in the global market. The mandate outlined for Roberto Morrione – appointed president as part of the re-launch – read: The necessity of strategic and operative certainties in the international positioning of the company, both with regard to programming for our co-nationals abroad and for other markets…are at the centre of the new role of RAI International. This involves bringing together in the best way the informative function of the public service, which is oriented to our community in the world in order to enrich its cultural patrimony and national identity, with an active presence in evolving markets. (Morrione, Testimony [1998]) The most significant change in the executive of the network was the appointment of Renzo Arbore, a well-known singer and bandleader, to the position of artistic director. At the time of Arbore’s appointment, the responsibilities of the artistic director at the network were ill defined, but he very quickly transformed the position into the ‘face’ of RAI International. In an interview from 1998, Arbore explained his role at the network as follows: “I’m the artistic director, which means I’m in charge of the programs that have any kind of artistic content. Also, I’m the so called “testimonial”, which is to say I do propaganda for the network, I’m the soul of RAI International” (Affatato). The most often discussed aspect of the programming on RAI International during Arbore’s tenure as artistic director was the energy and resources dedicated to events that put the spotlight on the global reach of the service itself and the possibilities that satellite distribution gave for simultaneous exchange between locations around the world. It was these ‘mega-events’ (Garofalo), in spite of constituting only a small portion of the programming schedule, that were often seen as defining RAI’s “new way” of creating international programming (Milana). La Giostra [The Merry Go Round], broadcast live on New Year’s Eve 1996, is often cited as the launch of the network’s new approach to its mission. Lasting 20 hours in total, the program was hosted by Arbore. As Morrione described it recently, The ‘mother of live shows’ was the Giostra of New Year’s ’97 where Arbore was live in the studio for 20 consecutive hours, with many guests and segments from the Pole, Peking, Moscow, Berlin, Jerusalem, San Paolo, Buenos Aires, New York and Los Angeles. It was a memorable enterprise without precedent and never to be duplicated. (Morrione, RAI International) The presentation of television as a global medium in La Giostra draws upon the relationship between live broadcasting, satellite television and conceptions of globality that has developed since the 1960s as part of what Lisa Parks describes as ‘global presence’ (Parks). However, in keeping with the dual mandate of RAI International, the audience that La Giostra is intended to constitute was not entirely homogenous in nature. The lines between the ‘national’ audience, which is to say Italians abroad, and the international audience involving a broader spectrum of viewers are often blurred, but still apparent. This can be seen in the locations to which La Giostra travelled, locations that might be seen as a mirror of the places to which the broadcast might be received. On the one hand, there are segments from a series of location that speak to a global audience, many of which are framed by the symbols of the cold war and the ensuing triumph of global capitalism. The South Pole, Moscow, Beijing and a reunified Berlin can be seen as representing this understanding of the globe. These cities highlighted the scope of the network, reaching cities previously cut off from Italy behind the iron curtain (or, in the case of the Pole, the extreme of geographic isolation.) The presence of Jerusalem contributed to this mapping of the planet with an ecclesiastical, but ecumenical accent to this theme. On the other hand, Sao Paolo, Buenos Aires, and Melbourne (not mentioned by Morrione, but the first international segment in the program) also mapped the world of Italian communities around the world. The map of the globe offered by La Giostra is similar to the description of the prospective audience for RAI International that Morrione gave in November 1996 upon his appointment as director. After having outlined the network’s reception in the Americas and Australia, where there are large communities of Italians who need to be served, he goes on to note the importance of Asia: “China, India, Japan, and Korea, where there aren’t large communities of Italians, but where “made in Italy,” the image of Italy, the culture and art that separate us from others, are highly respected resources” (Morrione, “Gli Italiani”). La Giostra served as a container that held together a vision of the globe that is centered around Italy (particularly Rome, caput mundi) through the presentation on screen of the various geopolitical alliances as well as the economic and migratory connections which link Italy to the world. These two mappings of the globe brought together within the frame of the 20-hour broadcast and statements about the network’s prospective audiences suggest that two different ways of watching RAI International were often overlaid over each other. On the one hand, the segments spanning the planet stood as a sign of RAI International’s ability to produce programs at a global scale. On the other hand, there was an attempt to speak directly to communities of Italians abroad. The first vision of the planet offered by the