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Journal articles on the topic 'Telecommunication policy – Europe, Southern'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Négrier, Emmanuel. "Public Policy, Organized Interests and Patrimonialism in Southern Europe: The Case of Telecommunications." South European Society and Politics 2, no. 1 (March 1997): 36–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608749708539496.

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2

Kornelakis, Andreas, and Horen Voskeritsian. "Getting together or breaking apart? Trade union strategies, restructuring and contingent workers in Southern Europe." Economic and Industrial Democracy 39, no. 2 (February 29, 2016): 357–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x15627500.

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The article considers the strategies of trade unions towards the representation of call centre workers. Using a comparative case study, it examines the divergent union responses to the growth of contingent labour by looking at the telecommunications industries in Italy and Greece. Although the trade unions in Italy pursued inclusive strategies embracing the call centre workers and negotiating the restructuring of the whole sector, the unions in Greece followed a policy of exclusion leaving call centre workers outside representation and negotiating their internal restructuring. The article argues that the different union identities, and the diverse power resources and internal organizational politics help explain the variation in the trade unions’ strategic responses.

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3

Borg, Carmel, and Peter Mayo. "Globalisation, Southern Europe and European Adult Education Policy." Policy Futures in Education 6, no. 6 (January 2008): 701–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/pfie.2008.6.6.701.

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4

Benítez-Aurioles, Beatriz. "Tourism Resilience Patterns in Southern Europe." Tourism Analysis 25, no. 4 (December 7, 2020): 409–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3727/108354220x16010020096118.

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This article studies the patterns of tourism resilience, understood as the capacity to recover tourism demand, which has characterized Spain, Greece, Italy, and Portugal after the impact of the global financial crisis of 2008 and 2009. A shift-share analysis will allow us to decompose the growth of nonresident tourist arrivals to hotels and similar establishments originating from markets outside these four countries in 2009–2016. The technique used allows us to classify the markets according to the competitive advantage or specialization demonstrated by each country. The results reveal some similarity in resilience patterns in tourism between Portugal and Spain, whereas Italy and Greece maintain their own singularities. In this context, some ideas are suggested for the design of a tourism policy that makes the most of the potential of each country.

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5

Kennedy, Jonathan, and Domna Michailidou. "Divergent policy responses to increasing vaccine scepticism in southern Europe." Lancet Infectious Diseases 17, no. 9 (September 2017): 900. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1473-3099(17)30456-5.

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6

Lesser, Ian O. "Southern Europe and the Maghreb: US Interests and Policy Perspectives." Mediterranean Politics 1, no. 2 (September 1996): 231–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629399608414581.

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7

Zawada, Anna, and Marjukka Mäkelä. "HTA IN CENTRAL-EASTERN-SOUTHERN EUROPE: FINDING ITS WAY TO HEALTH POLICY." International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 33, no. 3 (2017): 331–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462317000988.

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The number of publications on health technology assessment (HTA) from Central, Eastern, and Southern Europe (CESE countries) is still low compared with the north and west of Europe. It is not surprising, as the idea of HTA originated from high-income Western economies and was afterward adopted by the south-eastern part of Europe, which mostly consists of middle-income countries. These CESE countries, with less capacity and experience with HTA processes, must deal with even tougher decisions on financing health technologies than north-western Europe. There may even be a lack of confidence to open discussions on their specific needs for HTA.

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8

Minas, Christos, David Jacobson, Efi Antoniou, and Caroline McMullan. "Welfare regime, welfare pillar and southern Europe." Journal of European Social Policy 24, no. 2 (April 17, 2014): 135–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928713517917.

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9

Laksana, Satya, and Angga Muchlish Al Rahmat. "How to Cope With Strategic Infrastructure Disparities in West Java? (A Post-Pandemic Economic Recovery Analysis )." Journal of Indonesia Sustainable Development Planning 3, no. 3 (December 26, 2022): 222–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.46456/jisdep.v3i3.353.

