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Journal articles on the topic 'Technocraten'

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Published: 29 July 2024

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

Camp, Roderic A. "The Political Technocrat in Mexico and the Survival of the Political System." Latin American Research Review 20, no. 1 (1985): 97–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100034270.

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No issue in Mexican politics received more attention in selecting the 1982 presidential candidate than the role of the technocrat. The technocrat's influence on the Mexican state has had widespread consequences, such as changing political recruitment patterns, altering the socialization of political leaders, shifting career channels essential to advancement within the political system, and most significantly, causing adjustments in the stability of the political system. Crucial to any discussion of the changing role played by the technocrat in Mexican politics is a clear understanding of the term technocrat. This essay therefore will discuss conceptualizations of the technocrat, attempt a working definition of the term in the Mexican context, provide empirical evidence as to the presence of technocrats in Mexican politics, and suggest possible consequences for the political system.

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2

Wolffram, D. J. "Berkers, E., Technocraten en bureaucraten. Ontwikkeling van organisatie en personeel van de Rijkswaterstaat, 1848-1930." BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 119, no. 2 (January 1, 2004): 266. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/bmgn-lchr.6058.

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3

McDonnell, Duncan, and Marco Valbruzzi. "Defining and classifying technocrat-led and technocratic governments." European Journal of Political Research 53, no. 4 (April 10, 2014): 654–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12054.

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4

Thurston, Alexander. "The Politics of Technocracy in Fourth Republic Nigeria." African Studies Review 61, no. 1 (March 5, 2018): 215–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2017.99.

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Abstract:The technocrat, a supposedly apolitical figure who joins government on the basis of technical expertise, looms large in discussions of governance. The empowerment of technocrats has sometimes been taken as a barometer for Africa’s economic and democratic progress. Rejecting this conventional wisdom, this article argues that technocrats are inevitably trapped in a web of politics—politicians leverage the apolitical image of technocrats for political gain, and public debates implicate technocrats as targets of protest. This article pursues this argument through a case study of Nigeria, where technocrats were both politicized and politicizing figures during the rule of the People’s Democratic Party between 1999 and 2015.

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5

Hanley, Seán. "Legitimacy and the Paradox of Technocratic Government in Newer European Democracies: The Fischer Administration in the Czech Republic Revisited." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 32, no. 1 (October 15, 2017): 78–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417734281.

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The creation of technocratic caretaker governments in several European countries in the wake of the Great Recession (2008–2009) and the Eurozone crisis led to renewed academic interest in such administrations. Although such governments are often assumed to be illegitimate and democratically dysfunctional, there has been little empirical consideration of if and how they legitimate themselves to mass publics. This question is particularly acute given that, empirically, caretaker technocrat-led administrations have been clustered in newer, more crisis-prone democracies in Southern and Eastern Europe where high levels of state exploitation by parties suggest a weak basis for any government claiming technocratic impartiality. This article uses Michael Saward’s “representative claims” framework to re-examine the case of one of Europe’s longer-lasting and most popular technocratic administrations, the 2009–2010 Fischer government in the Czech Republic. The article maps representative claims made for Fischer and his government, as well as counterclaims. Claims drew on the electoral mandate of sponsoring parties, the government’s claimed technocratic neutrality, and on Fischer’s “mirroring” of the values and lifestyle of ordinary Czechs (echoing some populist framings of politics). The article argues that the Fischer government benefited from multiple overlapping representative claims, but notes the need for robust methodology to assess the reception claims by their intended constituency. It concludes by considering the implications of actors’ ability to combine populist and technocratic claims, noting similarities in technocratic governments and some types of anti-establishment party.

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6

Snegovaya, Maria. "Different Strokes for Different Folks: Who Votes for Technocratic Parties?" Politics and Governance 8, no. 4 (December 17, 2020): 556–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i4.3482.