program suggests a mode of watching more common among disinterested, cosmopolitan viewers belonging to a relatively homogenous global media market. While the second vision of the planet was explicitly rooted in the international family of Italians constituted through the broadcast. La Giostra, like the ‘dual mandate’ of the network, can be seen as an attempt to bring together the national mission of network with its attempts to improve its position in global media markets. It was an attempt to unify what seemed two very different kinds of audiences: Italians abroad and non-Italians, those who spoke some Italian and those who speak no Italian at all. It was also an attempt to unify two very different ways of understanding global broadcasting: public service on the one hand and the profit-oriented goals of building a global brand. Given this orientation in the network’s programming philosophy, it is not surprising that Arbore, speaking of his activities as Artistic director, stated that his goals were to produce shows that would be accessible both to those that spoke very little Italian as well as those that were highly cultured (Arbore). In its attempt to bring these divergent practices and imagined audiences together, La Giostra can be seen as part of vision of globalisation rooted in the euphoria of the early nineties in which distance and cultural differences were reconciled through communications technology and “virtuous” transformation of ethnicity into niche markets. However, this approach to programming started to fracture and fail after a short period. The particular balance between the ethnic and the economically ecumenical mappings of the globe present in La Giostra proved to be as short lived as the ‘dual mandate’ at RAI International that underwrote its conception. Return Information The mega-events that Arbore organised came under increasing criticism from the parliamentary committees overseeing RAI’s activities as well as the RAI executive who saw them both extremely expensive to produce and of questionable value in the fulfillment of RAI’s mission as a public broadcaster (GRTV). They were sometimes described as misfatti televisivi [broadcasting misdeeds] (Arbore). The model of the televisual mega-event was increasingly targeted towards speaking to Italians abroad, dropping broader notions of the audience. This was not an overnight change, but part of a process through which the goals of the network were refocused towards ‘public service.’ Morrione, speaking before the parliamentary committee overseeing RAI’s activities, describes an evening dedicated to a celebration of the Italian flag which exemplifies this trend: The minister of Foreign Affairs asked us to prepare a Tricolore (the Italian flag) evening – that would go on air in the month of January – that we would call White, Red and Green (not the most imaginative name, but effective enough.) It would include international connections with Argentina, where there exists one of the oldest case d’italiani [Italian community centers], built shortly after the events of our Risorgimento and where they have an ancient Tricolore. We would also connect with Reggio Emilia, where the Tricolore was born and where they are celebrating the anniversary this year. Segments would also take us to the Vittoriano Museum in Rome for a series of testimonies. (Morrione, Testimony [1997]) Similar to La Giostra, the global reach of RAI International was used to create a sense of simultaneity among the dispersed communities of Italians around the world (including the population of Italy itself). The festival of the Italian flag was similarly deeply implicated in the rituals and patterns that bring together an audience and, at another level, a people. However, in the celebration of the Italian flag, the notion that such a spectacle might be of interest to those outside of a global “Italian” community has disappeared. Like La Giostra, programs of this kind are intended to be constitutive of an audience, a collectivity that would not exist were it not for the common space provided through television spectatorship. The celebration of the Italian flag is part of an attempt to produce a sense of global community organised by a shared sense of ethnic identity as expressed through the common temporality of a live broadcast. Italians around the world were part of the same Italian community not because of their shared history (even when this was the stated subject of the program as was the case with Red, White and Green), but because they co-existed by means of their experience of the mediated event. Through these events, the shared national history is produced out of the simultaneity of the common present and not, as the discourse around Italian identity presented in these programs would have it (for example, the narratives around the origin around the flag), the other way around. However, this connection between the global television event that was broadcast live and national belonging raised questions about the kind of participation they facilitated. This became a particularly salient issue with the election of the second Berlusconi government and the successful campaign to grant Italians citizens living abroad the vote, a campaign that was lead by formerly fascist (but centre-moving) Alleanza Nazionale. With the appoint of Massimo Magliaro, a longtime member of Alleanza Nazionale, to the head of the network in 2000, the concept of informazione di ritorno [return information] became increasingly prominent in