Relevant bibliographies by topics / Television and politics – Italy

Academic literature on the topic 'Television and politics – Italy'

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Published: 10 March 2023
Last updated: 11 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Television and politics – Italy"

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Cosentino, Gabriele. "L’Isola dei Famosi: Minority politics in Italy via reality television." Journal of Italian Cinema & Media Studies 3, no. 1 (March 1, 2015): 117–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jicms.3.1-2.117_1.

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D’Arma, Alessandro. "Global media, business and politics." International Communication Gazette 73, no. 8 (December 2011): 670–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048511420095.

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This article presents a comparative analysis of News Corporation’s entry strategy and rise to dominance in the British and Italian television markets through its satellite pay-TV operations, BSkyB and Sky Italia respectively. As well documented, News Corporation’s strategy in the UK has been heavily dependent on Rupert Murdoch’s cultivation of political connections. By contrast, in Italy Murdoch has been unable to influence local politics to further his business interests, as evidenced by the several regulatory setbacks suffered by Sky Italia. Thus, in order to explain News Corporation’s success in Italy, this article argues that emphasis must be placed primarily on the managerial and financial resources that the company has been able to mobilize. The analysis aims at broadening our understanding of how News Corporation operates in different national contexts, and should also prove valuable for the broader question concerning the shifting balance of power between transnational and national actors in today’s globalizing media landscape.
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Agnew, John. "Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics under the ‘Second Republic’." Modern Italy 12, no. 1 (February 2007): 17–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940601134791.

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The Italian Second Republic was meant to have led to a bipolar polity with alternation in national government between conservative and progressive blocs. Such a system it has been claimed would undermine the geographical structure of electoral politics that contributed to party system immobilism in the past. However, in this article I argue that dynamic place configurations are central to how the ‘new’ Italian politics is being constructed. The dominant emphasis on either television or the emergence of ‘politics without territory’ has obscured the importance of this geographical restructuring. New dynamic place configurations are apparent particularly in the South which has emerged as a zone of competition between the main party coalitions and a nationally more fragmented geographical pattern of electoral outcomes. These patterns in turn reflect differential trends in support for party positions on governmental centralization and devolution, geographical patterns of local economic development, and the re-emergence of the North–South divide as a focus for ideological and policy differences between parties and social groups across Italy.
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Pilati, Antonio, and Emanuela Poli. "Digital terrestrial television." Modern Italy 6, no. 2 (November 2001): 195–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1353294400011984.

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SummaryIn Italy, as in much of Europe, the beginning of the new century has brought a crucial period of change to the television system. The change affects technology, strategies and regulation of the medium. This article starts by reconstructing the current situation and the emerging trends at a global level. It then analyses the state of the Italian television industry on the eve of the introduction of digital terrestrial broadcasting, setting out the opportunities and potential developments this opens up.
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Gardini, Gianluca. "Broadcasting, the Free Market and the Public Interest: Is the Italian Path to Pluralism Viable?" European Public Law 13, Issue 2 (May 1, 2007): 239–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2007014.

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The television and the mass media in general have a vital function in the creation of the democratic process, similar to that of institutions. The basic argument of this article is that television is not a simple market commodity and general competition laws cannot protect adequately the public interest of citizens in broadcasting. In Italy, in particular, the television sector has always suffered for lack of pluralism, a highly concentrated market, strong influence of political forces over public broadcasting. For these reasons the Italian experience represents an interesting case, as it allows one to observe the effects of a transition from a broadcasting framework entirely based on specific public regulation (monopoly) to a system hinged on general competition laws and technological development After looking at the evolution of broadcasting in Italy, the author will try to suggest some remedies for the Italian television sector.
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Barber, Sian, Elena Caoduro, and Kai Knörr. "Editorial: Education & TV. Histories of a Vision." Education & TV. Histories of a Vision 11, no. 21 (August 3, 2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/view.301.