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The availability of energy and telecommunication facilities has been claimed as two strategic infrastructures supporting the West Java economy during and the post-pandemic. However, researchers found that the West Java electricity and telecommunication infrastructure is inter-regionally inequitable. This paper aims to identify the recent electrical energy access of households and the existing condition of telecommunication infrastructure; to configure the investment data in the last five years, and to analyze the opportunities and challenges of investment, and development of electricity and telecommunication network in the future. This research uses the Desk Study method by collecting primary data from bureaucrats and secondary data from relevant Government agencies. The results show that electricity and telecommunications infrastructure conditions in West Java are still unequal between the Northern and Southern regions, particularly in terms of electrification ratio, cellular phone signal strength, and internet signal quality. Furthermore, investment in West Java was very unequal, with about two-thirds of foreign and domestic investment in Bekasi and Karawang districts in the last-five-years. This study formulates recommendations for policy in the investment, electricity, and telecommunications sectors in dealing with interregional infrastructure development disparities as well as economic challenges during and after the pandemic.

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10

Godinho, Manuel Mira, and Ricardo Paes Mamede. "Southern Europe in crisis: industrial policy lessons from Italy and Portugal." Economia e Politica Industriale 43, no. 3 (June 3, 2016): 331–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40812-016-0037-6.

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11

Juntti, M., and Geoff A. Wilson. "Conceptualizing desertification in Southern Europe: stakeholder interpretations and multiple policy agendas." European Environment 15, no. 4 (2005): 228–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/eet.381.

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12

Papadimitriou, Fivos, and Paola Mairota. "Spatial scale-dependent policy planning for land management in southern Europe." Environmental Monitoring and Assessment 39, no. 1-3 (1996): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00396135.

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13

Xerez, Romana. "Book Review: Housing and Welfare in Southern Europe." Journal of European Social Policy 16, no. 1 (February 2006): 97–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095892870601600111.

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14

De Noronha, Teresa, and Eric Vaz. "Why a multidisciplinary agenda for Southern Europe?" REGION 6, no. 4 (December 3, 2019): E1—E5. http://dx.doi.org/10.18335/region.v6i4.280.

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Since the process of southern Europe's integration in the European Union, the Mediterranean region has seen a more considerable gap between central and northern European countries and its southern European counterpart. Thus, in a European context of social cohesion, it becomes necessary to better understand Southern Europe, without escaping to the so required perception of the complexity of Mediterranean culture. As a significant player along history, Southern Europe established a platform of diversity and freedom consistently, bringing peace between different historic-cultural traditions. Moreover, the southern frontier of Europe to Africa and Asia has become a crucial determinant in the current times of change where ruptures in the political systems are also defining new patterns of regional migration. Meanwhile, the integration of Italy, Portugal, Spain, and Greece in the European Union reinforced an essential search for stability, altering to some extent the political and economic predispositions of these countries. This has been followed by somewhat rigid institutions, that remain, to a certain extent, an obstacle to sustainable development, and justify a broader assessment of the potential of policy and governance intervention. A Mediterranean region where a context of stagnation or increasing poverty and migration is leading most impoverished areas to a deleterious deprivation of human resources and capital. In such cases towards conflict, Southern European countries may represent a bridging alternative and an exemplar representation of democracy. A co-joint positive Mediterranean agenda is necessary, where migration patterns become a substantial factor in the future of all the frontier countries: Italy and Greece, Spain, and Portugal. This special issue collects recent insights in socio-economic developments in Mediterranean countries in order to further a future agenda for Southern Europe.

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15

Pons, Xavier. "Thinking contexts in Southern Europe education policy analysis: towards a literature review." Revista de Sociología de la Educación-RASE 15, no. 1 (January 31, 2022): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/rase.15.1.22161.

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16

Lorenčič, Eva, and Mejra Festić. "The Impact of Macroprudential Policy Instruments on Financial Stability in Southern Europe." Naše gospodarstvo/Our economy 68, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 25–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ngoe-2022-0003.

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Abstract This paper is a contribution to the body of research examining the impact of macroprudential policy instruments on financial stability. The following hypothesis was tested (H1): Macroprudential policy instruments (household borrowing costs; interbank loans as a percentage of total loans; loan to deposit ratio; leverage ratio; and solvency ratio) enhance financial stability, as measured by credit growth, in four southern European economies (Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain) from Q4 2010 to Q4 2018. The empirical results of this study suggest that, of the investigated macroprudential policy instruments, household borrowing costs, interbank loans as a percentage of total loans and loan to deposit ratio exhibit the predicted impact on credit growth rate. Leverage ratio and solvency ratio do not exhibit the expected impact on the response variable. Moreover, only three out of the five explanatory variables are statistically significant in the model. Consequently, it is not possible to confirm or reject the hypothesis based on the available data and results.