descriptions of the service. The phrase was frequently used, along with tv di ritorno (Tremaglia), by the Minister for Italiani nel Mondo during the second Berlusconi administration, Mirko Tremaglia, and became a central theme in the projects envisioned for the service. (The concept had circulated previously, but it was not given the same emphasis that it would gain after Magliaro’s appointment. In an interview from 1996, Morrione is asked about his commitment to the policy of “so-called” return information. He answers the question by commenting in support of producing a ‘return image’ (immagine di ritorno), but never uses the phrase (Morrione, “Gli Italiani”). Similarly, Arbore, in an interview from 1998, is also asked about ‘so-called’ return information, but also never uses the term himself (Affatato). This suggests that its circulation was limited up until the late 1990s.) The concept of ‘return information’ – not quite a neologism in Italian, but certainly an uncommon expression – was a two-pronged, and never fully implemented, initiative. Primarily it was a policy that sought to further integrate RAI International into the system of RAI’s national television networks. This involved both improving the ability of RAI International to distribute information about Italy to communities of Italians abroad as well as developing strategies for the eventual use of programming produced by RAI International on the main national networks as a way of raising the awareness of Italians in Italy about the lives and beliefs of Italians abroad. (The programming produced by RAI International was never successfully integrated into the schedules of the other national networks. This issue remained an issue that had yet to be resolved as recently as the negotiations between the Prime Minister’s office and RAI to establish a new agreement governing RAI’s international service in 2007.) This is not to say that there was a dramatic shift in the kind of programming on the network. There had always been elements of these new goals in the programming produced exclusively for RAI International. The longest running program on the network, Sportello Italia [Information Desk Italy], provided information to Italians abroad about changes in Italian law that effected Italians abroad as well as changes in bureaucratic practice generally. It often focused on issues such as the voting rights of Italians abroad, questions about receiving pensions and similar issues. It was joined by a series of in-house productions that primarily consisted of news and information programming whose roots were in the new division in charge of radio and television broadcasts since the sixties. The primary change was the elimination of large-scale programs, aside from those relating to the Italian national soccer team and the Pope, due to budget restrictions. This was part of a larger shift in the way that the service was envisioned and its repositioning as the primary conduit between Italy and Italians abroad. Speaking in 2000, Magliaro explained this as a change in the network’s priorities from ‘entertainment’ to ‘information’: There will be a larger dose of information and less space for entertainment. Informational programming will be the privileged product in which we will invest the majority of our financial and human resources, both on radio and on television. Providing information means both telling Italians abroad about Italy and allowing public opinion in our country to find out about Italians around the world. (Morgia) Magliaro’s statement suggests that there is a direct connection between the changing way of conceiving of ‘global’ Italian television and the mandate of RAI International. The spectacles of the mid-nineties, implicitly characterised by Magliaro as ‘entertainment,’ were as much about gaining the attention of those who did not speak Italian or watch Italian television as speaking to Italians abroad. The kind of participation in the nation that these events solicited were limited in that they did not move beyond a relatively passive experience of that nation as community brought together through the diffuse and distracted experience of ‘entertainment’. The rise of informazione di ritorno was a discourse that offered a particular conception of Italians abroad who were more directly involved in the affairs of the nation. However, this was more than an increased interest in the participation of audiences. Return information as developed under Magliaro’s watch posited a different kind of viewer, a viewer whose actions were explicitly and intimately linked to their rights as citizens. It is not surprising that Magliaro prefaced his comments about the transformation of RAI’s mandate and programming priorities by acknowledging that the extension of the vote to Italians abroad demands a different kind of broadcaster. The new editorial policy of RAI International is motivated from the incontrovertible fact that Italians abroad will have the right to vote in a few months … . In terms of the product that we are developing, aimed at adequately responding to the new demands created by the vote… (Morgia) The granting of the vote to Italians abroad meant that the forms of symbolic communion that produced through the mega-events needed to be supplanted by a policy that allowed for a more direct link between the ritual aspects of global media to the institutions of the Italian state. The evolution of RAI International cannot be separated from the articulation of an increasingly ethno-centric