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In this study, I look at two types of political actors commonly described as ‘populist’ in literature—namely, rightwing populists and technocratic leaders like France’s Emmanuel Macron and the Czech Republic’s Andrej Babiš. While both types of political actors tend to emerge as a response to a decline in trust in established parties and adopt platforms with anti-establishment and monist elements, they also possess noticeably different qualities. Unlike rightwing populists, technocrats lack a distinctive ideological profile and tend to adopt more inclusive rhetoric by appealing to a broadly-defined community of people. When contrasted with supporters of rightwing populists, empirical analysis of supporters of Macron’s and Babiš’ parties shows that the two have few commonalities. Relatively few examples of such political leadership, the lack of a distinct ideological profile and the variation of their support bases suggest that one should use caution when conceptualizing technocratic populists as a distinct theoretical type.

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7

POWELL, BRENNA MAREA, and GRAZIELLA MORAES SILVA. "Technocrats’ Compromises: Defining Race and the Struggle for Equality in Brazil, 1970–2010." Journal of Latin American Studies 50, no. 1 (August 14, 2017): 87–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x17000797.

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AbstractThis article focuses on census policy-making by analysing the decision-making processes behind the apparent stability of Brazilian racial categories within a context of multiple changes in racial politics and policies over the last four decades (1970–2010). Empirically, we rely on archival material, survey and census data, as well as key informant interviews with senior technocrats from the Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (Brazilian Institute for Geography and Statistics, IBGE). Our findings show the central role of technocratic actors in shaping and giving meaning to these categories in a context of uncertainty about the most valid approach to measurement. Their role is particularly evident in IBGE's early application of thenegrocategory to the non-white population and repeated rejection of themorenocategory. Beyond technical expertise, these census officials navigated various professional, political and ideological motivations. We develop the concept of technocratic compromise to capture census officials’ decision-making process and underscore its importance to explaining census policy outcomes.

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8

Aziz Sh. O, Azimli. "Technocracy as the Ideology." Humanitarian Vector 16, no. 2 (April 2021): 39–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/1996-7853-2021-16-2-39-45.

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The study examines the position of a man and society in the philosophy of technology and technocracy development that were connected with the technological progress in Europe and North America in the 19th century. The issue of relations within the “man – machine” system has become a great interest among sociologists, historians, psychologists and philosophers. The study is based on methods of analysis and synthesis of scientific writings from Plato to F. Dessauer, who referred to the important role of science and technology in the society development. The technology increasing impact on people’s lives was reflected in the emergence of technocratic concepts. They reflected the vision of technological evolution modern problems and a vision of its future development. The cornerstone of the technocracy concepts was the idea of political power transition to the technocrats’ social layer. However, during the 20th century, technocrats’ categories like scientific and technological intelligentsia, plants and factories heads, scientists and engineers did not constitute a unified political power. They were invited to discuss the economic development problems, as experts, where they were adapted to the existing political regimes rather than trying to modify them. The technocratic strata of population transformation, their political views and preferences, the impact on the socio-political situation in the country had become the main topics in the respective philosophical concepts. Thus, one important issue is man’s status in a technological society, which in turn is a relevant topic for study in the 21 st century, the century of technology. Keywords: philosophy of technology, “man – machine” system, technocracy, scientific and technological progress, political power

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9

Semenova, Elena. "Expert Ministers in New Democracies: Delegation, Communist Legacies, or Technocratic Populism?" Politics and Governance 8, no. 4 (December 17, 2020): 590–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i4.3397.