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17

Quero García, Pablo, Juan Adolfo Chica Ruiz, and Javier García Sanabria. "Blue energy and marine spatial planning in Southern Europe." Energy Policy 140 (May 2020): 111421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.enpol.2020.111421.

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18

Anglin, Douglas G. "Southern African Responses to Eastern European Developments." Journal of Modern African Studies 28, no. 3 (September 1990): 431–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0005463x.

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Much has been written and said concerning the implications for Soviet policy towards Southern African of President Gorbachev's novoye myshlenie or ‘new thinking’, and its repercussions throughout Eastern Europe. On the other hand, comparatively little attention has been paid to the governmental and societal responses to these developments within Southern Africa. In part, this neglect reflects the fact that, until recently, the reaction has been rather muted, especially in comparison with the eruptionsin francophone Africa, notably in Algeria, Benin, and Gabon, but also Côte d'Ivoire, Madagascar, and even Zaïre. The reluctance to recognise the relevance for the region of the astonishing changes in Eastern Europe can largely be explained by an understandable preoccupation with more pressing domestic problems.

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19

Mínguez, Almudena Moreno. "Late Leaving of the Parental Home in Southern Europe: Lessons for Youth Policy." Comparative Sociology 15, no. 4 (July 29, 2016): 485–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341395.

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This article focuses on describing the late leaving of the parental home of young people in five European countries (Greece, Italy, Spain, Portugal and Slovenia) from a cross country perspective. In order to achieve this objective, the author has identified several factors related to the late leaving of the parental home in relation to the age norms, the youth policy and the economical family support. The descriptive analysis uses data from various international statistical sources. Empirical evidence shows that there is a specific model of late leaving home in the Mediterranean countries related to the transitional regime model. The cultural factors and institutional factors may create conditions to postpone the transition to adulthood in southern Europe. The findings evidence a homogeneous cluster in southern Europe characterized by late leaving of the parental home, stability in the age norms, high intergenerational support through residential co-residence with parents and a reduced public support for young people.

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20

Modesto, Leonor. "Energy taxation in Southern Europe: The case of Portugal." Environmental & Resource Economics 3, no. 1 (February 1993): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00338318.

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21

Mataganis, Manos. "Social assistance in Southern Europe: the case of Greece revisited." Journal of European Social Policy 10, no. 1 (February 1, 2000): 68–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/a011399.

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Social assistance is a largely neglected part of the welfare state in Greece. Recent surveys of social assistance arrangements in developed countries from a comparative perspective tend to portray Greece as the most 'rudimentary' member of the 'rudimentary' group of countries or social assistance regimes, i.e. Southern Europe. While not entirely unfounded, this view rests on a less than complete account of social assistance in Greece, and also ignores the latest developments that further challenge this position. This article aims to 'map' social assistance benefits in Greece, describe recent developments and discuss current debates on future directions of welfare reform in the country. This review suggests that although social assistance remains a 'poor relation' within Greece's social protection system as a whole, its relative weight is much greater than previously thought. Moreover, the profile of social assistance is set to rise due to a renewed emphasis on notions of selectivity and targeting, but also in connection with the revival of the debate on the merits and practicalities of introducing a minimum guaranteed income scheme in the country. The article concludes that the search for the proper place of social assistance within a reconstructed welfare state in Greece has only just begun.

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22

Meier, Sarah, Robert J. R. Elliott, and Eric Strobl. "The regional economic impact of wildfires: Evidence from Southern Europe." Journal of Environmental Economics and Management 118 (March 2023): 102787. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jeem.2023.102787.

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23

Fernández-Prados, Juan Sebastián, Cristina Cuenca-Piqueras, and María José González-Moreno. "International public opinion surveys and public policy in Southern European democracies." Journal of International and Comparative Social Policy 35, no. 2 (June 2019): 227–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21699763.2018.1535997.