conception of citizenship and the transformation of the Italian state over the course of the 1990s and early 2000s towards. The transition between these two approaches to global television in Italy is important for understanding the events that unfolded around RAI International’s role in the development of a global Italian citizenry. A development that should not be separated from the development of increasingly stern immigration policies whose effect is to identify and export undesirable outsiders. The electoral defeat of Berlusconi in 2006 and the ongoing political instability surrounding the centre-left government in power since then has meant that the future development of RAI International and the long-term effects of the right-wing government on the cultural and political fabric of Italy remain unclear at present. The current need for a reformed electoral system and talk about the need for greater efficiency from the new executive at RAI make the evolution of the global Italian citizenry an important context for understanding the role of media in the globalised nation-state in the years to come. References Affatato, M. “I ‘Segreti’ di RAI International.” GRTV.it, 17 Feb. 1998. Arbore, R. “‘Il mio sogno? Un Programma con gli italiani all’estero.’” GRTV.it, 18 June 1999. Foot, J. Milan since the Miracle: City, Culture, and Identity. Oxford: Berg, 2001. Garofalo, R. “Understanding Mega-Events: If We Are the World, Then How Do We Change It? In C. Penley and A. Ross, eds., Technoculture. Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 1991. 247-270. Magliaro, M. “Speech to Second Annual Conference.” Comites Canada, 2002. Milana, A. RAI International: 40 anni, una storia. Rome: RAI, 2003. Morgia, G. La Rai del Duemila per gli italiani nel mondo: Intervista con Massimo Magliaro. 2001. Morrione, R. “Gli Italiani all’estero ‘azionisti di riferimento.’” Interview with Roberto Morrione. GRTV.it, 15 Nov. 1996. Morrione, R. Testimony of Roberto Morrione to Commitato Bicamerale per la Vigilanza RAI, 12 December 1997. Rome, 1997. 824-841. Morrione, R. Testimony of Roberto Morrione to Commitato Bicamerale per la Vigilanza RAI, 17 November 1998. Rome, 1998. 1307-1316. Morrione, R. “Tre anni memorabili.” RAI International: 40 anni, una storia. Rome: RAI, 2003. 129-137. Parks, L. Cultures in Orbit: Satellites and the Televisual. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2005. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Hayward, Mark. "Two Ways of Being Italian on Global Television." M/C Journal 10.6/11.1 (2008). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0804/05-hayward.php>. APA Style Hayward, M. (Apr. 2008) "Two Ways of Being Italian on Global Television," M/C Journal, 10(6)/11(1). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0804/05-hayward.php>.

Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Division of Society, Culture, Media and Philosophy, Department of International Communication, 2009.
Bibliography: p. 431-447.
Introduction -- Literature review -- Methodology -- The development and the actual situation of television industry in China -- Commercial television in the U.S. and public television in the U.K. -- Results and discussion -- Conclusions and recommendations -- Bibliography.
Over the past five decades, China's television industry has gone through various historical periods, which have seen marked changes in China's political and economic spheres, indeed in Chinese society overall. Over the last thirty years, since the reform and opening up of China in 1978, transformation of the original television systems, structure and industrial market chain has been attempted concomitant with the gradual relaxation of the restrictions applicable to China's television industry. Within these circumstances, the Chinese government, media practitioners, and scholars are actively exploring long-term, feasible and sustainable approaches to the further development of the television industry in China. The research examines China's approaches to the development of its television industry, using McQuail's political, economic and social framework, the relevant political economy traditions involving the neoclassic paradigm and the heterodox approach, and the principles of media economics and the 'market chain' theory of the television industry. This thesis first presents a concise review of how television developed in China: it then seeks to map perceived changes and to ascertain the problems throughout the process. Research methods employed are secondary data analysis, in-depth interview and focus group. Chinese scholars, officials and media practitioners are the participants of interviews and focus groups. The discussion draws on previous analyses and discussions, to assess the overall picture of television industrialisation reformation in China, additionally drawing on discourses surrounding commercial television in the United States and public television in the United Kingdom for valuable reference material that will support China's television development. The significance of this research lies in its providing an insight into China's television reformation and adding, to the field of communication and development, the Chinese experience. The research expects to propose a television development pathway with Chinese characteristics, drawing on Chinese as well as Western theories.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
xix, 461 p. ill