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This article examines the appointments and survival of expert ministers (i.e., ministers with educational and professional expertise in the portfolio to which they are appointed) in new democracies. Using a novel data set on 11 Central and Eastern European countries from 1990 until 2012, I test competing hypotheses derived from delegation theory, communist legacies approach, technocratic populism studies, and semi-presidentialism literature. The first study shows that experts without political experience (technocrats) have specific cabinet appointment patterns distinguishing them from party politicians and politically experienced experts. For example, technocrats have high chances of being appointed during an economic downturn. The conditional risk set survival analysis has revealed that compared to their politically experienced colleagues, technocrats have higher chances of remaining in their positions if there was a change in the PM’s candidacy. Moreover, they have long careers independently of the continuity of the PM’s party in government and the PM’s partisan status. Strikingly, patterns of portfolio specialization from the communist period remained in place after the regime change (e.g., expert ministers holding the portfolios of finance and economy). However, holding these specific portfolios does not decrease the minister’s risk of being dismissed. These findings have ramifications for issues surrounding cabinet formation, institutional choice, and populism in new democracies.

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Castaldo, Antonino, and Luca Verzichelli. "Technocratic Populism in Italy after Berlusconi: The Trendsetter and his Disciples." Politics and Governance 8, no. 4 (December 17, 2020): 485–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i4.3348.

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Notwithstanding the speculations from the literature, the empirical analyses still neglect the convergence between populism and technocracy. The Italian case can be of some interest in this perspective, given the rise of technocratic populism since Silvio Berlusconi’s rise to power in 1994. By analyzing the style of leadership and the processes of ministerial appointment and delegation, we argue that Berlusconi has been a trendsetter, more than a coherent example of technocratic populist leader. On the one hand, he played the role of the entrepreneur in politics, promising to run the state as a firm. Moreover, he adopted an anti-establishment appeal, delegitimizing political opponents and stressing the divide between ‘us’ (hardworking ordinary people) and ‘them’ (incompetent politicians). On the other hand, however, his anti-elite approach was mainly directed towards the ‘post-communist elite.’ Extending the analysis to the following two decades, we introduce a diachronic comparison involving three examples of leadership somehow influenced by Berlusconi. Mario Monti represents the paradox of the impossible hero: A pure technocrat unable to take a genuinely populist semblance. Matteo Renzi represents the attempt to mix a populist party leadership with a technocratic chief executive style. Finally, Salvini represents the pure nativist heir of Berlusconi, as the new leader of the right-wing camp. The latest developments of executive leadership in Italy, and the re-emergence of other residual hints of technocratic populism, will be discussed in the final section of the article, also in the light of the evident impact of the 2020 pandemic outbreak on the practices of government.

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11

Laniuk, Yevhen. "Technocracy as a challenge to political freedom in the digital age." Grani 24, no. 4 (April 30, 2021): 31–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172136.

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The government of the former Prime-Minister of Ukraine Olexiy Honcharuk named itself “the government of technocrats”. This shows that the concept of technocracy becomes attractive in Ukraine. Technocracy is the form of government, which attempts to distance itself from political representation or affiliation with a particular ideology. Technocrats derive their legitimacy from their skills and expertise, and focus primarily on problem-solving and optimizing the society’s useful functions. Technocracy has always been a promising political concept. The Republic by Plato can be regarded as the first attempt to substantiate a technocratic society, in which power proceeds from the expertise of its dominant elite. Technocracy was very appealing in the industrial age, when scientific management of factories inspired the idea that society at large could be governed by similar methods. Today, digital technologies and Big Data reinvigorate the technocratic project. In this article it has been shown that technocracy, if taken too far, can be antithetical to liberal democracy and its core value – political freedom. Technocratic society resembles a corporation run by the board of directors rather than a republic of citizens. We have pointed out the factors, which make it appealing in the modern world. We then have analyzed the ideas of Howard Scott, the founder of the movement Technocracy Inc., who advocated this political model in the industrial age, and Parag Khanna, who has made similar claims about the benefits of technocracy in the digital age. It has been proven that both these thinkers share the same illiberal mindset including the common faith in the applicability of scientific methods of social management without regard for popular votes and opinions, admiration of autocratic powers of the day, and disregard for democratic procedures, which they see as hurdles on the path toward economic well-being and political domination. Finally, we asked the question: if the challenge to political freedom in Ukraine proceeds from technocracy, will it be defended in the same way as during the three Ukrainian Maidans (1990, 2004, 2014)? We deliberately leave this question unanswered, hoping that the answer will be investigated in future publications.