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The articles included in this issue take into consideration the relationship between television and education in its broadest sense, offering historical studies of television programming, national policies, audience attitudes and evolving socio-political contexts. It includes case studies of different broadcasters, specific educational programming initiatives, government or state education policy delivered through the television medium, the intersections between broadcast programmes and what is retained in television archives. They cover Turkey, Germany, Italy, the UK, and Finland and map the period from the 1960s to the present day. All of this material helps situate educational provision on television within broader histories of both television as a form and education as an overarching idea or objective.
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Veth, K. Manuel. "The Berlusconization of Post-Soviet Football in Russia and the Ukraine: Money Scores Goals, Goals Win Titles, and Titles Win Popularity." Journal of Sport History 41, no. 1 (April 1, 2014): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jsporthistory.41.1.55.

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Abstract The Berlusconization of post-Soviet professional football in Ukraine and Russia highlights the close connection between politics, business, and football. The former Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi built a position of political power through his connection with professional soccer. In 1986, Berlusconi, a multi-millionaire who made his fortune through construction and television, bought AC Milan. Berlusconi was able to use the popularity gained by owning one of Europe’s most successful clubs to sharpen his political profile to such an extent that he was elected as prime minister of Italy three times. After the fall of the Soviet Union and the mass privatization of assets, football clubs, especially in the Ukraine, fell into the hands of rich businessmen or oligarchs. These oligarchs then used the popularity of football clubs to secure political positions. This system was then copied in Russia where Moscow used football, especially in the Caucasus, to achieve political goals.
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van den Bergen, Kimberley. "Advertising Restrictions versus the Freedom to Provide Services." Legal Issues of Economic Integration 41, Issue 3 (August 1, 2014): 305–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie2014018.

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In order to protect consumers from excessive television advertising and to create a level playing field for all broadcasters within the European Union (EU), the Audiovisual Media Services Directives sets rules regarding television advertising. Stricter national rules on television advertising are permitted provided they are in compliance with Union Law. Italy used national regulation to impose different maximum transmission times for advertising on pay-TV broadcasters and free-to-air broadcasters. This case-note on SKY-Italia discusses whether the different maximum transmission times for television advertising are compatible with the general principle of equal treatment within EU law and with various fundamental freedoms of the internal market. Is it justified to restrict the freedom to provide services defined in Article 56 TFEU by the 'public interest' of consumer protection or is the national rule an example of a purely economic and political consideration resulting in a distortion of competition?
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Dines, Martin, and Sergio Rigoletto. "Country cousins: Europeanness, sexuality and locality in contemporary Italian television." Modern Italy 17, no. 4 (November 2012): 479–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2012.706999.

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This article examines the consequences of the concurrence of a recent surge of interest in LGBT lives in the Italian media with the perceived transformation of Spain. Long considered Italy's close – though inferior – cultural cousin, Spain has been seen to be forging its own path with the reforms of the Zapatero administration, gay marriage especially. The article focuses on Il padre delle spose (RAIl, 2006), which generated intense discussion across the political spectrum precisely during the period in which the issue of recognising domestic partnerships between same-sex couples was being contested in Italy. The drama and surrounding media debates are analysed in order to articulate both the anxieties and the sense of opportunity brought about by Spain's ‘sorpasso’ of Italy. The drama is also informative for the way it reverses the standard ‘metropolitan’ trajectory of LGBT narrative. By relocating its lesbian protagonists to rural Puglia, the drama indicates how local traditions might be better able to respond to hetero-patriarchal oppression than imported ideals of ‘coming out’. Further, the drama's emphasis on local forms of solidarity suggests an alternative vision of LGBT existence to the one increasingly dominant across Europe and the West which privileges economically productive subjects.
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Vaccari, Cristian, and Augusto Valeriani. "Dual Screening, Public Service Broadcasting, and Political Participation in Eight Western Democracies." International Journal of Press/Politics 23, no. 3 (June 7, 2018): 367–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161218779170.