Botswana is considered an exemplary democracy in Africa. It is imperative to assess how an enviable democracy could flourish when the most widely available mass media was not independent. The fact is, despite the fact that media has been at the heart of development in Botswana, it has often been ignored in local academic and popular discussions about democracy and governance. A 1994 seminar on the media in a democracy organized by the Mmegi Publishing Trust (Leepile, 1994), was one of the very few forums where the role of the media in Botswana was given any attention. Even then, most the presentations were not substantive, mainly providing basic information about media institutions in Botswana and laws that protect and threaten freedom of the media. Botswana's contemporary state - media nexus can only be understood within the context of a long history of media dependence and domination by neighbouring South Africa (Zaffiro, 1991) assisted by British colonisation. To appreciate the challenges of cultural production at Botswana Television (BTV) required a study of the problematic encounter between the quest for creative and professional freedom within BTV on the one hand,·and the authoritarian gaze of state power on the other hand. BTV operated under an ill-defined broadcasting model, of a state bureaucratic arm, attempting to fulfil the ethos of public service broadcasting. Through the lens of the Newsroom, in-house productions, commissioning and procurement of foreign and local content, the study shows the subtle ways in which state ownership of the media compromises freedom of expression and freedom of information in Botswana. Yet, Botswana continued to enjoy that status of Africa's exemplar of democracy. Good governance indicators consistently gave media in Botswana cursory attention, thereby reinforcing state authoritarianism in Botswana. With a media dominated by state power, Botswana still emerged as exemplary. This complicated the quest for the ideal communication environment towards democratization in the Third World, particularly in a globalizing context. In situations such as that of Botswana, where the institutions that should protect the media from government control are either absent or weak, universal ideals on media freedom are often not enough. Media practitioners are more likely to find support in the local discourses, repertoires and cultures that call upon all, regardless of status, to tolerate opposition. A local tradition of the kgotla in particular, often heralded as Botswana's indigenous form of democracy, is placed in this chapter, at the heart of much of the freedom, limited as it may be, that BTV enjoyed.
Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, 2007.

Nation-building has always been considered the responsibility of a public service broadcaster while, on the other hand, commercial broadcasters are associated with profitmaking. This study was designed to investigate whether a commercially driven broadcasting venture could be used for the purposes of nation-building; The case of Lesotho Television. Established by the Lesotho Government in partnership with M-net, Lesotho Television informs, educates and entertains, thus attempting to follow the tenets of public service broadcasting. Upon its establishment in 1988, Lesotho Television was mandated to contribute in the nation-building initiatives of the Lesotho leaders. The station, which is embedded within the South African based pay-channel M-Net, was expected to positively contribute in the Lesotho Government's endeavours to re-build the nation divided along political lines. In the discussion I highlight the fact that Lesotho Television encounters some problems due to the paradoxical relationship between it and M-Net (The former aspiring to serve as a public service broadcaster while the latter is a commercial television service). Nevertheless, considering its programming and activities, Lesotho Television contributes in nation-building. Therefore, I conclude that the potential for Lesotho Television to inform, educate and entertain would seem to outweigh the limitations.
Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2001.

崔瑋.
"2006年9月"
論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2006.
參考文獻(leaves 132-141).
"2006 nian 9 yue"
Abstracts in Chinese and English.
Cui Wei.
Can kao wen xian (leaves 132-141).
Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2006.
Chapter 第一章 --- 導言
湖南電視爲硏究個案：變革中的中國省級電視 --- p.2
結構槪述 --- p.5
Chapter 第二章 --- 文獻回顧與理論綜述
Chapter 第一節： --- 文化全球化的議題 --- p.7
Chapter 第二節： --- 中國傳媒商業化與傳媒改革 --- p.20
Chapter 第三節： --- 相關理論參考 --- p.26
Chapter 第三章 --- 硏究問題與硏究方法
Chapter 一： --- 硏究問題和硏究範疇 --- p.34
Chapter 二： --- 硏究意義 --- p.36
Chapter 三： --- 硏究方法 --- p.38
Chapter 第四章 --- 中國電視政治經濟格局與湖南電視
Chapter 一： --- 政治經濟改革中的中國省級電視：從宣傳工具到文化產業 --- p.41
Chapter 二： --- 中國電視市場的體制結構與央視的壟斷 --- p.45
Chapter 三： --- 湖南電視的體制與生產經營結構 --- p.49
Chapter 第五章 --- 硏究發現：政治經濟矛盾變遷中的湖南電視改革
第一階段：拔河期 --- p.56
第二階段：市場爲主導的“保護色´ح期 --- p.61
本章小結 --- p.81
Chapter 第六章 --- 硏究發現：文化全球化下的本土化創新
Chapter 一： --- 本土化創新發生的環境以及政經條件 --- p.84
Chapter 二： --- 全球文化對本土電視節目的影響 --- p.87
Chapter 三： --- 本土化創新的過程和模式 --- p.94
Chapter 四： --- 本土化創新循環的模型 --- p.100
Chapter 五： --- “本土化´ح後的市場 --- p.102
本章小結 --- p.113
Chapter 第七章 --- 硏究解讀：文化全球化與湖南電視
Chapter 一： --- “麥當勞´ح文化與傳媒政治經濟關係 --- p.114
Chapter 二： --- 文化全球化提升黨辦電視商業化 --- p.119
Chapter 三： --- 解讀變革中的組織傳媒產品的回饋與互動 --- p.122
Chapter 第八章 --- 總結和討論
硏究總結 --- p.125
討論 --- p.128
參考文章和書目
英文 --- p.133
中文 --- p.139
附錄
附錄一：湖南廣電大事時間脈絡表 --- p.143
附錄二 ：深度訪談人員名錄 --- p.144
附錄三：湖南衛視參考資料 --- p.146
附錄四：《超級女聲》參考資料 --- p.148

He Huijie.