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12

Centeno, Miguel Angel, and Sylvia Maxfield. "The Marriage of Finance and Order: Changes in the Mexican Political Elite." Journal of Latin American Studies 24, no. 1 (February 1992): 57–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00022951.

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Recent literature on Latin American political economy appears to echo work of the 1960s and 1970s emphasising technical expertise in government. Sikkink and Geddes, for example, suggest that the role of technical experts and professionalisation of the bureaucracy explain Brazil's relative economic successes in the 1960s.1 Conaghan, Malloy and Abugattas focus on the role of technocrats in economic policy—making in the Central Andes.2 Following seminal work by Camp and Smith, Hernández Rodríguez presents the latest data on the role of technocrats in the Mexican political elite.3 To a large extent, this recent literature on technocrats in Latin America fails to address one of the main issues debated in the earlier literature: the political consequences of increasingly technocratic government. A second problem with recent work is that, when it does address causal issues, it tends to follow the functionalist logic of earlier literature. Using data on Mexican political elites, this article develops a new typology which carefully differentiates the new technobureaucratic elite from other elite groups. The aim is to shed new light on the debate over the implications of increasing technocratisation. Secondly, this study of the rise of a new elite emphasises the role of institutional changes within the government bureaucracy in addition to the state's functional response to changes in its politico—economic environment. This article begins with a brief discussion of earlier general — and Mexico—specific — literature on technocrats.Some analysts of technocracy in the 1960s and 1970s saw technocrats as apolitical specialists whose growing role in society heralded ‘an end to ideology’ and increased efficiency in government.4

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Children's Health Defense Team. "Planned Surveillance and Control by Global Technocrats: A Big-Picture Look at the Current Pandemic Beneficiaries." International Journal of Vaccine Theory, Practice, and Research 1, no. 2 (January 5, 2021): 143–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.56098/ijvtpr.v1i2.7.

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Global financial patterns and pronouncements point to a seismic overhaul of governance and financial systems that is playing out beneath the surface of the Covid-19 pandemic, reaching far beyond the health domain. Increased centralized control has the potential to create an unbridgeable chasm between a tiny handful of winners and a majority of losers. To foster an integrated analysis of the technocratic and financial forces and agendas at play, this rapid review identifies some of the pandemic’s principal beneficiaries across the interwoven financial, tech, biopharmaceutical, and military-intelligence sectors, assessing developments in the context of the accelerating global push for technocratic consolidation and control. The evidence suggests that Trojan horse coronavirus vaccines may challenge bodily integrity and informed consent in entirely new ways, transporting invasive technologies into people’s brains and bodies. Technologies such as brain-machine interfaces, digital identity tracking devices, and cryptocurrency-compatible chips would contribute to the central banking goal of replacing currencies with digital transaction and identification systems and creating a global control grid that connects the world population to the military-pharma-intelligence cloud of the global technocrats. Moreover, using vaccines as a delivery vehicle for surveillance technologies cancels any legal liability.

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14

Berch, V. V. "Key factors of the influence of technocracy on the tendentious aspects of the development of democracy: a global dimension." Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence, no. 4 (September 14, 2023): 110–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2788-6018.2023.04.16.