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AbstractThis article aims to analyse the presence of and relationship between the most relevant comparative social research thorough international surveys and public policies reflected in the different official bulletins or gazettes of the countries of southern Europe, specifically Spain, Portugal and Italy. Following a consideration of the process of globalisation of research through surveys, four surveys were selected (Eurobarometer, World Values Survey, International Social Survey Programme, European Social Survey). The complex relationships between public opinion and public policy were also addressed. Finally, it is concluded that the most prominent international surveys have little or no presence in public policies in the countries analysed.

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24

Lisi, Marco, and João Loureiro. "Interest group strategies and policy involvement: Does the context matter? Evidence from Southern Europe." Interest Groups & Advocacy 11, no. 1 (December 3, 2021): 109–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41309-021-00145-w.

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25

Gibson, Heather D., and Euclid Tsakalotos. "European Monetary Union and Macroeconomic Policy in Southern Europe: the Case for Positive Integration." Journal of Public Policy 11, no. 3 (July 1991): 249–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00005328.

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ABSTRACTThis paper discusses the prospects of Greece, Portugal and Spain completing stage 1 of the Delors plan. Much of the academic literature on the removal of capital controls seeks to extend the experience of the ERM countries in the 1980s. We argue that its applicability for southern Europe is not straightforward, because these countries have not had the same experience of operating the ‘old’ ERM with capital controls, and examine the implications for these countries of removing capital controls for macroeconomic, and especially, fiscal policy. Intermediate institutional arrangements may be necessary and we consider how EC-wide measures may help these countries in this transitional phase. For the next phase of European integration, the focus of the EC should be on developing appropriate public institutions at the European level to promote positive integration.

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26

Moury, Catherine, and Alexandre Afonso. "Beyond Conditionality: Policy Reversals in Southern Europe in the Aftermath of the Eurozone Crisis." South European Society and Politics 24, no. 2 (April 3, 2019): 155–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2019.1641945.

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27

SALM, Christian. "Diffusing Democracy in Europe: The European Parliament and European Community Enlargement Policy 1974-79." Journal of European Integration History 27, no. 1 (2021): 99–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2021-1-99.

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The article explores the role of the European Parliament (EP) in European Community (EC) Southern enlargement policy during the phase of democratic transitions in Greece, Portugal and Spain. It demonstrates how the EP insisted on adherence to core democratic principles as a condition for any accession negotiations, in particular the holding of free and fair parliamentary elections. Furthermore, the article shows how the EP made strategic use of the Southern European democratic transitions to demand the democratisation of the EC and the EP itself, with the holding of direct elections to the EP as its primary demand. Moreover, it discusses the EP’s attempt to make the observance of democratic principles a formal requirement of EC membership, both for applicant countries and for existing member states. Finally, it reconstructs the EP’s relations with counterparts in Greece, Portugal and Spain, which were intended to prepare the baselines of enlargement policy and EC accession.

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28

Morillas, Pol, Thomas Gomart, Ferdinando Nelli Feroci, George Pagoulatos, Charles Powell, Nuno Severiano Teixeira, Filippa Chatzistavrou, et al. "What role should southern Europe play after the pandemic and the war in Ukraine? Towards a shared agenda for EU reform." Notes Internacionals CIDOB, no. 271 (April 20, 2022): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.24241/notesint.2022/271/en.

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Relations between southern European member states have often been marked by a loose cooperation or, worse, by logics of competition. Precisely when regional groupings within the EU are increasingly shaping the agenda, these dynamics have hindered the capacity of France, Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain to pursue shared interests and objectives, while acting as a force for good for the European integration project. Recent events such as the post-pandemic recovery or the war in Ukraine show that, when cooperation occurs, positive results can be achieved. Southern member states can capitalise on a certain ideological affinity and a pro-European vision, despite their governments belonging to different political groups. They share converging interests in the areas of fiscal policy and economic governance, strategic autonomy in energy and technology and even foreign policy priorities, particularly towards the Mediterranean and relations with other global powers. This joint publication by six southern European think tanks identifies several policy areas for fruitful cooperation between southern European member states.

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29

Klepikov, Vladimir Pavlovich, and Vladimir Vladimirovich Klepikov. "Quantitative approach to estimating crude oil supply in Southern Europe." Resources Policy 69 (December 2020): 101787. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.resourpol.2020.101787.

