Journal articles on the topic 'Television and politics – Europe'

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1

THOMPSON, MARK. "Television in Europe." Political Quarterly 77, no. 1 (May 5, 2006): 124–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.2006.00738.x.

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Szostak, Sylwia. "Poland’s Return To Europe." Europe on and Behind the Screens 1, no. 2 (November 29, 2012): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/2213-0969.2012.jethc021.

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The changing political sphere in 1989 and the subsequent 2004 European Union accession had a profound impact on Poland’s economic, political and social spheres. Both events are considered to have marked Poland’s ‘return to Europe’ and strengthened the relations with its Western neighbours. This article examines the changing patterns of television fiction programming flow in Poland in the post-Soviet era, exploring the impact of those two events on Poland’s audiovisual sector. This article therefore assesses whether, and if so – how, this metaphorical ‘return to Europe’ is manifested on Polish television screens.
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CAWSON, ALAN. "HIGH-DEFINITION TELEVISION IN EUROPE." Political Quarterly 66, no. 2 (April 1995): 157–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.1995.tb00460.x.

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Barra, Luca, Christoph Classen, and Sonja de Leeuw. "Editorial." VIEW Journal of European Television History and Culture 6, no. 11 (September 22, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/2213-0969.2017.jethc118.

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This issue on the History of Private and Commercial Television in Europe may help deepen our understanding of how the commercialization of television has shaped media culture in Europe. It offers a scholarly view on the history of private and commercial television in Europe, addressing institutional, technological, political, and cultural perspectives, and their entanglement, so as to allow for transnational comparison.
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Wedell, George. "Prospects for Television in Europe." Government and Opposition 29, no. 3 (July 1, 1994): 315–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1994.tb01224.x.

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The Classical Model for Broadcasting Structures in Europe is one based on national autarchy and linguistic exclusivity. The model derives from the introduction of radio broadcasting in the 1920s. As always in the field of communications, developments art supply-led rather than demand-led. Thus the early radio manufacturers established local radio stations to demonstrate their new equipment at a time when governments had not formulated any policies to deal with the new phenomenon.
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Johnsen, Rosemary Erickson. "Geopolitics, Northern Europe, and Nordic Noir: What Television Series Tell Us about World Politics." Scandinavian Studies 94, no. 4 (October 1, 2022): 546–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/21638195.94.4.07.

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7

Matei, Alexandru, and Annemarie Sorescu- Marinković. "The exceptionalism of Romanian socialist television and its implications." Panoptikum, no. 20 (December 17, 2018): 168–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/pan.2018.20.11.

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During recent years, the study of European televisions has rediscovered socialist television, and we have witnessed a rapid rise in scholarly interest in a new field of research: socialist television studies. On the whole, this recent body of literaturę presents two main new insights as compared to previous studies in the field of the history of Western television: on the one hand, it shows that European television during the Cold War was less heterogeneous than one may imagine when considering the political, economic and ideological split created by the Iron Curtain; on the other hand, it turns to and capitalizes on archives, mostly video, which have been inaccessible to the public. The interactions between Western and socialist mass culture are highlighted mainly with respect to the most popular TV programs: fiction and entertainment. The authors give us an extraordinary landscape of the Romanian socialist television. Unique in the Eastern part of Europe is the period of the early 1990s. Upon the fall of the communist regime, after almost 15 years of freezing, TVR found itself unable to move forward.
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Imre, Anikó. "Streaming freedom in illiberal Eastern Europe." Critical Studies in Television: The International Journal of Television Studies 14, no. 2 (May 16, 2019): 170–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1749602019837775.

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The article asks how we begin to assess the connections and mutual influences between television’s increasing globalisation facilitated by digital distribution platforms and the globalisation of crisis borne by the failure of the neo-liberal free market paradigm, which has resulted in the rise of nativist nationalisms, xenophobia and authoritarianism. I argue that, considering these contradictory developments as interconnected disrupts some of the epistemological paradigms inherited from the Cold War and simultaneously helps us understand – and demystify – emerging paradigms of consumer empowerment associated with streaming in television and media studies. In particular, I demonstrate the importance of resisting sweeping assessments about the globalisation of the ‘HBO-type quality drama’ by considering the operations of HBO Europe, whose pioneering localisation practices in Eastern Europe have thrived within increasingly illiberal political conditions in the post-socialist Eastern European region.
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Garcia, Soledad. "National identity and Europe: the television revolution." International Affairs 70, no. 1 (January 1994): 138–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620751.

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Kostadinova, Petia. "Media in the New Democracies of Post-Communist Eastern Europe." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, no. 2 (May 2015): 453–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325415577863.