Thesis submitted in: October 2004.
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 157-160).
Abstracts in English and Chinese; questionnaire in Chinese.
Chapter Chapter One: --- Introduction --- p.1
An Introduction to Phoenix Satellite Television --- p.3
Television as a Medium --- p.9
Research Questions --- p.13
Chapter Chapter Two: --- Literature Review --- p.15
Review for the Sociological Approach on Media Studies --- p.15
Review of the Perspective of Political Economy of Communication --- p.21
Review for Related Chinese Communication Studies --- p.26
Chapter Chapter Three: --- Methodology --- p.31
Quantitative Research----Content Analysis --- p.31
Chapter 1. --- The Selection of Sample --- p.31
Chapter 2. --- Research Method-´ؤ-Content Analysis --- p.36
Chapter 3. --- Inter-coder Reliability --- p.39
Qualitative Research-Textual Comparison --- p.39
Chapter 1. --- The Selection of Sample --- p.39
Chapter (1) --- "SARS Reports,2003" --- p.40
Chapter (2) --- "July 1st Demonstration in Hong Kong,2003" --- p.41
Chapter 2. --- Research Method´ؤTextual Comparison --- p.42
Qualitative Research´ؤ´ؤIn-depth Interview --- p.43
Chapter 1. --- The Selection of Sample --- p.43
Chapter 2. --- Research Method----In-depth Interview --- p.44
Qualitative Research´ؤParticipant Observation --- p.45
Chapter Chapter Four: --- Content Analysis --- p.47
Frequency Analysis --- p.47
Chapter 1. --- Analysis --- p.48
Inter-coder Reliability --- p.50
Chapter 2. --- Summary --- p.52
Cross-Tabulation Analysis --- p.53
Chapter 1. --- Analysis Between the Internal Division and the Geographical Division --- p.54
Chapter 2. --- "Analysis Between the Geographical Division and the ""Political Perspective""" --- p.56
Comments --- p.59
News Favoring the Government Happening in Mainland China --- p.61
News Favoring the Government Happening in Hong Kong --- p.64
Chapter 3. --- "Analysis Between News Nature and the ""Political Perspective""" --- p.73
Summary and Questions --- p.75
Chapter Chapter Five: --- Organizational Analysis --- p.78
Chapter Part I: --- Textual Analysis and Comparison --- p.78
SARS Reports --- p.79
"Textual Comparison among TVB, Phoenix and CCTV" --- p.89
July 1 st Demonstration in Hong Kong --- p.92
"Textual Comparison among TVB, Phoenix and CCTV" --- p.102
Chapter Part II: --- Interviews Analysis --- p.105
International News & Political News --- p.105
The Pro-China Political Bias------Hong Kong Problem --- p.110
The Technique of Dealing with Sensitive News Issue --- p.113
Pressure & Self-Censorship --- p.118
Chapter Chapter Six: --- Conclusion and Discussion --- p.122
Conclusion --- p.122
Discussion --- p.126
Appendix-1 Coding Record of The Asian Journal --- p.129
Appendix-2 Inter-coder Reliability --- p.152
Appendix-3 Interview Questionnaire --- p.156
References --- p.157

Achieving widespread access by all European citizens to new services and advanced applications of the information society is one of the crucial goals of the European Union’s (EU) strategic framework for the future. Towards realizing this primary target, multiple access platforms are expected to become available, using different access methods for delivery of services (and of related digital content) to a wide variety of end-user terminals, thus creating an “always-on” and properly “converged” technological and business environment, all able to support and to promote innovation and growth (Commission of the European Communities, 2005). The result will be a “complementarity” of services and markets in an increasingly sophisticated way. Economic and technology choices imply certain networks for certain service options. As these networks become more powerful, the temptation is to adapt certain characteristics of the network technology to make it suitable for modern services. The challenge is to build “bridges” or “links” between the different convergent technologies without undermining the business models on which they are built. In such a context, converging technology means that innovative systems and services are under development with inputs, contributions, and traditions from multiple industries, including telecommunications, broadcasting, Internet service provision, computer and software industries, and media and publishing industries, where the significance of standardization and interoperability can be fundamental. In any case, digital technology can offer the potential for realizing the future electronic information highways or integrated broadband communications. However, for the