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We investigate the relationship between political dual screening—that is, watching political contents on television while reading and commenting on them on social media—and political participation across eight Western democracies: Denmark, Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Based on custom built online surveys conducted between 2015 and 2016 on samples representative of the adult population with internet access in each country, we test hypotheses on both intra-country and cross-country direct and differential effects of political dual screening on various forms of offline and online political participation. We find a positive correlation between the frequency with which citizens dual screen political content and their overall levels of participation. Such correlation is stronger among respondents with lower levels of interest in politics, suggesting that dual screening has the potential to bridge participatory gaps between citizens who are more and less politically involved. The relationship between dual screening and participation is also significantly stronger in countries whose media systems feature the strongest Public Service Broadcasters. Our findings suggest that dual screening makes a positive contribution to democratic citizenship and political equality, and that it can also help public service media fulfill some of their key functions.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Television and politics – Italy"

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Allen, Grace. "Vernacular encounters with Aristotle's politics in Italy, 1260-1600." Thesis, School of Advanced Study, University of London, 2015. http://sas-space.sas.ac.uk/6137/.

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This dissertation explores the use and dissemination of Aristotelian political theory in Italian literature from the late medieval period, when the first fragments of Aristotle’s political thought appeared in the West, to the sixteenth century, when vernacular Aristotelian literature flourished. I show how late medieval and Renaissance authors employed Aristotle’s Politics in various ways, according to their political background and allegiances, their approach to the text and their intended audience. I also demonstrate how, reciprocally, the vocabulary and classifications in the Politics shaped their understanding of their own political context. The thesis is divided into six chapters. The first chapter offers an overview, for comparative purposes, of the Latin and Greek reception of the Politics in Western Europe. The remaining chapters proceed chronologically. Chapter Two explores the place of the Politics in Italian vernacular literature of the late thirteenth and the fourteenth centuries. Chapter Three does the same for the fifteenth century, as well as considering the impact of Neo-Platonism and the ‘questione della lingua’on vernacular political Aristotelianism. The three remaining chapters cover the sixteenth century. Chapter Four concerns Antonio Brucioli, who composed a series of Aristotelian political dialogues in the 1520s and in 1547 produced the first vernacular translation of the Politics. The subject of Chapter Five is Bernardo Segni, whose translation of the Politics, accompanied by the first full vernacular commentary, was published in 1549. Chapter Six deals with a representative selection of the wide-ranging vernacular material written on the Politics in the second half of the sixteenth century. The dissertation concludes with an evaluation of the changing uses of the Politics in Italy from the late thirteenth century to the end of the sixteenth, examining the different ways in which the treatise served as a key to understanding politics and political reality.
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Maxson, Brian J., and Nicholas Scott Baker. "After Civic Humanism: Learning and Politics in Renaissance Italy." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2015. https://www.amzn.com/0772721777.

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The thirteen essays in this volume demonstrate the multiplicity of connections between learning and politics in Renaissance Italy. Some engage explicitly with Hans Baron's "civic humanism" thesis illustrating its continuing viability, but also stretching its application to prove the limitations of its original expression. Others move beyond Baron's thesis to examine the actual practice of various individuals and groups engaged in both political and learned activities in a variety of diverse settings. The collective impression of all the contributions is that of a complex, ever-shifting mosaic of learned enterprises in which the well-examined civic paradigm emerges as just one of several modes that explain the interaction between learning and politics in Italy between 1300 and 1650. The model that emerges rejects any single category of explanation in favour of one that emphasizes variety and multiplicity. It suggests that learning was indispensible to all politics in Renaissance Italy and that, in fact, at its heart the Renaissance was a political event as much as a cultural movement. "In moving past the constraints imposed by the so-called Baron thesis, the essays in this volume allow for an innovative focus on Renaissance humanism as a set of 'practices' determined more by social structures and networks than by specific historical events. In so doing, a number of these studies open up new areas of scholarly exploration." - Scott Blanchard, Misericordia University
https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu_books/1149/thumbnail.jpg
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Felsen, David. "The politics of the Italian budgetary process." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.368869.

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Mattozzi, Louisa Parker. "The feminine art of politics and diplomacy : the roles of duchesses in early modern Italy /." Full text available, 2004. http://images.lib.monash.edu.au/ts/theses/mattozzi.pdf.

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Heatherington, Tracey. "Environmental politics in a highland Sardinian community." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=68102.