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Growing up in Bulgaria during the “transition” years, as a then fifteen-year old, I spent the summer of 1990 queuing up at the neighborhood newsstand waiting for the daily delivery of freshly printed newspapers. Shortages of goods, including food and gasoline, caused long lines in front of many stores, but the crowd waiting at the kiosk was eager to read about the latest political developments, and especially popular were the newspapers published by the newly established opposition parties. While there was no scarcity of political news via television and radio, there was always something special about the print media, much of which, including entertainment weeklies, were such a novelty. Twenty or so years later, I spent another summer among newspapers, in the archives of the National Library in Sofia, poring through the pages and—with no digitization of archives—collecting photographs of news articles published before each of the national legislative elections since 1990. Much has changed in the media environment since then, yet the study of media in post-communist societies and especially its relations to voters, parties, and politics in general is still in its infancy.
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11

Pajala, Mari. "Mapping Europe." Europe on and Behind the Screens 1, no. 2 (November 29, 2012): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/2213-0969.2012.jethc013.

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The Eurovision Song Contest (ESC) offers a unique viewpoint to the ways Europe has been imagined on television from the 1950s to the present. This paper looks at the use of a key visual symbol for Europe, the European map, to outline the history of the ESC’s representation of Europe. Whilst the European map was rarely used during the first decades of the ESC, it became a central visual element of the show in the 1990s, a period of great political change in Europe. Since then, the ESC maps have pictured an ever widening image of Europe, gradually moving towards a dynamic, moving image of Europe and finally, dispensing with a coherent map of Europe altogether.
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Peruško, Zrinjka, and Antonija Čuvalo. "Comparing Socialist and Post-Socialist Television Culture." Television Histories in (Post)Socialist Europe 3, no. 5 (June 24, 2014): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/2213-0969.2014.jethc063.

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This article builds a theoretical model for comparative analysis of media culture based on the notion of genre, and applies it to a comparative analysis of television as a cultural form in socialist and post-socialist Croatia. The paper explores how the shares and generic composition of program modes of information, entertainment and fiction change in time, and how the contribution of different genres to program flow and modes varies with the changes of political, economic and technological context. Longitudinal trends in television flows are comparatively evaluated in relation to trends in genre developments in Europe and their relationship to the changes in the cultural role of television. The results show a decrease in the information and an increase in the fiction mode between socialism and democracy, with some similarities of the Croatian and western television culture in relation to genre and mode composition and flow, albeit with a belated introduction of neo television genres. Notwithstanding the limited freedom of expression and ideological content, which necessarily influenced socialist media culture, television as a cultural form in Croatia developed in concert with the global program flows. The article is based on original content analysis of television schedules where the unit of analysis is a televisions program listing. The analogue television universe is represented by longitudinal data for 1959, 1969, 1979, 1989, 1999, and 2009. The stratified systematic sample (N=3934) for each chosen year consists of two constructed weeks from a universe of all listed programs broadcast on all free to air television channels with a national reach license.
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Pilati, Antonio, and Emanuela Poli. "Digital terrestrial television." Modern Italy 6, no. 2 (November 2001): 195–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1353294400011984.

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SummaryIn Italy, as in much of Europe, the beginning of the new century has brought a crucial period of change to the television system. The change affects technology, strategies and regulation of the medium. This article starts by reconstructing the current situation and the emerging trends at a global level. It then analyses the state of the Italian television industry on the eve of the introduction of digital terrestrial broadcasting, setting out the opportunities and potential developments this opens up.
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VUSHKO, IRYNA. "Historians at War: History, Politics and Memory in Ukraine." Contemporary European History 27, no. 1 (December 14, 2017): 112–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000431.

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The on-going military conflict in eastern Ukraine has revitalised historical discussion and history battles in the country rendering history more relevant than ever before. Since 2014 different sides in the conflict have used historical references, specifically to the Second World War, to validate their actions. Moscow most notably claimed to be protecting the population of eastern Ukraine from Ukrainian ‘fascists’: the story of a three-year Russian boy allegedly crucified by Ukrainian nationalists on Russian state television was enhanced by references to atrocities that Ukrainian nationalists allegedly perpetrated during the Second World War. It is not, of course, the first time a regime has used history as a justification for military aggression or territorial annexation. Across Europe in the twentieth century, history has been used to defend political goals, and politics has been used to write history. The bellicose politicisation of history became the norm in Ukraine in 2014.
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15

Doyle, Gillian, and Kenny Barr. "After the gold rush: industrial re-configuration in the UK television production sector and content." Media, Culture & Society 41, no. 7 (August 20, 2019): 939–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443719857640.

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Recent technological and market changes in the television industry appear to have transformed the corporate configurations which conduce to economic success in the production industry. As a result, many leading independent television production companies in the United Kingdom and elsewhere across Europe have become prime targets for corporate activity and many have been subject to takeover, often by the US media groups. Does this matter? Does the concept of ‘national’ television content still have any relevance in the digital era? Drawing on a multiple-case-study-based analysis of several UK-based television production companies over recent years, this article examines how corporate takeovers in the production sector may affect creative decision-making and impact on the nature and quality of television content. Against a background of increased investment interest from multinationals in indigenous players in the United Kingdom and across Europe, the analysis presented makes a timely and policy-relevant contribution to knowledge.
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Vinogradova, Ekaterina. "Latin American TV Series as the Channel for Intercultural Communication with Europe." Contemporary Europe 99, no. 6 (November 1, 2020): 112–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope62020112118.