multiplatform environment to proliferate in liberalized markets and for the platforms themselves to complement each other, the related prerequisites and the governing regulatory environment must favor technologically neutral conditions for competition, without giving preference to one platform over others (Chochliouros & Spiliopoulou, 2005a). Among the latest European priorities for further development of the information society sector as described above were several efforts for extending the role of digital television based on a multiplatform approach (European Commission, 2002a). If widely implemented, digital (interactive) television may complement existing PC- and Internet-based access, thus offering a potential alternative for market evolution (Chochliouros, Spiliopoulou, Chochliouros, & Kaloxylos, 2006). In particular, following current market trends, digital television and third generation (3G) mobile systems driven by commonly adopted standards can open up significant possibilities for a variety of platform access to services, offering great features of substitution and complementarity. The same option holds for the supporting networks as well (European Commission, 2003a). Within the above fast developing and fully evolutionary context, the thematic objective of digital video broadcasting (DVB) applications (including both the underlying network infrastructures and corresponding services offered) can influence a great variety of areas (http://www.dvb.org). In particular, DVB stands as a suite of internationally accepted open standards, mainly related to digital television- and data-oriented applications. These standards (in most cases already tested and adopted in the global marketplace) are maintained by the so-called DVB Project, an industry-driven consortium with more than 300 distinct members, and they are officially published by a joint technical committee (JTC) of the European Telecommunications Standards Institute (ETSI), the European Committee for Electrotechnical Standardization (CENELEC), and the European Broadcasting Union (EBU). The existing DVB standards cover all aspects of digital television, that is, from transmission through interfacing, conditional access, and interactivity for digital video, audio, and data. In particular, DVB not only includes the transmission and distribution of television program material in digital format over various media, but also a choice of associated features (considered for exploiting capabilities of all underlying technologies). However, market benefits can be best achieved if a “harmonized” approach, based on a longterm perspective, is adopted since the beginning of all corresponding efforts, intending to facilitate a progressive development towards new (and more advanced) services in a smooth and compatible manner (Oxera, 2003). An essential precondition for this progress is the adoption, in the market sector, of common standards which, while providing necessary clarity for both producers and consumers in the short term for early introduction of digital television facilities, also supply the potential for subsequent smooth upgrading to new and higher grades of service. Thus, in the framework of competitive and liberalized environments DVB can support major efforts for the penetration (and the effective adoption) of enhanced multimedia-based services (Fenger & Elwood-Smith, 2000) independently of the type and/or format of the content offered while simultaneously promoting broadband opportunities. Furthermore, being fully conformant to the requirements imposed by convergence’s aspect, DVB can advance optimized solutions for different technical communications platforms. The European market has been widely developed in the area of (interactive) digital television (Chochliouros et al., 2006; European Commission, 2003b) and the EU is now leading further deployment through DVB procedures. The focus provided by a common set of technical standards and specifications has given a market advantage and spurred the appearance of innovation perspectives. Baseband: 1) In radio communications systems, the range of frequencies, starting at 0 Hz (DC) and extending up to an upper frequency as required to carry information in electronic form, such as a bitstream, before it is modulated onto a carrier in transmission or after it is demodulated from a carrier in reception. 2) In cable communications, such as those of a local area network (LAN), a method whereby signals are transmitted without prior frequency conversion.