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The movement to protect wilderness resources can conflict with local intentions for land use and development, particularly in economically marginal areas. In rural Italy, on the island of Sardinia, the plan to create a Gennargentu National Park has incited active opposition on the part of the communities affected. In the town of Baunei, responses to environmental legislation are motivated by the desire to maintain communal control over common lands. Political action, both formal and informal, is organised by local understandings about the impact of certain laws and institutions on the town economy, principally by the restriction of residents' usi civici (traditional rights of usufruct). This thesis considers the role and meaning of the usi civici in Baunei, and the implications of this for environmental politics in Sardinia.
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Ferrari, Chara Francesca. "Translating stereotypes Italian television and the cultural politics of reformatting /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1467887551&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Gallo, Zelia. "The penality of politics : penality in contemporary Italy 1970-2000." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/746/.

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The thesis is a socio-legal account of Italian penality between 1970 and 2000. It analyses the Italian experience as a critical case study with which to test David Garland, Alessandro De Giorgi and Nicola Lacey’s theories of punishment in contemporary Western polities. It argues that Italian penality is not sufficiently explained by reference to Garland or De Giorgi’s meta theories of ‘late modern’ and ‘post-Fordist’ punishment. Lacey’s institutional analysis provides a better framework, if modified to allow for the centrality of political dynamics in Italy. The thesis argues that Italian penality is a ‘volatile penal equilibrium’, whose ‘differential punitiveness’ is marked by oscillations between repression and leniency. The thesis provides an institutional analysis of Italian punishment, investigating in turn the Italian political economy, political culture and state-citizen relations, judicial contributions to penal trends, and the punishment of non-EU migrants. The thesis argues that Italian penality can be systematised by reference to political dynamics, in particular political conflict and political dualisms. Political conflict can broadly be defined as conflict between political interests, ranging from parties through to broader political groups such as families; dualisms are tensions produced by opposing institutional dynamics. The thesis analyses these conflicts and dualisms in terms of penal pressures, either in favour of penal exclusion or moderation. Italy’s institutional structure incorporates political conflict, and fosters structural tensions. The result is that Italy’s volatile political equilibrium is conveyed through its institutions to the penal realm, producing a volatile penal equilibrium. Ultimately, the Italian case study demonstrates that contemporary theories of penality should explicitly incorporate political dynamics and their institutional anchorage. Italian penality can be analysed in terms of the nature of the state and its institutions and inclusion and exclusion from political belonging. Contemporary theories would profit from incorporating this analysis.
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Sciubba, Jennifer Dabbs. "The politics of population aging in Germany, Italy, and Japan." College Park, Md.: University of Maryland, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/8572.

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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2008.
Thesis research directed by: Dept. of Government and Politics. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Brunet-Jailly, Emmanuel. "Political culture in Italy." Thesis, This resource online, 1988. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-04122010-083632/.

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Lo, Shih-hung. "Mediating national identity : television, politics and audience in Taiwan." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2001. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1610/.

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This thesis is concerned with the relationship between the mass media and national identity. It uses methodological triangulation involving multiple methods and multiple sets of data to investigate the ways in which the mass media and television in particular have contributed to the formation of national identity in Taiwan. The Taiwanese case markedly points to the inadequacy of a widely held assumption bout the influence of the media on the formation of national identity: that national media foster national identity and global media weaken national identity. The thesis argues against this simplistic assumption, which reflects two dominant perspectives in the study of nationalism and communication the diffusionist view of national identity-formation, and the transmission view of communication. Both perspectives underestimate the complexity of the media-identity relationship and cannot adequately accommodate the Taiwanese case. This thesis provides an alternative perspective that stresses national identity-formation as a conjunctural mediation process between media representation and audience reception, whereby the powerful media and the active audience co-exist. As a constitutive part of the national discursive space that contains both text and reader, television has helped to create among the Taiwanese audience an imaginable community of solidarity, constituting both the symbolic textures of national identity and the contexts in which that identity is experienced. Through the conjunctural mediations between media representation and audience reception, the respondent families in the present study have subscribed to a national identity that necessarily assumes a hybrid form. Yet despite (or indeed because of) Taiwan's ambiguous statehood, the respondents' hybrid identifications with the 'nation' can best be summed up in the term 'Taiwan-centred identity'. The findings of this thesis extend beyond the Taiwanese case to the broader theorisation of the role of the media, especially television, in the formation of national identity in an age of globalisation.
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Books on the topic "Television and politics – Italy"

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Mario, Morcellini, and Università degli studi di Roma "La Sapienza." Gruppo Mediamonitor., eds. Elezioni di TV: Televisione e pubblico nella campagna elettorale '94. Genova: Costa & Nolan, 1995.