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The study of intercultural communication within large cultures is particularly relevant in the 21st century in an era of globalization. Nowadays, thanks to the development of new information channels, such as social networks, as well as public diplomacy, branding of culture and art, popularization of national cultural traditions has become an integral part of the cultural diplomacy of Latin American countries. Despite globalization that has led to the global hybridization of television production, Latin American television series still retain the characteristics of unique products, introducing the foreign viewer to the culture and traditions of the Latin American region. In the 21st century, leading Latin American TV companies have changed the content of TV series aimed at different groups of target audiences. Social topics related to inequality, the emergence of civil society, problems of young people, and criminalization of society have found their way beyond the Latin American continent and have received a strong response in European countries. The Netflix site has become an important communication channel for Latin American television serial products. Television series, as the main marketing product of the leading Latin American media conglomerates, have contributed to the development of intercultural communication with European target audiences, where Latin American television stations have found similar social and cultural features and have become a kind of brand of this television genre. The popularity of Latin American serial products in Europe is due to the emergence of hybrid series and joint Latin American-European production of this type of entertainment television products. The article explores the stages of Latin American TV series' distribution in European countries and their impact on intercultural communication between Latin America and Europe.
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17

Holtz-Bacha, Christina, Bengt Johansson, Jacob Leidenberger, Philippe J. Maarek, and Susanne Merkle. "Advertising for Europe." Nordicom Review 33, no. 2 (December 1, 2012): 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/nor-2013-0015.

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Abstract This study analyzes and compares party ads that were broadcast on television during the 2009 European Election campaign in France, Germany, Sweden and the UK. Even though electoral TV ads have never reached the same importance in European countries as in the US, such ads are to be regarded as an expression of the specific political culture of a country and therefore have relevance beyond election campaigns. An international comparison of ads produced for the same event is particularly suited to revealing similarities across cultures as well as national idiosyncrasies. Additionally, the present study demonstrates a methodological approach that defines a ‘sequence’ as the unit of analysis instead of the whole spot, and thus it is different from previous research on electoral advertising.
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18

Fickers, Andreas, and Andy O'Dwyer. "Reading Between the Lines." Europe on and Behind the Screens 1, no. 2 (November 29, 2012): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/2213-0969.2012.jethc019.

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In 1950 and 1952, the British Broadcast Corporation (BBC) and Radio Télévision Française (RTF) realized the first transnational television transmissions ever. The so called “Calais Experiment” (1950) and the “Paris Week” (1952) were celebrated as historic landmarks in European television and celebrated as a new “entente cordiale” between the two countries. This article aims at highlighting some of the tensions that surrounded the realization of these first experiments in transnational television by embedding the historic events into the broader context of television development in Europe and by emphasizing the hidden techno- political interests at stake. In line with current trends in transnational and European television historiography, the article analyses transnational media events as performances that highlight the complex interplay of the technical, institutional and symbolic dimension of television as a transnational infrastructure.
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19

Curwen, Peter. "High-Definition Television in Europe: A Rejoinder to Cawson." Political Quarterly 68, no. 1 (January 1997): 99–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.00072.

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20

Collins, Richard. "The language of advantage: satellite television in Western Europe." Media, Culture & Society 11, no. 3 (July 1989): 351–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016344389011003006.

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21

Donders, Karen, and Caroline Pauwels. "Introduction: Private television in Europe: Connecting to the future." International Journal of Digital Television 5, no. 1 (March 1, 2014): 31–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jdtv.5.1.31_7.

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22

Osipov, Evgeny. "Franco-Soviet SECAM: from Ambitious Plans to Reality (Based on the Materials of the French Foreign Ministry Archives)." ISTORIYA 12, no. 11 (109) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017637-9.

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The article, based on the materials of the archives of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, most of which have not yet been introduced into scientific circulation, examines the Soviet-French attempt to create a single color television standard for the whole of Europe on the basis of SECAM. It was the cooperation in the field of color television, according to the plan of Moscow and Paris, that was supposed to confirm that two countries from different military-political blocs could implement an ambitious project in the field of high technologies. Materials from the archives of the French Foreign Ministry allow us to trace how this project was implemented in practice. The article focuses on the contradictory results of Soviet-French cooperation. On the one hand, SECAM, indeed, for many years became the standard of color television in the USSR, France, Eastern Europe and some other states that were in the zone of influence of Moscow or Paris. On the other hand, the political environment (not all countries were ready to join the Soviet-French project during the Cold War) and the objective limitations of the capabilities of the Soviet and French industry led to the fact that the SECAM project, instead of a single standard for the whole of Europe, became a symbol of artificial politicization ofthe essentially technical issue and showed the limits of Soviet-French cooperation.
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Varriano, Valeria. "The Europe in two billion eyes: Images from Chinese television." International Communication Gazette 78, no. 1-2 (January 6, 2016): 26–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048515618103.