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30

Capucha, Luís, João Sebastião, Susana da Cruz Martins, and Ana Rita Capucha. "Crisis and Education in Southern Europe: The Effects of Austerity and Ideology." Comparative Sociology 15, no. 5 (October 7, 2016): 593–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341402.

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Since the mid-1970s, the countries of Southern Europe have been approaching European education patterns. This result can be observed in the positive dynamics and convergence with the rest of Europe. However, despite these visible results, the convergence was more evident up until the outbreak of the crisis, where the overall economic and political conditions also brought changes in policymaking in education to the Southern European countries, both in terms of policy priorities and educational outcomes. Therefore, while economic hardship and austere programs are a common trait in recent years, the changes cannot be directly or simply attributed to economic or financial constraints; these changes are mainly due to different political options endorsed by the governments of Portugal, Spain, Italy, and Greece. The main empirical sources are the Eurostat and theoecd. Other empirical material relates to national reports produced in the framework of an international project:ecseInternational Report, Educational Challenges in Southern Europe. Equity and efficiency in a time of crisis.

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31

Moyano, Eduardo, Angel Paniagua, and Regina Lafuente. "Environmental Policy, Public Opinion and Global Climate Change in Southern Europe: The Case of Andalusia." Open Environmental Journal 2, no. 1 (June 3, 2008): 62–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2174/1874233500802010062.

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32

Moyano, Eduardo, Angel Paniagua, and Regina Lafuente. "Environmental Policy, Public Opinion and Global Climate Change in Southern Europe: The Case of Andalusia." Open Environmental Sciences 2, no. 1 (November 5, 2008): 62–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2174/1876325100802010062.

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33

Cousins, Christine. "Women and Employment in Southern Europe: The Implications of Recent Policy and Labour Market Directions." South European Society and Politics 5, no. 1 (March 2000): 97–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608740508539594.

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34

Capucha, Luís, Pedro Estêvão, Alexandre Calado, and Ana Rita Capucha. "The Role of Stereotyping in Public Policy Legitimation: The Case of the pigs Label." Comparative Sociology 13, no. 4 (October 1, 2014): 482–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341316.

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This article aims at deconstructing the “pigs” label, bestowed by the media on four southern European countries – Portugal, Spain, Italy and Greece – in the wake of the ongoing Eurozone debt crisis. The article will demonstrate that the “pigs” label has no correspondence to reality by discussing the evolution of several European countries on the fields of economy, education, social policies and health. The “pigs” label should be viewed instead as an instance of symbolic discrimination and as part of an hegemonic narrative aiming at legitimizing austerity policies in Southern Europe and postulating the incompatibility between social development and economic growth.

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35

Dauderstädt, Michael. "Cohesive Growth in Europe: A Tale of Two Peripheries." Intereconomics 56, no. 2 (March 2021): 120–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10272-021-0964-y.

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AbstractOver the last two decades, income disparities between EU member states tended to decline, particularly before the financial crisis. While Central and Eastern Europe caught up with the EU average, Southern Europe fell behind after 2009. Catch-up growth in both peripheries relied on nominal convergence (real appreciation) and foreign capital. Further growth can and should be fostered by an economic policy that does not neglect domestic demand, stabilises capital markets and invests in research, education, health and intangibles.

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36

Urbano, Cláudia. "Similitudes and singularities of higher education systems in the Mediterranean countries: Historical construction, policy and evolution of key indicators." REGION 6, no. 1 (August 6, 2019): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.18335/region.v6i1.207.