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Telekratie oder Tele Morgana?: Politik und Fernsehen in Italien. Frankfurt am Main, Germany: P. Lang, 1997.

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Il figlio della foca: Celentano e Fantastico 1987. Torino: Robin edizioni, 2021.

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Morcellini, Mario, Marzia Antenore, and Christian Ruggiero. Talk&Tweet: La campagna elettorale 2013 tra Tv e Twitter. Sant'Arcangelo di Romagna (RN): Maggioli editore, 2013.

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L'Italia in Presadiretta. Milano: Chiarelettere, 2010.

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Berlusconi, le nouveau prince. La Tour d'Aigues: Aube, 2003.

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1955-, Donovan Mark, ed. Italy. Aldershot, England: Ashgate, 1998.

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Italy. London: Arnold, 2001.

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Saracebo, Paolo. Television and politics. London: LCPDT, 1998.

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1945-, Leonardi Robert, Nanetti Raffaella, and Fedele Marcello 1947-, eds. Italy: Politics and policy. Aldershot, Hants, England: Dartmouth, 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "Television and politics – Italy"

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Evens, Tom, Petros Iosifidis, and Paul Smith. "Italy." In The Political Economy of Television Sports Rights, 161–71. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137360342_11.

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Wilson, Graham K. "Italy." In Business and Politics, 102–12. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21080-0_5.

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Soresina, Marco. "Politics and conflict until 1848." In Italy Before Italy, 52–89. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Routledge studies in modern European history ; 56: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315122908-3.

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Levy, Bob. "Packaging and Politics." In Television Development, 191–205. New York : Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429506147-10.

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Lorenzo-Dus, Nuria. "Conflict Talk and Politics." In Television Discourse, 121–38. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-11717-5_10.

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Lorenzo-Dus, Nuria. "Persuasion, Politics and Television." In Television Discourse, 149–63. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-11717-5_12.

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Collicelli, Carla, and Franco Salvatori. "Italy." In The Politics of East-West Migration, 171–83. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23352-6_12.

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Kellas, James G. "Italy/Italia." In Nationalist Politics in Europe, 98–107. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230597273_6.

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Soresina, Marco. "Institutions and politics during the second restoration (1849–1859)." In Italy Before Italy, 118–41. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Routledge studies in modern European history ; 56: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315122908-5.

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Archambault, Fabien. "Italy." In The Palgrave International Handbook of Football and Politics, 105–24. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78777-0_6.

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Conference papers on the topic "Television and politics – Italy"

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"Research on Chinese Film and Television Cultural Products Policy under the Belt and Road Initiative." In 2018 International Conference on Economics, Politics and Business Management. Francis Academic Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25236/icepbm.2018.76.

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Papa, Filomena, Stefano Livi, Michele Cornacchia, Enrico Nicolò, and Bartolomeo Sapio. "Factors affecting the usage of payment services through digital television in Italy." In the 8th international interactive conference. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/1809777.1809820.

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Baldissera, Annalisa. "The Impact of COVID-19 on the Small Businesses Economic Performance: Evidence from Italy." In Seventh International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics: Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.s.p.2021.43.