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Gyori, Zsolt. "Popular Television in Eastern Europe During and Since Socialism." Slavonica 22, no. 1-2 (July 2, 2017): 101–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13617427.2017.1382722.

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25

Groth, Alexander J. "East and West: Travel and communication under alternate regimes; a research note." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 39, no. 1 (March 1, 2006): 121–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2005.09.007.

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Using information supplied to international agencies, communication and transportation patterns of Communist and Post-Communist European states are compared with those of non-communist Europe. East European states under Communist rule tended to emphasize public—more easily “scripted,” observed and controlled media and conveyances—over private ones. This emphasis was substantially grounded in obsessive political security concerns among communist regimes. The performance of Post-Communist states indicates a significant shift toward the patterns of non-communist Western Europe and coincides with political regime changes moving East Europe closer to the pluralist West. Diffusion of cars, telephones, railroad traffic, radio, television, newspapers and cinema are analyzed.
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Reifová, Irena. "The pleasure of continuity: Re-reading post-socialist nostalgia." International Journal of Cultural Studies 21, no. 6 (November 15, 2017): 587–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367877917741693.

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This article explores uses and modalities of the concept of post-socialist nostalgia in the still emerging field of cultural studies focused on the region of Central and Eastern Europe. It encapsulates both the cultural and socio-political forms of post-socialist nostalgia, defined as tinkering with the remnants of the socialist popular culture, television, fashion or design and reminiscing about social welfare under Communist Party rule. The main aim of this theoretical article is to demonstrate the anti-hegemonic dimension of post-socialist nostalgia, which disturbed the official memory politics that promoted discontinuity with the socialist past in the early post-transformation period of the 1990s. The dynamics in Czechoslovakia/Czech Republic in this period are presented to illuminate how discontinuity in memory politics was embedded in retroactive justice, legislation, the economy, etc. In contrast to these elitist discourses reducing the memory of socialism to its crimes, the pop-cultural post-socialist nostalgia (the lowbrow discourse less strictly policed for discontinuity) served as the venue through which continuity with socialism was redeemed. Reunion with one’s own past and reclaiming the right to remember the past fully is presented as a source of cultural pleasure, the backbone of both types of post-socialist nostalgia.
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Oznobishcheva, G. "Russia and Western Europe: When the Ways Diverge?" World Economy and International Relations, no. 5 (2012): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-5-80-92.

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In the Institute of World Economy and International Relations RAS the panel discussion session "European Dialogues" took place. The subject of the meeting was "Russia and the West: When Did the Ways Diverge?" The journal presents the reports of А.B. Zubov, Dr. Sci. (History), Professor of MGIMO-University (Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs), and N.I. Basovskaya, Dr. Sci. (History), Professor of Russian State University for the Humanities, as well as the discussion that took place. In this discussion the IMEMO staff members participated: A.G. Arbatov, Academician of RAS; V.G. Baranovskii, Academician of RAS; G.I. Machavariani; S.V. Utkin, Cand. Sci. (Political Science), as well as O.Yu. Potemkina, cand. Sci. (History), Institute of Europe RAS, and H.-W. Steinfeld, representative of Norwegian radio and television (NRK). The meeting was conducted by V.G. Baranovskii, Deputy Director of IMEMO, Academician of RAS and N.K. Arbatova, Head of Department in IMEMO, Dr. Sci. (Political Science).
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Chalaby, Jean K. "Deconstructing the transnational: a typology of cross-border television channels in Europe." New Media & Society 7, no. 2 (April 2005): 155–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444805050744.

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Scheible, Jeff. "Expanded Cinema, Recycled Cinema." Feminist Media Histories 8, no. 2 (2022): 180–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fmh.2022.8.2.180.

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VALIE EXPORT and Agnès Varda both made moving-image installations about ping pong (EXPORT’s 1968 Ping Pong and Varda’s 2006 “Ping Pong, Tong, et Camping”), a subject each returned to on multiple occasions in subsequent works across different media forms. Apprehending ping pong as a cinematic thing and gesture, this essay considers how EXPORT and Varda, each in her own way, unsettle and expand the rules of the game in ways shaped by their distinct, and distinctly feminist, politics. This essay explores these works and the artists’ repeated returns to ping pong by staging a “volley,” alternating between different scenes and iterations across Europe and the US, from the 1960s to the 2010s. Additional works discussed include EXPORT’s 1980s television documentary on avant-garde film, The Armed Eye, and Varda’s final two documentaries, Faces Places (2017) and Varda by Agnès (2019).
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Krzywdzińska, Agata. "The Image of NATO in Russian Television on the 70th Anniversary of the North Atlantic Pact." Security Dimensions 31, no. 31 (September 30, 2019): 22–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.8552.