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The scientific article examines the key factors of the influence of technocracy on the tendentious aspects of the development of democracy.It has been established that the form of government and the peculiarities of the choice of value approaches to empowering individuals with the powers to form and implement state policy affect the development of democratic processes in one or another state.It is emphasized that during the last few years, anxiety about the future of democracy has spread throughout the world. Scholars have documented a global “democratic recession” and argue that even long-established “consolidated” democracies may be losing their commitment to freedom and leaning toward more authoritarian policies.It has been determined that pro-democratic attitudes co-exist to varying degrees with openness to non-democratic forms of government, including the rule of a strong leader, experts or the military. Even in established democracies, non-democratic models find some support. Although commitment to representative democracy is relatively high in affluent, strong democracies, significant minorities in such countries are open to non-democratic alternatives.Emphasized, technocracy is a model of governance in which decision-makers are elected to office based on their expertise and expertise in a particular field. In practice, since technocrats must always be appointed by some higher authority, the political structure and incentives that influence that authority will always also play a role in the selection of technocrats.It is clear that an official who is called a technocrat may not possess the political acumen or charisma normally expected of an elected politician. Instead, a technocrat can demonstrate more pragmatic and focused problem-solving skills in the political arena.In a state where citizens are guaranteed certain rights, technocrats may seek to encroach on them if they believe that the application of their specialized knowledge will satisfy a wider range of public interests. A technocrat can make decisions based on calculations of data, not based on the impact on the population, individual citizens or sections of the population.It has been established that in the modern world we have the opportunity to observe the phenomenon of digital technocracy. Noted, technical experts, artificial intelligence, rule many areas of politics in many parts of Europe. However, EU member states differ significantly in their approaches to privacy regulation, for example, in terms of setting privacy standards.

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15

Morgan, Mary S. "Technocratic Economics." History of Political Economy 52, S1 (December 1, 2020): 294–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-8718067.

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Twentieth-century economics has been characterized as developing an engineering mentality, but this history suggests the importance of distinguishing between a design approach and a problem-solving approach. The former is to be found in economists tasked with reconstructing broken economies (from war or depression) as well as creating “modern” economies in postwar developmental states. The latter is marked by the development of engineering-type tools to solve particular economic problems. While the former mode came into its own in mid-century, and lost confidence in later years, the latter grew up from the early part of the century and maintains its kudos. Accounting for this history depends in part on multiple and sometimes complex intersections between economists and other disciplines. But at least as important were the economic and political events of the century, which molded economists’ experiences and fostered their ambitions to make their technocratic economics usable in the world. This involved more than fashioning “tools” to solve specific problems, more than making “cameras” to describe and analyze the world, but even creating “engines” to help design and run economies.

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RAIU, Cătălin, and Laura MINA-RAIU. "Who Runs Public Administration? A Longitudinal Study of Technocratic Ministerial Appointments in Post-Communist Romania (1991–2021)." Transylvanian Review of Administrative Sciences, no. 70 E (October 31, 2023): 109–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/tras.70e.6.

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Starting from the traditional public administration dichotomy ‘power versus knowledge’, concerned with the cleavage between politicians and bureaucrats, this paper’s main purpose is to reframe a classic theoretical model, by placing the spotlight on a new, under-conceptualized public sector actor: the technocrat. Second, the paper performs empirical research starting from an own-build comprehensive database that includes all the ministers appointed in the Romanian Government during a 30-year timeframe (October 1991-November 2021). In spite of being a rather young democracy with a communist public sector legacy, research findings indicate that in Romania we can clearly identify patterns similar to other European countries (primarily Italy), consisting of appointing technocrats to the cabinet. Such nominations are discussed in correlation with the advancements of new theories of democracy and public administration, imprinted with Neoliberalism, New Public Management, and Good Governance paradigms.

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17

Ignatjeva, Olga A., and Dmitry O. Khomyakov. "DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF MODERN PRACTICES OF STRATEGIES TO JUSTIFY THE TECHNOLOGICAL SOVEREIGNTY OF RUSSIA." Political Expertise: POLITEX 19, no. 4 (2023): 548–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2023.403.