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Higher education is one of the most important key values for changes in societies and exchanges among different societies. Analysing higher education systems in Europe, it is clear that Southern Europe has been determining many differences with the rest of the continent, despite the effort of the Bologna Process to ensure comparability in the standards and quality of higher education qualifications. Taking into account four Southern Europe countries – Portugal, Spain, Italy and Greece – and regarding their link to a certain Mediterranean culture, our proposal is to analyse these countries’ higher education systems, their growth, using indicators on educational stock, economic growth and development, supply and demand of higher education and economic indicators relating training and the economy such as graduated employment rates. Also education public policies will be considered in the analysis as they interfere in higher education systems’ trajectories. Comparing them we will be able to identify similitudes and singularities in these educational realities, leading us to conclude about the existence of a Southern European way of making higher education a specific value in Mediterranean culture. This topic is even more important as it may be related to the recent key focus of EU activities in Southern Mediterranean region. The Mediterranean Strategy for Sustainable Development (MSSD) recognises that education in the Mediterranean needs strengthening by introducing sustainable development, through a holistic approach, into educational curricula, from primary school right up to higher education. The search for synergies between higher education research and innovation in the Mediterranean area already started. With our post-doctoral research project focusing on higher education and its links to societies, educational policies and national economies, our goal is to share some questions and to contribute to the debate on higher education reinforcing and enriching sociological analysis on higher education between Mediterranean countries.

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37

Lampropoulou, Manto. "Policy responses to the Eurozone crisis: A comparative analysis of southern European administrations." Public Policy and Administration 35, no. 3 (November 5, 2018): 289–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952076718807736.

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The Eurozone crisis has worked as a forceful external factor for activating a series of fiscal and structural adjustments in the countries of the EU periphery. Public administration was a key reform area and has undergone notable transformations under the fiscal consolidation programmes. This paper aims at identifying the impact of the crisis on public administration with a focus on southern Europe. It reviews and compares the goals and the outcomes of the administrative reform programmes that were implemented in Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain during the crisis. This cluster forms a distinct administrative paradigm emanating from the Napoleonic state tradition. The relationship between administrative tradition and administrative change or persistence is explored in a historical institutionalist perspective. The findings identify similarities, divergences and variations across and within the Southern countries, also suggesting that while certain changes occurred, the Napoleonic features of the southern administrations remained largely untouched by the reform programmes.

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38

Teixeira, Daniela, Maílis Carrilho, Teresa Mexia, Melanie Köbel, Maria João Santos, Margarida Santos-Reis, and Luís Miguel Rosalino. "Management of Eucalyptus plantations influences small mammal density: Evidence from Southern Europe." Forest Ecology and Management 385 (February 2017): 25–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.foreco.2016.11.009.

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39

Alexeiciuc, Sanda-Daniela, and Kirill N. Babichenko. "The EU’s neighborhood policy towards the Southern Caucasus: searching for commonality in a patchy scenario." Baltic Journal of Law & Politics 6, no. 2 (December 1, 2013): 75–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjlp-2013-0012.

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ABSTRACT The paper explains the difficulties that have been emerging for the Southern Caucasus regarding these countries’ relationship with and towards the EU. Through the deconstruction of the area’s particularities and specificities, and its framing in the EU’s policy to the region, this paper aims at analyzing the implications of the transition efforts and stability in the area for Europe in general, along with the different roles each of these pieces - Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia - play in the complex strategic Caucasian puzzle.

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40

Zambon, Ilaria, Kostas Rontos, Pere Serra, Andrea Colantoni, and Luca Salvati. "Population Dynamics in Southern Europe: A Local-Scale Analysis, 1961–2011." Sustainability 11, no. 1 (December 25, 2018): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11010109.

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Different socioeconomic, historical, political, and cultural factors have influenced long-term settlement patterns and demographic structures in Europe. Southern Europe is considered a relatively homogeneous region as far as settlement characteristics and population dynamics are concerned. Within-country local variability in the spatial distribution of population is high, and inherent differences across countries may outline distinct demographic patterns at regional scale. A comparative, local-scale analysis of population distribution in five countries (Spain, Italy, Croatia, Greece, and Cyprus) over a relatively long time period (1961–2011) contributes to identify latent demographic trends in Mediterranean Europe at the spatial scale of Local Administrative Units (LAU). A spatially-explicit analysis of basic indicators of population density and demographic change allows identification of territorial disparities, reflecting local-scale settlement patterns common to different countries (e.g., population growth along coastal districts). These patterns consolidate a metropolitan hierarchy centered on large—mainly compact—cities and more dispersed conurbations along coastal areas. At the same time, the examined countries present different territorial contexts resulting in distinct population dynamics in turn influenced by internal (e.g., national policies, culture and local identity, class segregation) and exogenous (e.g., economic cycle, urbanization models) factors. A spatially-explicit analysis of demographic trends at local scale may contribute to rethinking urban strategies and adapting spatial planning to heterogeneous socioeconomic contexts across Europe.