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Background: The 70th anniversary of the North Atlantic Pact became an impulse to write the article – to discuss the manner in which the topic was presented on Russian public television. Objectives: The aim of the article is to reconstruct NATO’s image (the military organization associating twenty-nine countries of Europe and North America) on channel Russia-1 in connection with the seventieth anniversary of the Pact, celebrated on 4 April 2019. Methods: The research materials are analytical programmes and political talk shows broadcast in March and April 2019. A content analysis method was used to examine the programmes. Results: Examination of the programmes showed that Russian public television is a mirror image of the state policy. Conclusions: Russian public state television channel Russia-1 presents a coherent narrative image of NATO regardless of the genre formula of the programme. NATO, in the assessment of selected TV programmes, is clearly viewed as an aggressive organization, encroaching closer on the borders of Russia.
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Doyle, Gillian. "Television production: configuring for sustainability in the digital era." Media, Culture & Society 40, no. 2 (July 11, 2017): 285–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443717717634.

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Over recent years leading independent television production companies in the United Kingdom and elsewhere in Europe have become prime targets for corporate activity, and many have been subject to takeover, often by US media groups. Why is it that nurturing the development of television production companies which achieve scale but, at the same time, remain independent appears to be so challenging? This article considers which factors are crucial to the success of television production businesses and argues that, besides the ability to make compelling content, two key variables which strongly affect commercial success and sustainability in this sector are, first, effective management and exploitation of intellect property rights (IPRs) and, second, scale and configuration of activities. Focusing primarily on the latter, it analyses how changing technological and market conditions are affecting the advantages conferred by size and by adopting differing cross-ownership configurations thus, in turn, fuelling current processes of industrial re-structuring.
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Amzi-Erdogdular, Leyla. "Ottomania: Televised Histories and Otherness Revisited." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 5 (September 2019): 879–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.83.

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AbstractThis article discusses the ways in which the spread and the overwhelming popularity of Turkish television series in Southeastern Europe influence the change in perception of Turks and Turkey, as well as how the serials are transforming the image of the Balkans and the Ottoman legacy in Turkey. Television serials significantly contributed to the shifting popular image of the “other,” and initiated interactions unimaginable even a decade ago. These exchanges are both following and encouraging the breakdown of geohistorical boundaries that were set by the nationalist narratives in these regions at the turn of the 20th century, toward a more nuanced understanding of a shared past and a postnational future.
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Patterson, James M. "The Anti-Nationalist Patriotism of Venerable Archbishop Fulton J. Sheen." Religions 13, no. 9 (September 4, 2022): 822. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13090822.

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Scholars today regard Venerable Archbishop Fulton J. Sheen as a supporting player in the American efforts to drum up support for the Cold War; however, this view limits Sheen’s influence to the years he spent on television hosting his program, Life Is Worth Living (1952–1957). Yet, by the time Sheen left his program, he had been part of public discussions of religion and American politics for almost thirty years. Before his 1930 debut as an authoritative Catholic voice in America, Sheen had become a decorated Catholic scholar, both in his home country and in Europe, earning him a papal audience and broad support in the American Catholic hierarchy. His early contributions to public discussion were sophisticated adaptations of Leonine Catholic social teaching to American circumstances. Critical to his teachings was his view of the American people as the source for political legitimacy. In this respect, he defied the more reactionary clergy of Europe; however, Sheen’s views were vital to his efforts to distinguish why America had a just war against the totalitarian governments of the Axis powers but also a duty to spare people who were as likely to be victims of the regime as they were supporters. Sheen carried this distinction into the Cold War, in which he called for Americans to support the Russian people by opposing totalitarian government there. Therefore, Sheen never advocated the “us vs. them” nationalism so common among Cold War propaganda, which is consistent with his initial opposition to the Vietnam War and his only partial reconsideration of that opposition later.
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Feigenbaum, Harvey B. "Hegemony or diversity in film and television? The United States, Europe and Japan." Pacific Review 20, no. 3 (August 30, 2007): 371–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09512740701461504.

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35

Cunha, Isabel. "Política, Poder y Género en las series de televisión europea Borgen (Dinamarca) y Le Baron Noir (Francia)." RIHC. Revista Internacional de Historia de la Comunicación 1, no. 16 (2021): 250–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/rich.2021.i16.12.