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The formation of a policy of technological sovereignty is one of the most relevant and leading trends in Russian public policy in 2022. It has its origins in discursive practices and is gradually realized in social reality in the form of specific measures to build technological and industrial sovereignty in certain industries. The policy of technological sovereignty is inextricably linked to the preservation of national sovereignty, so the definition of the hegemonic content of this concept in Russian political discourse cannot be overestimated. Today in the discursive field there are three main strategies for justifying the policy of technological sovereignty: civilizational, economic and technocratic. Thus, the civilizational character is defined by us if the speech refers to the discourse of technological sovereignty policy underlying by national security and national sovereignty concepts, economic - if the idea that technology allows to have an economic advantage and develop the economy prevailed, technocratic - if the discourse of self-sufficiency and security of a particular industry, often justified by examples of import substitution policy from 2014. The purpose of this work is to identify the main strategies for substantiating the policy of technological sovereignty of Russia by analyzing the discourses of influential politicians and technocrats. The study was conducted using N. Fairclough's critical discourse analysis methodology. In the course of the analysis politicians' and experts' speeches were classified according to the strategies of justifying the policy of technological sovereignty, taking into account the speaker's position, justification concepts and speech tropes.

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18

Semerdjiev, Tzvetan. "The Genetic Program - A Technocratic Hypothesis." Information & Security: An International Journal 1, no. 1 (1998): 26–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.11610/isij.0103.

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19

Benauwt, Alain. "L'orthodontiste : technocrate ou stratège ?" Revue d'Orthopédie Dento-Faciale 33, no. 2 (June 1999): 299–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/odf/1999010.

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20

Adler, Emanuel. "Ideological “guerrillas” and the quest for technological autonomy: Brazil's domestic computer industry." International Organization 40, no. 3 (1986): 673–705. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027314.

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Brazil's domestic computer industry, developed during the past decade, has excluded multinational giants such as IBM from Brazil's growing micro- and minicomputer markets. Changes in computer technology and in markets, as well as in domestic economic and political conditions, helped facilitate Brazil's progress toward technological independence. But primary support for the project came from technocratic and military elites who were determined for ideological reasons to reduce Brazil's computer dependency and to challenge the dominance of multinationals. Ideologically motivated technocrats used their positions in state bureaucracies to convince policy makers of the industry's viability and to set up institutions that would defend the autonomy model and turn a sectoral policy into a national policy. Brazil still depends on foreign software and microelectronics; however, bargaining theory correctly asserts that even dependency in sophisticated technological sectors can be partially overcome. Bargaining theories must not overlook the importance of cognitive and institutional processes, which can make the difference between taking action to reduce dependency or doing nothing.

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21

MANTEGA, GUIDO. "Programas de estabilização, mistificação tecnocrática e câmaras setoriais." Brazilian Journal of Political Economy 14, no. 2 (April 1994): 190–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-31571994-0800.

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RESUMO O presente artigo discute a natureza e as condições do plano de estabilização nas sociedades democráticas, criticando a abordagem dos tecnocratas que reduz esses planos a uma mera decisão técnica, escondendo suas consequências sociais e implicações em termos de ganhos e perdas. A ineficácia dos planos ortodoxos e heterodoxos dos últimos anos disse ser devido à sua falta de clareza, política e legitimidade. Um programa de estabilização não pode ser deixado nas mãos do mercado ou não pode ser retomado com um ajuste fiscal e restrições monetárias, mas deve ter políticas de renda, introduzidas pelo Estado e com a participação ativa das classes sociais. A experiência das câmaras setoriais em certos ramos das atividades industriais permite vislumbrar um novo mecanismo de coordenação de preços, salários e preços públicos, que possa desacelerar essa inflação inercial e manter sob controle o aumento de preços no Brasil.

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22

Simard, Jean-Jacques. "La longue marche des technocrates." Articles 18, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 93–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/055738ar.

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Regmi, Kiran. "Technocratic childbirth models." Journal of Karnali Academy of Health Sciences 2, no. 1 (June 11, 2019): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jkahs.v2i1.24388.

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Bach, Maurizio. "Technocratic Regime Building." International Journal of Sociology 24, no. 1 (March 1994): 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15579336.1994.11770080.