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The purpose of this paper is to identify the effects caused by COV­ID-19 on the economic performance of Italian small businesses in the year 2020, with particular regard to the relationships between the determining variables of the operational management profitability. This survey can be useful in guiding the management of the firm, since it allows to intercept the management areas characterized by greater fragility which, as such, must be subjected to closer monitoring. The research considered a sample of 322 small Italian companies. To identify the impact caused by the pandemic on the performance of the selected sample, the research used a Pearson corre­lation analysis applied to the main variables of the operating area and ob­served the five years 2016-2020 in order to understand the main variations that occurred in 2020 compared to previous years. The research showed that in 2020 the core business suffered a general loss of elasticity demon­strated by the presence of a significant reduction in the correlation between revenues and production costs (raw materials, services, employees and de­preciation). The lower reactivity of costs to changes in revenues contributed to the sharp erosion of the net income of the companies in the sample.
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Bagão, Margarida, Rui Dias, Paula Heliodoro, and Paulo Alexandre. "THE IMPACT OF COVID-19 ON EUROPEAN FINANCIAL MARKETS: AN EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS." In Sixth International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics: Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.2020.1.

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The fast spread of coronavirus (COVID-19) had negative impacts on financial markets worldwide. It created uncertainty and a lack of confidence, causing unprecedented levels of risk, causing sharp losses to investors in a very short period. In view of these events, this essay aims to investigate the relationship between Covid-19 (confirmed cases and deaths), and the stock market indexes of Greece (ATG), France (CAC40), Germany (DAX 30), United Kingdom (FTSE 100), Italy (FTSE MID), Spain (IBEX 35), Ireland (ISEQ), and Portugal (PSI 20), from December 31st, 2019 to July 23rd, 2020. In order to achieve such an analysis, we want to validate if: the increase in cases and deaths resulting from Covid-19 have any connection with the financial markets under analysis? If so, do these connections cause shocks in European financial markets? The results suggest structure breaks, mostly, in March 2020. Covid-19 data (confirmed cases) integrate with the Covid-19 data series (deaths), with the Spanish market (IBEX 35), Greece (ATG), and Italy (FTSE MID). However, the Covid-19 data series (deaths), is synchronized with the Covid-19 data (confirmed cases), with the markets of Germany (DAX 30), France (CAC 40), Ireland (ISEQ), Italy ( FTSE MID), United Kingdom (FTSE 100) and Portugal (PSI 20), just does not synchronize with the Greek market (ATG). We can easily see that the Covid-19 data series (deaths) has a major impact on Europe's financial markets. The results of the VAR Granger Causality / Block Exogeneity Wald Tests model suggest 2 bidirectional causal relationships between confirmed cases and deaths from the Covid-19 virus. However, there were no shocks between Covid-19 data (confirmed cases and deaths) and the financial markets under analysis. As a final discussion, we consider that investors should avoid investments in the stock exchange, at least while this pandemic lasts, and rebalance their portfolios in hedging and/or sovereign debt assets, to mitigate risk and improve the efficiency of their portfolios.
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Cedroni, Anna Rita. "Building the global democracy from urban planning policy to populism in architecture." In Virtual City and Territory. Barcelona: Centre de Política de Sòl i Valoracions, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/ctv.8153.

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It is possible to claim that there is an analogy, in terms of management and programming, between the modality of execution in political contents and the formalities of the application of architectural models, or more precisely in the methods of carrying out such proposals. The choice and the management of planning strategies go along with the choice of political strategies. The changes occurring in the politics and democracy can be also found in urban planning politics and involve mainly the public space and the design for the related public buildings. The emptying of social content in most constitutional democracies, together with the spreading of populist “politics” are phenomena that emerge in the architecture of public buildings and in the way in which the architecture relates to the urban form of their surroundings. Deprived of their contents, (which are related to their functions), public spaces and public building become non-ruled yet “objectified” spaces targeted for a collective use. The first analysis, which comes out of my background, led me to look at urban planning in Europe, starting from Italy and keeping the focus on the politics of public spaces and on the ways in which their conception, design and relationship to the city, shape the collective social values, attitudes and demands. These cases provide some opportunities for a reflection about governance and planning, focussing on the relationship between Democracy and Architecture.
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Borgia, Carola. "Language contacts and deonyms in contemporary journalistic Italian language." In International Conference on Onomastics “Name and Naming”. Editura Mega, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30816/iconn5/2019/47.