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Nesta exposição, analisa-se como a Política, o Poder e o Género são representados nas séries televisivas europeias Borgen (Dianamarca) e Le Baron Noir (França). Borgen foi exibida entre 2010 e 2013 e tem como protagonista principal, Birgitte Nyborg, uma candidata de um pequeno partido político que se torna, mais tarde, primeira-ministra dinamarquesa. Le Baron Noir é uma série francesa (2016- 2020) que tem como protagonistas principais Philipe Rickwaert e Amélie Dorendeu, militantes destacados do partido socialista francês e candaditos à presidência. As duas obras de fição focam a mediatização e a profissionalização da política; a complexidade da tomada de decisões; as contradições entre a realpolitik e a moral, bem como os desafios pessoais que se colocam aos atores políticos, nomeadamente às mulheres. O objetivo do artigo é identificar semelhanças e diferenças entre as duas séries nos aspetos ficcional, polítíco e na abordagem do exercício do poder em função do género. Com vista a contextualizar a análise, o estudo traça um breve histórico das obras de ficção televisiva exibidas em Portugal, com ênfase na política e nas questões de género. A metodologia utilizada é ensaística e fundamenta-se na análise das personagens e trajetórias das protagonistas femininas, a partir de categorias pré-definidas, com base em princípios da teoria da narratologia
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Yanchenko, Kostiantyn. "“We Will not Get Another Chance if We Lose This Battle Now”: Populism on Ukrainian Television Political Talk Shows ahead of the Presidential Election in 2019." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 8, no. 2 (October 18, 2021): 275–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/ewjus560.

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Against a background of increasing electoral support of populist political actors in Europe and beyond, this study offers an exploratory inquiry into modern Ukrainian populism. The article examines populist communication, broadcast on the most highly rated Ukrainian television political talk shows, on the eve of the 2019 presidential election, which was completed in two rounds. A qualitative content analysis of populist communication acts (n=283) shows that Ukrainian viewers were exposed to diverse political discourses containing empty, anti-elitist, emergency, and complete populism, depending on which channel(s) they watched. The dominance of one or another type of populism on the studied channels mirrors the dynamics of media-political parallelism typical of Ukrainian commercial television. The study also examines the roles of different actors—moderators, journalists, and politicians—in either restricting or facilitating populism in the talk show studios. The populism-related reactions collected during this analysis (n=145) are discussed through the prism of normative roles, with a focus on gatekeeping, interpretation, and initiation. Implications for the stakeholders involved in the process of production, moderation, and consumption of political talk shows are presented.
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Cawson, Alan, and Peter Holmes. "Technology policy and competition issues in the transition to advanced television services in Europe." Journal of European Public Policy 2, no. 4 (December 1995): 650–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501769508407011.

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38

Horn, Axel. "Game of Thrones: Cultural Pessimism as a Winning Formula." Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review 19, no. 1 (2020): 183–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1728-192x-2020-1-183-192.

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In the narrative of Game of Thrones, a fantasy television drama, well-known elements of fantasy-media products successfully blend with their new forms. These elements connect to a specific emotional regime which refers directly to the emotional cultures of contemporary societies through its pessimistic coloring. Cultural pessimism stems from the complex, problematic situations in Europe and America which shape the context in which the television drama originated, and provides a glimpse into the social and political subconsciousness of these societies. The article attempts to reveal these situations by studying the actions and motivations of the drama’s characters, as well as the dramatized means and social framework of the action. The analysis shows that Game of Thrones can be read as a form of a cultural reworking of the experiences of the social and political upheavals in European and American societies. Cultural pessimism is a recipe for the success of this serial drama, but ultimately there is little that can counteract the destructive attitudes that dominate the cultures of contemporary Western societies.
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Hutchins, Brett, Bo Li, and David Rowe. "Over-the-top sport: live streaming services, changing coverage rights markets and the growth of media sport portals." Media, Culture & Society 41, no. 7 (August 20, 2019): 975–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443719857623.

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The growth of over-the-top (OTT) Internet and mobile video streaming services is a major development in the distribution, transmission and consumption of global media sport. Heavily capitalised services such as Tencent Video, DAZN and Amazon Prime Video are intervening in coverage rights markets and changing how live sport is experienced and shared across television, computer, game console, tablet and smartphone screens. This article identifies and analyses six defining characteristics of OTT live sport streaming, and outlines three services (Tencent Video, DAZN and Amazon Prime Video) that operate across Asia, the United Kingdom, Europe, the Americas and Australasia. Its argument is that, first, live sport streaming is a key means by which television content and practices are escaping the boundaries of broadcast media, while also continuing to perpetuate the logics of television coverage and viewing practices. Second, drawing on Amanda D. Lotz’s conceptualisation of portals, it is proposed that these services are establishing new norms concerning how media sport is accessed and curated and, as such, their arrival signals a historic shift in the global marketplace for sport coverage rights and the media systems through which live content circulates.
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de Vreese, Claes H., Susan Banducci, Holli A. Semetko, and Hajo G. Boomgaarden. ""Off-line": The 2004 European parliamentary elections on television news in the enlarged Europe." Information Polity 10, no. 3,4 (February 22, 2006): 177–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/ip-2005-0074.

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Dines, Martin, and Sergio Rigoletto. "Country cousins: Europeanness, sexuality and locality in contemporary Italian television." Modern Italy 17, no. 4 (November 2012): 479–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2012.706999.