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Friedman, Jeffrey. "Populists as Technocrats." Critical Review 31, no. 3-4 (October 2, 2019): 315–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913811.2019.1788804.

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26

Berman, Sheri. "Against the Technocrats." Dissent 65, no. 1 (2018): 32–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2018.0014.

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27

Moravcsik, Andrew. "Technocrats on Top?" Foreign Policy, no. 132 (September 2002): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3183466.

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Chatelain-Ponroy, Stéphanie, and Aude Deville. "Crise sanitaire et technocratie." Revue Française de Gestion 46, no. 293 (November 2020): 197–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.3166/rfg.2020.00486.

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Lors de la crise sanitaire liée à la Covid-19 de nombreuses tribunes ont été publiées sur l’état de l’hôpital public et ses difficultés. À cette occasion, les analystes ont souligné combien « la gestion » et notamment les dispositifs de contrôle de gestion étaient en grande partie responsables des maux de l’hôpital public. Mais les perceptions des acteurs que nous avons collectées dans le quotidien Le Monde montrent que ceux-ci confondent contrôle de gestion et contrôle bureaucratique par les résultats.

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McKenna, Bernard J., and Philip Graham. "Technocratic Discourse: A Primer." Journal of Technical Writing and Communication 30, no. 3 (July 2000): 223–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/56fy-v5th-2u3u-mhqk.

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30

Finkelstein, Joanne L. "Biomedicine and Technocratic Power." Hastings Center Report 20, no. 4 (July 1990): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3562760.

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31

Yakovlev, V. A. "MENTALITY OF TECHNOCRATIC CULTURE." Metaphysics, no. 1 (December 15, 2021): 109–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2224-7580-2021-1-109-118.

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The metaphysical crisis of postmodern mentality is primarily associated with the rapid development of so-called closely interconnected convertible technologies, which in their totality are often presented as techno-or digital science. These technologies are fraught with dangers associated with a complete change in the human mentality, up to the appearance of the so-called “posthuman”.

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de la Torre, Carlos. "Technocratic Populism in Ecuador." Journal of Democracy 24, no. 3 (2013): 33–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2013.0047.

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Tjaija, Abu, Muhammad Ahsan Samad, and Rachzief Eka Putra. "Technocratic Development Planning Policies." International Journal Papier Public Review 1, no. 2 (October 9, 2020): 12–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.47667/ijppr.v1i2.19.

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The aim of this study is to explain development planning in the development phase. The study method used is a comprehensive type of qualitative study that relates to the paradigm used by Nazir to offer a simple description of the issues being examined and to perform interviews with informants. Using 2 metrics that relate to the principle established by William L. Collor, namely participatory technocratic and democratic growth planning, the findings illustrated a variety of issues. Technocratic planning in the construction phase is associated with planning, unilateral growth, and restrictions. Two aspects regarding neighborhood engagement will be addressed in participatory democratic preparation, namely at the village creation workshop, and while village creation is ongoing.

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Burris, Beverly H. "Technocratic Organization and Control." Organization Studies 10, no. 1 (January 1989): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/017084068901000101.

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Technocracy, a new type of organizational control structure, is defined and analyzed. The culmination of a dialectical process of organizational rationalization, technocracy transcends and integrates earlier forms of organizational control, particularly technical control, bureaucratic control, and professional control. Technocratic organizations are characterized by a flattening of bureaucratic hierarchies, a polarization into 'expert' and 'non-expert' sectors, a substitution of expertise for rank position as the primary basis of authority, a de-emphasis on internal job ladders in favour of external credentialing and credential barriers, flexible configurations of centralization/decentralization, and other related organizational changes. Technocracy is analyzed with regard to its theoretical background, historical development, contemporary manifestations, and socio-political implications.

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Burris, Beverly H. "Technocratic organization and gender." Women's Studies International Forum 12, no. 4 (January 1989): 447–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0277-5395(89)90040-x.