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This paper focuses its attention on the presence of deonyms – in this case, new words derived from the surnames of foreign heads of state – in presentday journalistic Italian language. The research was conducted by analyzing the historical archive of two of the most relevant newspapers in Italy: la Repubblica and La Stampa. The purpose is to emphasize the main different semantic nuances of the words consisting of politicians’ surnames and Italian suffixes and to demonstrate the language contacts between Italian and other languages. As it can easily be guessed, most of the words investigated in this study were derived from names of American presidents as a result of the influence of American politics on the Italian system.
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Dias, Rui, Paula Heliodoro, Paulo Alexandre, and Rita Silva. "TESTING THE WEAK FORM OF EFFICIENT MARKET HYPOTHESIS: EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE IN THE CONTEXT OF THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC." In Sixth International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics: Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.s.p.2020.1.

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The COVID-19 outbreak caused several concerns all over the world. On January 30, 2020, the World Health Organization (WHO) declared it a global health emergency. This outbreak leads to a drastic change in people's lifestyles, causing lots of job losses all over the world and threaten the livelihood of millions of people since the firms closed to avoid virus propagation. In general, all economic activities were interrupted, and the stock markets had significant breaks. Due to these events, this essay pretends to analyse the efficiency, in its weak form, in the stock market indexes of France (CAC40), China (SSEC), South Korea (KOSPI), Germany (DAX 30), Italy (FTSE MID), Portugal (PSI 20), and Spain (IBEX 35), in the period of December 31, 2019, to August 10, 2020. To accomplish this research, different approaches were taken to analyse whether: (i) the countries affected by the global pandemic (COVID-19) caused (in) efficiency in their stock markets? The results suggest that the hypothesis of random walk in all the markets under study was rejected. Variance ratios' values are, in all cases, lower than the unity, which implies that the returns are auto correlated over time, and there is a reversion to the mean, in all indexes. The exponents Detrended Fluctuation Analysis (DFA), indicate significant long memories, i.e. they validate the results of the non-parametric test of Wright (2000), which comprises two types of tests, the Position test (Rankings) for homoscedastic series, and the Signal test for heteroscedastic series. These findings show that prices do not fully reflect the information available and that changes in prices are not independent and identically distributed. This situation has implications for investors since some returns can be expectable, creating opportunities for arbitrage and abnormal earnings. These conclusions also open space for market regulators to take measures to ensure better information in these regional markets.
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De Marco, Raffaella, Francesca Galasso, and Chiara Malusardi. "Digital documentation of fortified urban routes in Pavia (Italy): territorial databases and structural models for the preservation of military ruins." In FORTMED2020 - Defensive Architecture of the Mediterranean. Valencia: Universitat Politàcnica de València, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/fortmed2020.2020.11518.

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The analysis of the fortified routes in the city of Pavia (Italy) clarifies the adaptation of the medieval capital in the historical politics of the Mediterranean, where the evolution of the defensive system till the Spanish bastioned walls (sixteenth century) identifies the updating of the Lombard tradition to the practices of modern military architecture. Their defensive structures survive in the urban design of the contemporary city, in the configuration of infrastructures and urban aggregates, reflecting the consequences of the great processes of their dismantling (from 1905). The comparison between historical investigations and the current ruins, fragmented into disconnected portions between the historical bastions and the monumental gates, shows a picture of abandonment of the military structures that generates repeated collapses and emerging risk factors towards the surrounding densified urban context. The experimentation of military architectural approaches of documentation at the urban scale, developed by the research laboratory DAda Lab. of University of Pavia, defines an analysis process through the digital representation of the urban remains that is suitable for the preservation of the survived city walls and the enhancement of their fortified identity. The application of different 3D LiDAR systems for morphological acquisition promotes an integrated digitation process of scansets on the fortified system controlled at the urban metric scale: the experimentation applies the use of a mobile real time scanner for the digital tracking of historical routes, on which to implement the georeferencing of detailed static scanworlds, integrated in correspondence of Bastions and Monumental Gates. The optimization of architectural data density and the integration between data contribute to finalize a 3D territorial database predisposed to the architectural modelling of volumes and scenarios of structural instability of the military ruins, defining a virtual framework of widespread knowledge for the historical conservation and urban prevention of the fortified system.
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Oliveira, Lucas Santos de, and Pedro Olmo Stancioli Vaz de Melo. "Large-Scale And Long-Term Characterization Of Political Communications On Social Media." In Simpósio Brasileiro de Sistemas Multimídia e Web. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação - SBC, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/webmedia_estendido.2022.225803.