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This article examines the consequences of the concurrence of a recent surge of interest in LGBT lives in the Italian media with the perceived transformation of Spain. Long considered Italy's close – though inferior – cultural cousin, Spain has been seen to be forging its own path with the reforms of the Zapatero administration, gay marriage especially. The article focuses on Il padre delle spose (RAIl, 2006), which generated intense discussion across the political spectrum precisely during the period in which the issue of recognising domestic partnerships between same-sex couples was being contested in Italy. The drama and surrounding media debates are analysed in order to articulate both the anxieties and the sense of opportunity brought about by Spain's ‘sorpasso’ of Italy. The drama is also informative for the way it reverses the standard ‘metropolitan’ trajectory of LGBT narrative. By relocating its lesbian protagonists to rural Puglia, the drama indicates how local traditions might be better able to respond to hetero-patriarchal oppression than imported ideals of ‘coming out’. Further, the drama's emphasis on local forms of solidarity suggests an alternative vision of LGBT existence to the one increasingly dominant across Europe and the West which privileges economically productive subjects.
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Sputnitskaya, N. Yu, and M. F. Kazyuchits. "Contemporary Approaches to the Study of Soviet and Post-Soviet Screen Culture. Based on the Material of 53rd ASEEES Congress, USA." Art & Culture Studies, no. 2 (June 2022): 106–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.51678/2226-0072-2022-2-106-137.

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The article is devoted to the study of the works of researchers from the USA, based on the material of the 53rd Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies (ASEEES) International Annual Congress, which belong to various branches of humanitarian knowledge, but directly related to the study of Soviet and modern screen culture in Russia or other countries (Eastern Europe, India, Cuba, etc.) that have experienced its direct or indirect influence. The interest in the research of American representatives of the humanities, whose share in the total number of participants in congresses is very significant, is due to the fact that for decades, full of dramatic trials, to which the cultural ties of the USSR/ Russia and the USA were subjected, the screen cultures of both countries mutually aroused close interest, although its background could be different. Numerous representatives of various branches of the humanities in the USA pay great attention to screen culture per se or as a source of valuable information about other segments of culture, society, politics, history, etc., especially to segments of feature and documentary films, animation, newsreels, television programs of various formats (TV series, information programs, journalistic programs, especially investigative journalism, etc.) and new media (social networks, especially YouTube, streaming). The article concludes with the conclusions obtained, including: the increased interest of the American scientific community in the study of the mechanisms of formation and reproduction of ideology, power in the history of the USSR/Russia; cardinal points of contrast between the social, political, and cultural agendas of modern Russia and the United States (and other foreign countries); search and analysis of crisis phenomena in society, culture, and politics of the USSR/Russia, reflected in the phenomena of screen culture.
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Singer, Christine, Jeanette Steemers, and Naomi Sakr. "Representing Childhood and Forced Migration: Narratives of Borders and Belonging in European Screen Content for Children." Jeunesse: Young People, Texts, Cultures 11, no. 2 (December 2019): 202–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jeunesse.11.2.202.

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This article explores representations of childhood and forced migration within a selection of European screen content for and about children. Based on the findings of a research project that examined the intersections of children’s media, diversity, and forced migration in Europe (www.euroarabchildrensmedia.org), funded by the UK’s Arts and Humanities Research Council, the article highlights different ways in which ideas of borders and belonging are constructed and deconstructed in a selection of films and television programs that feature children with an immigration background. Drawing on ideas around the “politics of pity” (Boltanski; Chouliaraki), the analysis explores conditions under which narratives of otherness arise when it comes to representing forcibly displaced children within European-produced children’s screen media. It also examines screen media that destabilize borders of “us” and “the other” by emphasizing the agency of children from migration backgrounds and revealing both the similarities and the differences between European children with immigration backgrounds and White European-born children. It is argued here that these representations destabilize narratives of borders and otherness, suggesting that children with a family history of immigration “belong” to European societies in the same ways as White European-born children.
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Bell, Martin L. "Digital Television in Europe, edited by Wendy van den Broeck and Jo Pierson (2008)." International Journal of Digital Televison 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2010): 123–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jdtv.1.1.123.

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FIDELIS, MALGORZATA. "Pleasures and Perils of Socialist Modernity: New Scholarship on Post-War Eastern Europe." Contemporary European History 26, no. 3 (October 19, 2016): 533–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731600031x.

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What role did consumption, the mass media and popular culture play in post-war Eastern Europe? Did they help ‘normalise’ state socialism or rather inspire outlooks and desires incongruent with communist regimes’ goals? These questions are central to recent scholarship which has departed from conventional Cold War studies centred on narrowly-conceived political elites and modes of Soviet domination. Instead, using the lens of social and cultural history, scholars have turned to exploring Eastern European societies as independent subjects in their own right. Looking at workers, middle classes, women, tourists, hippies, shoppers, television audiences and other groups, this new body of work has questioned the impenetrability of the Iron Curtain and has highlighted Eastern European participation in broader European and global trends. Instead of enumerating failures of the socialist system from ‘economics of shortage’ to the depressing ‘greyness’ of apartment blocks, scholars now explore ‘pleasures in socialism’, including leisure, fashion and consumer culture. In place of preponderant societal resistance against the controlling state, they expose complex ways of appropriation, accommodation and identification with elements of state socialism by individuals and groups.
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Bar-On, T. "The Ambiguities of Football, Politics, Culture, and Social Transformation in Latin America." Sociological Research Online 2, no. 4 (December 1997): 15–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.127.