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Telotte, J. P. "Animating the Technocratic Utopia." Film & History: An Interdisciplinary Journal 51, no. 1 (June 2021): 4–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/flm.2021.0000.

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Bellver Capella, Vicente. "Contra el paradigma tecnocrático: la posición del papa Francisco." Argumentos de Razón Técnica, no. 20 (2017): 149–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/argumentos/2017.i20.08.

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Miller, Margaret A. "Training Technocrats, Educating Citizens." Change: The Magazine of Higher Learning 41, no. 1 (January 2009): 6–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3200/chng.41.1.5-7.

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Lidgate, D. "Technocrats and Nuclear Politics." IEE Review 35, no. 6 (1989): 220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1049/ir:19890101.

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Ştefan, Laurenţiu. "Party Leaders vs. Technocrats." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.2.47.

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This article takes a close look at the selection and survival of prime ministers in Romania. While many factors are deemed important in understanding why prime ministers are “weak” or “strong,” have short or long tenures in office (including the relationship with the president and with the governing parties), this article focuses on the level of party credentials as a critical factor in both the selection and the survival of the prime ministers. Following Grotz and Weber (2017), I argue that a better understanding of how impactful this factor is comes only after a full assessment of the political circumstances in which the selection of the prime minister takes place. “Post-electoral” context may be defined by different goals, tactics, and ambitions than the “replacement” context. I found that party leaders survive longer in prime ministerial office, that they are the first choice in post-electoral contexts, but not necessarily in both contexts taken together, and that technocrats are preferred in replacement contexts, especially when the next legislative elections are getting near.

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Golding, Peter. "EUROCRATS, TECHNOCRATS, AND DEMOCRATS." European Societies 9, no. 5 (December 2007): 719–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616690701412897.

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Ribbhagen, Christina. "What Makes a Technocrat?" Public Policy and Administration 26, no. 1 (November 15, 2010): 21–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952076709357979.

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Ashworth, B. "Physician or Medical Technocrat?" Scottish Medical Journal 49, no. 2 (May 2004): 39–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003693300404900202.

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Steffy, Brian D., and Mats Alvesson. "Organization Theory and Technocratic Consciousness." Academy of Management Review 13, no. 3 (July 1988): 501. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/258099.

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Ortega Villasenor, Humberto, and Genaro Quinones Trujillo. "Aboriginal Cultures and Technocratic Culture." Essays in Philosophy 6, no. 1 (2005): 226–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/eip20056128.

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Threatened aboriginal cultures provide valuable criteria for fruitful criticism of the dominant Western cultural paradigm and perceptual model, which many take for granted as the inevitable path for humankind to follow. However, this Western model has proven itself to be imprecise and limiting. It obscures fundamental aspects of human nature, such as the mythical, religious dimension, and communication with the Cosmos. Modern technology, high-speed communication and mass media affect our ability to perceive reality and respond to it. Non-Western worldviews could help us to regain meaningful communication with Nature and to learn new ways of perceiving our world.

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Catley, Bob. "The Technocratic Labor Thesis Revisited." Thesis Eleven 82, no. 1 (August 2005): 97–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513605054363.

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Foster, K. R. "ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY: Celebrating Technocratic Wisdom." Science 299, no. 5605 (January 17, 2003): 348–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.1080783.

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Beauchamp, Andrew, and Jason A. Heron. "Solidarity in a Technocratic Age." Journal of Religious Ethics 47, no. 2 (May 30, 2019): 356–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jore.12259.

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Landwehr, Claudia. "Democratic and technocratic policy deliberation." Critical Policy Studies 3, no. 3-4 (April 28, 2010): 434–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19460171003619865.

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Hren, Joshua. "Tolkien and the Technocratic Paradigm." New Blackfriars 99, no. 1079 (June 30, 2016): 97–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/nbfr.12224.

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