Academic literature on the topic 'Technocraten'

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Journal articles on the topic "Technocraten"

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Camp, Roderic A. "The Political Technocrat in Mexico and the Survival of the Political System." Latin American Research Review 20, no. 1 (1985): 97–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100034270.

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No issue in Mexican politics received more attention in selecting the 1982 presidential candidate than the role of the technocrat. The technocrat's influence on the Mexican state has had widespread consequences, such as changing political recruitment patterns, altering the socialization of political leaders, shifting career channels essential to advancement within the political system, and most significantly, causing adjustments in the stability of the political system. Crucial to any discussion of the changing role played by the technocrat in Mexican politics is a clear understanding of the term technocrat. This essay therefore will discuss conceptualizations of the technocrat, attempt a working definition of the term in the Mexican context, provide empirical evidence as to the presence of technocrats in Mexican politics, and suggest possible consequences for the political system.
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Wolffram, D. J. "Berkers, E., Technocraten en bureaucraten. Ontwikkeling van organisatie en personeel van de Rijkswaterstaat, 1848-1930." BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 119, no. 2 (January 1, 2004): 266. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/bmgn-lchr.6058.

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McDonnell, Duncan, and Marco Valbruzzi. "Defining and classifying technocrat-led and technocratic governments." European Journal of Political Research 53, no. 4 (April 10, 2014): 654–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12054.

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Thurston, Alexander. "The Politics of Technocracy in Fourth Republic Nigeria." African Studies Review 61, no. 1 (March 5, 2018): 215–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2017.99.

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Abstract:The technocrat, a supposedly apolitical figure who joins government on the basis of technical expertise, looms large in discussions of governance. The empowerment of technocrats has sometimes been taken as a barometer for Africa’s economic and democratic progress. Rejecting this conventional wisdom, this article argues that technocrats are inevitably trapped in a web of politics—politicians leverage the apolitical image of technocrats for political gain, and public debates implicate technocrats as targets of protest. This article pursues this argument through a case study of Nigeria, where technocrats were both politicized and politicizing figures during the rule of the People’s Democratic Party between 1999 and 2015.
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Hanley, Seán. "Legitimacy and the Paradox of Technocratic Government in Newer European Democracies: The Fischer Administration in the Czech Republic Revisited." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 32, no. 1 (October 15, 2017): 78–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417734281.

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The creation of technocratic caretaker governments in several European countries in the wake of the Great Recession (2008–2009) and the Eurozone crisis led to renewed academic interest in such administrations. Although such governments are often assumed to be illegitimate and democratically dysfunctional, there has been little empirical consideration of if and how they legitimate themselves to mass publics. This question is particularly acute given that, empirically, caretaker technocrat-led administrations have been clustered in newer, more crisis-prone democracies in Southern and Eastern Europe where high levels of state exploitation by parties suggest a weak basis for any government claiming technocratic impartiality. This article uses Michael Saward’s “representative claims” framework to re-examine the case of one of Europe’s longer-lasting and most popular technocratic administrations, the 2009–2010 Fischer government in the Czech Republic. The article maps representative claims made for Fischer and his government, as well as counterclaims. Claims drew on the electoral mandate of sponsoring parties, the government’s claimed technocratic neutrality, and on Fischer’s “mirroring” of the values and lifestyle of ordinary Czechs (echoing some populist framings of politics). The article argues that the Fischer government benefited from multiple overlapping representative claims, but notes the need for robust methodology to assess the reception claims by their intended constituency. It concludes by considering the implications of actors’ ability to combine populist and technocratic claims, noting similarities in technocratic governments and some types of anti-establishment party.
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Snegovaya, Maria. "Different Strokes for Different Folks: Who Votes for Technocratic Parties?" Politics and Governance 8, no. 4 (December 17, 2020): 556–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i4.3482.

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In this study, I look at two types of political actors commonly described as ‘populist’ in literature—namely, rightwing populists and technocratic leaders like France’s Emmanuel Macron and the Czech Republic’s Andrej Babiš. While both types of political actors tend to emerge as a response to a decline in trust in established parties and adopt platforms with anti-establishment and monist elements, they also possess noticeably different qualities. Unlike rightwing populists, technocrats lack a distinctive ideological profile and tend to adopt more inclusive rhetoric by appealing to a broadly-defined community of people. When contrasted with supporters of rightwing populists, empirical analysis of supporters of Macron’s and Babiš’ parties shows that the two have few commonalities. Relatively few examples of such political leadership, the lack of a distinct ideological profile and the variation of their support bases suggest that one should use caution when conceptualizing technocratic populists as a distinct theoretical type.
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POWELL, BRENNA MAREA, and GRAZIELLA MORAES SILVA. "Technocrats’ Compromises: Defining Race and the Struggle for Equality in Brazil, 1970–2010." Journal of Latin American Studies 50, no. 1 (August 14, 2017): 87–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x17000797.

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AbstractThis article focuses on census policy-making by analysing the decision-making processes behind the apparent stability of Brazilian racial categories within a context of multiple changes in racial politics and policies over the last four decades (1970–2010). Empirically, we rely on archival material, survey and census data, as well as key informant interviews with senior technocrats from the Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (Brazilian Institute for Geography and Statistics, IBGE). Our findings show the central role of technocratic actors in shaping and giving meaning to these categories in a context of uncertainty about the most valid approach to measurement. Their role is particularly evident in IBGE's early application of thenegrocategory to the non-white population and repeated rejection of themorenocategory. Beyond technical expertise, these census officials navigated various professional, political and ideological motivations. We develop the concept of technocratic compromise to capture census officials’ decision-making process and underscore its importance to explaining census policy outcomes.
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Aziz Sh. O, Azimli. "Technocracy as the Ideology." Humanitarian Vector 16, no. 2 (April 2021): 39–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/1996-7853-2021-16-2-39-45.