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In this article, I attempt to highlight the relationships between football (soccer), politics, culture, and social change in Latin American societies. The essential argument of the paper is that football in Latin America has tended to reinforce nationalistic, authoritarian, class-based, and gender-specific notions of identity and culture. The few efforts of Latin American professional football clubs, individual players, and fans to resist these oppressive tendencies and ‘positively’ influence the wider society with public positions on pressing social and political concerns have been issue-oriented, short-term, and generally unsystematic in their assessment of the larger societal ills. In Europe, however, there has been a stronger politicization of football directed towards social change by both professional football clubs and supporters. This European tendency, like its Latin American counterparts, has also failed to tackle wider systemic and structural issues in capitalist European societies. On both continents, the ‘ludic’ notion of games has been undermined by the era of football professionalism, its excessive materialism, and a corresponding ‘win-at-all-costs’ philosophy. In the future, the world's most popular game will continue to be utilized as a political tool of mass manipulation and social control: a kind of mass secular pagan religion. As a footnote not mentioned in the essay, the 1998 World Cup in France, a worldwide event with 32 countries and an estimated 2.5 billion fans watching the matches in the stadiums and on television, will be used by the international French Evangelical Alliance called ‘Sport et Foi Mondial 98’ (‘Sport and Faith World Cup 98’) to bring the Gospel to the greatest number of people in the world: Chaplaincy work among the athletes, a Bible-Expo at a strategic location, evangelical street concerts, evangelical messages and banners in the stadiums, etc. In this instance, the new pagan and secular religion of football clashes with the traditional Christian Church - itself crippled by a loss of mass supporters and the rise of alternative secular lords. In both cases, football unwittingly acts as an agent of mass indoctrination rather than challenging established dogmas, or serving as a vehicle for deeper, systemic social change.
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Ørmen, Jacob, Rasmus Helles, and Klaus Bruhn Jensen. "The social uses of the Internet: Introduction to the special section." New Media & Society 23, no. 7 (May 15, 2021): 1739–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14614448211015978.

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This Special Section takes stock of a shift toward an integrated and global digital media environment with a set of articles comparing and contrasting the social uses of the Internet in China, Europe, and the United States. Departing from James Lull’s typology of the social uses of television, the articles address both general media use patterns and the specific private and public uses to which the Internet is put in these different social and cultural contexts. A concluding commentary by Lull serves to place current communicative practices in historical perspective and to suggest implications for future research.
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Gober, Greta. "Gender and age inequalities in television and news production culture in Poland: Ethnography in a public broadcasting company." Critical Studies in Television: The International Journal of Television Studies 15, no. 1 (March 2020): 49–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1749602019891542.

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Previous studies that looked at the quality of media cultures that emerged in the process of democratisation in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) have largely missed the role these cultures play in maintaining gender and age inequalities in the media. This ethnography fills this gap. Through the example of one public service broadcaster, Telewizja Polska (TVP), the quality of the post-communist media culture is examined. The article argues that television work in Poland is carried out under the combined pressure from political actors, economic forces and patriarchal ideology, resulting in a weak media autonomy that characterises the CEE region overall. The theoretical framework of field theory is used to demonstrate this link.
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Krtolica, Igor. "Can something take place?" Filozofija i drustvo 27, no. 2 (2016): 322–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1602322k.

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First, starting from a text Deleuze and Guattari wrote in 1984 on the aftermath of May 1968 in France (?May 68 Did Not Take Place?), this article tries to analyze in what way this diagnosis - made in the middle of the 1980s, when what is now commonly called neo-liberalism was unfolding both in America and in Europe - can apply to our current political situation. Secondly, this analysis shows that maybe the very conditions of social critique and social engagement are endangered today more than yesterday, because of the new patterns of social restraint embodied by the evolution of communication (especially television). Thirdly, the author asks the question: therefore, under which conditions social critique and engagement are now possible?
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Jacobs, Geert. "The news that wasn‘t." Cahiers du Centre de Linguistique et des Sciences du Langage, no. 54 (February 5, 2018): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.26034/la.cdclsl.2018.291.

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This paper presents a single-case study of the minute-by-minute unravelling of the coverage of a political news item by a journalist in the television newsroom of a national French-language public broadcasting corporation in Europe. It is documented how the journalist’s eventual decision not to cover the news is thwarted by the fact that competing media have decided otherwise. Drawing on linguistic ethnographic fieldwork, the data provide a unique close up of newsmaking practice on a politically delicate issue, with the individual journalist emerging as a responsible and sensitive professional, who is realistic and thoughtful about his own actions, in tune with what other media are covering and savvy about the workings of the news business as a whole.
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