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41

Estévez-Abe, Margarita, Jae-jin Yang, and Young Jun Choi. "Beyond familialism: Recalibrating family, state and market in Southern Europe and East Asia." Journal of European Social Policy 26, no. 4 (October 2016): 301–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928716657274.

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42

Walters, David R. "Preventive Services in Occupational Health and Safety in Europe: Developments and Trends in the 1990s." International Journal of Health Services 27, no. 2 (April 1997): 247–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/e15f-t03v-bdlv-t3rh.

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This article outlines the legislative requirements for preventive services in health and safety in 13 European countries and considers the implementation and coverage of such services. The author identifies the predominant models of preventive services operating in the European Union, then assesses the influence of the E.U. Framework Directive 89/391 on the development and integration of preventive services and the role of workers in their organization and accountability. Significant differences exist in the extent and functions of preventive services in European countries, including differences in coverage between southern and northern European countries, different degrees to which employees in small enterprises and large enterprises are covered by preventive services, and overall differences in legislative approach.

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Boeri, A., and D. Longo. "Energy efficiency in buildings in southern europe: challenges and design strategies." International Journal of Sustainable Development and Planning 6, no. 4 (November 30, 2011): 522–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2495/sdp-v6-n4-522-536.

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MacFarlane, S. Neil. "Democratization, Nationalism and Regional Security in the Southern Caucasus." Government and Opposition 32, no. 3 (July 1997): 399–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1997.tb00777.x.

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FOR SOME YEARS NOW, WESTERN ACADEMICS AND POLICY-MAKERS HAVE embraced the cause of democratic reform in Central and Eastern Europe. To take but one well-known example, President Clinton in the 1994 State of the Union Address cited the absence of war among democracies as a reason for promotion of democracy around the world. Assistance to former Warsaw Pact and newly independent states has been made conditional to varying degrees on the acceptance of democratic change. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the European Union, the United States Agency for International Development and associated non-governmental organizations have unleashed armies of promoters of democracy throughout the region to: observe elections; monitor human rights; draft new constitutions and laws defending civil and political rights; train judges and police personnel; and organize and assist political parties, media and non-governmental pressure groups. In short, they have sought to transplant the fabric of civil society and democratic institutions. These armies have landed on terrain often quite foreign to them and have often displayed little sensitivity to the social, economic and political context in which they are operating. This may have contributed to results other than those intended.

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Lundén, Dag, Jens Malmodin, Pernilla Bergmark, and Nina Lövehagen. "Electricity Consumption and Operational Carbon Emissions of European Telecom Network Operators." Sustainability 14, no. 5 (February 24, 2022): 2637. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su14052637.

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This study presents operational electricity consumption and greenhouse gas emissions for named European telecom network operators during 2015–2018. These results are also compared to data for 2010–2015. The study provides an extensive primary data set, collected from European Telecommunication Network Operators (ETNO) members, covering operations in Europe and beyond, providing data with higher granularity than publicly available sources. The collected data set corresponds to roughly 36 percent of European subscriptions and 8 percent of global subscriptions. This data set was used to calculate the aggregated annual electricity consumption for the assessed operators, as well as associated subscription intensities, in total, for Europe and per network type. Moreover, aggregated electricity-related carbon emissions and emissions from other sources were calculated. Finally, estimates were made for the overall network operation in Europe for 2018 and 2020. The study concludes that the electricity consumption and number of subscriptions for the reporting telecom network operators remained nearly constant (+1 percent and −3 percent, respectively) between 2015 and 2018, while data traffic increased by a factor of three. For the extended period of 2010–2018, the electricity consumption per subscription remained quite stable, slightly below 30 kWh/subscription despite substantial data traffic growth (by a factor of 12).

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Ágh, Attila. "The Transition to Democracy in Central Europe: A Comparative View." Journal of Public Policy 11, no. 2 (April 1991): 133–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00006176.