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Social media play an important role in shaping political discourse, creating a public sphere that enables discussions, debates, and deliberations. Aware of this importance, politicians use social media for self-promotion and as a means of influencing people and votes. As an example of this assertion, in 2018, Brazilians democratically elected for president the far-right candidate Jair Bolsonaro. One of the most surprising feats of this outcome is that his party, PSL, had almost no television time. His victory was only possible because of his supporters’ engagement and activism on social media platforms, such as Twitter, Facebook, and WhatsApp. In this context, politicians need to decide how to communicate with their voters to build their reputations. While some politicians only share professional communications about their political agenda and activities, others prefer a more non-political and informal approach, sharing communications about the most varied subjects, such as religion, sports, and their families. Others, however, misuse platforms by spreading political messages that violate policies and circumvent electoral laws. Aware of these problems, I propose the LOCPOC a methodology to characterize the communication of Brazilian politicians over years in terms of the amount of political and non-political messages they post. The methodology is robust to concept drifts over time, requiring few new labeled messages each year. From the classified messages, I was able to characterize the communication of politicians over time and identified new findings: (i) Brazilian congresspeople changed their communication behavior over time; (ii) concept drifts occurred during important events in Brazilian politics; (iii) the explosive rise of the right seen just before the 2018 elections; (iv) a broader and more evenly distributed right-wing participation than the left-wing, and, finally, (v) the increase of public engagement over time.
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Mircea, Vladu. "CONSIDERATIONS REGARDING THE USE OF ELEARNING MOODLE PLATFORM DURING THE PANDEMIC." In eLSE 2021. ADL Romania, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-21-056.

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I never thought that a virus could disturb the lives of people everywhere, almost to the point of paralysis. Even after the appearance of the first signs given by this killer virus, at the end of 2019 and the beginning of 2020, in China, we did not suspect what harm it can cause to humanity. People began to see the reality when China, the country with the largest population in the world, said it was facing great difficulties with the killer virus. Alarming information then began to appear in Spain, Italy and other countries not only in Europe but also on other continents of the world. Spain has been brought to its knees by the virus, as has Italy, with thousands of people dying every day. The economic and social life of these countries, and not only, had begun to be paralyzed. One by one, schools were closed, the educational process started to be carried out online. For Spaniards, Italians, French, Germans, etc., there were no problems with teleworking, as they had everything they needed to continue high-performance, online education. I was thinking then what we Romanians will do if the virus brings us to our knees, because only with some exceptions we had what we needed for telework, and the hygiene and personal protection materials ,,were sublime, but they were completely missing". I was shocked when it was announced on television that in Romania the first case of infection with Covid-19 was registered. Then the number of those infected increased daily, many Romanians in the diaspora contributing to this performance, who, against the recommendations of the national authorities not to return to Romania during that period, did not take them into account and we were faced with the result: the number of people infected and hospitalized multiplied with each passing day. In those difficult conditions, the online education started to be carried out in Romania as well. As a professor in a military higher education institution, I had to comply with this situation, but the beginning was difficult for me. I would like to talk further about the difficulties I have encountered in conducting online education, as well as how I have managed to overcome them, with the hope that in the future such phenomena will no longer represent an issue for some of the teaching staff.
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Reports on the topic "Television and politics – Italy"

1

Wolf, Maximilian, and Imke Schütz. Report on Panel #2 / Mapping European Populism: The Peculiarities and Commonalities of the Populist Politics in Southern Europe. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0003.

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This report is based on the second panel of ECPS’s monthly panel series called “Mapping European Populism” which was held online in Brussels on March 31, 2022. The panel brought together top-notch populism scholars from four south European countries, namely Greece, Italy, Spain and Portugal, which have many similarities and varieties in terms of right- and left-wing populist parties, groups and movements. As a by-product of this fruitful panel the report consists of brief summaries of the speeches delivered by the speakers.
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