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ABSTRACTThe collapse of Communist regimes in Eastern Europe has also caused the collapse of old-fashioned studies of Communist systems that subscribed to a simple notion of totalitarian uniformity, or a static belief in the continuance of self-equilibrating cycles within socialist states. To understand what is happening in Central and Eastern Europe today we need to be discriminating in a choice of paradigms. European conceptions of democracy as having a socio-economic as well as political dimension are more relevant than formalist American definitions. Moreover, Europe, in the form of the European Community, is also a much more immediate influence than the United States upon what is happening in Central or Eastern Europe. The transition to democracy in Southern Europe provides encouraging models for ex-Soviet satellites. The failure of Latin American countries to democratize provides warnings, such as the risk that Presidential government can produce dictatorship or instability, a risk that is present in new democracies in Europe too.

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Pagoulatos, George. "Financial Interventionism and Liberalization in Southern Europe: State, Bankers, and the Politics of Disinflation." Journal of Public Policy 23, no. 2 (May 2003): 171–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x03003088.

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The article provides a structural and political account of financial intervention in Spain, Portugal and Greece and examines competing explanations for financial liberalization. It focuses on the economic and political objectives underlying financial reform, and the costs and benefits for government, central bank, and the banking sector. It argues that financial liberalization was, to a significant extent a necessary prerequisite for the central banks' programmatic effort to achieve effective disinflation. This challenges the dominant arguments viewing financial liberalization exclusively within the framework of the European financial integration program or as a result of interest group pressure. At a subsequent stage, a stabilization strategy based on monetary austerity entailed the significant political advantage of allowing governments to avoid a more radical pace of fiscal adjustment. Both financial interventionism and liberalization displayed a state-driven policy pattern.

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Nünlist, Christian. "Building Bridges for Everyone: Switzerland’s Chairmanship of the OSCE in 2014." Security and Human Rights 24, no. 3-4 (April 30, 2014): 355–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750230-02404009.

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In 2014, Switzerland is chairing the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) for the second time. The innovative concept of a two-year tandem presidency together with Serbia (2015) will give the OSCE more continuity. Switzerland will focus its activities on mediating in conflicts in the Western Balkans and Southern Caucasus, on modernizing conventional arms control in Europe, and tackling transnational threats such as kidnapping for ransom. For Switzerland, the 2014 Chairmanship of the OSCE offers the opportunity to break out of its self-imposed political isolation in Europe and to make its preventive peace policy and its established good offices more visible internationally.

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Patias, Nikos. "Exploring long-term youth unemployment in Europe using sequence analysis: a reproducible notebook approach." REGION 6, no. 3 (January 21, 2020): 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.18335/region.v6i3.277.

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Youth unemployment is a factor influencing European policy. The effects of financial crisis of 2008 in youth unemployment were prominent and varied across European countries and regions. This notebook aims to identify key representative trajectories of youth unemployment by NUTS 2 regions in Europe from 2008 to 2018. Moreover, this notebook provides a self-contained research workflow that is fully reproducible and transparent, using a wide range of functionalities offered by computational notebooks. The results show that there is a divide between northern and southern regions. Northern regions follow stable low youth unemployment levels, while southern regions follow stable high youth unemployment levels. Finally, the results show that there are patterns of regional inequalities between major metropolitan areas and their adjacent regions.

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Berta, Szilárd. "Why Can Russia “Divide and Rule” Central and Eastern Europe in Energy Policy?" Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public Management Science 14, no. 3 (September 30, 2015): 357–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.32565/aarms.2015.3.10.

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The strategic challenge of the dependence of Central European countries in terms of hydrocarbon import, specifically natural gas, has not been resolved in the past 25 years. Despite repeated calls for joint action – developing common policies, designing joint frameworks, supporting the launch of major European energy infrastructure projects together – 25 years after the change of regime period the region still stands vulnerable to Russian economic penetration and political influence stemming from our large-scale dependence on Russian gas import. The paper investigates the roots and causes of this deficiency in order to answer the question: “Why and how can Russia still ‘Divide and Rule’ Central-Eastern Europe in energy policy?” Since we have witnessed the failure of the Nabucco and Southern Stream pipeline projects in recent years, facing the current challenges of the Ukraine crisis, making transit unpredictable, and perceiving a certain dissent among the Visegrád Four (V4) in this regard, the paper is to identify the particular interests and negotiation techniques of the parties in order to explain the reasons of failure.

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