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The study examines the position of a man and society in the philosophy of technology and technocracy development that were connected with the technological progress in Europe and North America in the 19th century. The issue of relations within the “man – machine” system has become a great interest among sociologists, historians, psychologists and philosophers. The study is based on methods of analysis and synthesis of scientific writings from Plato to F. Dessauer, who referred to the important role of science and technology in the society development. The technology increasing impact on people’s lives was reflected in the emergence of technocratic concepts. They reflected the vision of technological evolution modern problems and a vision of its future development. The cornerstone of the technocracy concepts was the idea of political power transition to the technocrats’ social layer. However, during the 20th century, technocrats’ categories like scientific and technological intelligentsia, plants and factories heads, scientists and engineers did not constitute a unified political power. They were invited to discuss the economic development problems, as experts, where they were adapted to the existing political regimes rather than trying to modify them. The technocratic strata of population transformation, their political views and preferences, the impact on the socio-political situation in the country had become the main topics in the respective philosophical concepts. Thus, one important issue is man’s status in a technological society, which in turn is a relevant topic for study in the 21 st century, the century of technology. Keywords: philosophy of technology, “man – machine” system, technocracy, scientific and technological progress, political power
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Semenova, Elena. "Expert Ministers in New Democracies: Delegation, Communist Legacies, or Technocratic Populism?" Politics and Governance 8, no. 4 (December 17, 2020): 590–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i4.3397.

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This article examines the appointments and survival of expert ministers (i.e., ministers with educational and professional expertise in the portfolio to which they are appointed) in new democracies. Using a novel data set on 11 Central and Eastern European countries from 1990 until 2012, I test competing hypotheses derived from delegation theory, communist legacies approach, technocratic populism studies, and semi-presidentialism literature. The first study shows that experts without political experience (technocrats) have specific cabinet appointment patterns distinguishing them from party politicians and politically experienced experts. For example, technocrats have high chances of being appointed during an economic downturn. The conditional risk set survival analysis has revealed that compared to their politically experienced colleagues, technocrats have higher chances of remaining in their positions if there was a change in the PM’s candidacy. Moreover, they have long careers independently of the continuity of the PM’s party in government and the PM’s partisan status. Strikingly, patterns of portfolio specialization from the communist period remained in place after the regime change (e.g., expert ministers holding the portfolios of finance and economy). However, holding these specific portfolios does not decrease the minister’s risk of being dismissed. These findings have ramifications for issues surrounding cabinet formation, institutional choice, and populism in new democracies.
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Castaldo, Antonino, and Luca Verzichelli. "Technocratic Populism in Italy after Berlusconi: The Trendsetter and his Disciples." Politics and Governance 8, no. 4 (December 17, 2020): 485–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i4.3348.

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Notwithstanding the speculations from the literature, the empirical analyses still neglect the convergence between populism and technocracy. The Italian case can be of some interest in this perspective, given the rise of technocratic populism since Silvio Berlusconi’s rise to power in 1994. By analyzing the style of leadership and the processes of ministerial appointment and delegation, we argue that Berlusconi has been a trendsetter, more than a coherent example of technocratic populist leader. On the one hand, he played the role of the entrepreneur in politics, promising to run the state as a firm. Moreover, he adopted an anti-establishment appeal, delegitimizing political opponents and stressing the divide between ‘us’ (hardworking ordinary people) and ‘them’ (incompetent politicians). On the other hand, however, his anti-elite approach was mainly directed towards the ‘post-communist elite.’ Extending the analysis to the following two decades, we introduce a diachronic comparison involving three examples of leadership somehow influenced by Berlusconi. Mario Monti represents the paradox of the impossible hero: A pure technocrat unable to take a genuinely populist semblance. Matteo Renzi represents the attempt to mix a populist party leadership with a technocratic chief executive style. Finally, Salvini represents the pure nativist heir of Berlusconi, as the new leader of the right-wing camp. The latest developments of executive leadership in Italy, and the re-emergence of other residual hints of technocratic populism, will be discussed in the final section of the article, also in the light of the evident impact of the 2020 pandemic outbreak on the practices of government.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Technocraten"

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Vallar, Christian. "Vichy : traditionalisme et technocratie." Nice, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990NICE0003.

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Le régime de Vichy se présente tel un Janus. "Triomphe" de la réaction, il est aussi avènement de la technocratie, qui réclame le pouvoir pour la compétence. Ces deux courants, présents à Vichy, entretiennent des relations contradictoires. Ils convergent sur l'établissement d'un état autoritaire, d'inspiration monarchique, et reposant sur une fonction publique rénovée et des collectivités territoriales reformées dans le sens de l'autorité et de l'efficacité. Cette dernière l'emporte lorsqu'il s'agit de rénover la société civile. Les enjeux de l'économique et du social portent sur la nature de la construction de la société à venir. Le dirigisme et le syndicalisme éliminent les espoirs corporatistes des traditionalistes, qui assistent impuissants à la victoire des technocrates, lies au néo-capitalisme et favorables à l’Europe allemande.
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Nicolaï, Rosette. "Analyse socio-économique de l'administration : bureaucratie et technocratie." Aix-Marseille 3, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991AIX32019.

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L'objectif du premier chapitre consiste a mettre en valeur les principales analyses de nature organisationnelle qui ont ete developpees a propos de la bureaucratie par les sociologues. Elles correspondent, en effet, a une approche technique de ce probleme, se caracterisant par la recherche des principes necessaires a un fuonctionnement efficace de l'organisation et a un epanouissement du travailleur. Si le champ de la bureaucratie a d'abord ete investi par les sociologues, les annees soixante ont marque les debuts de son analyse par les economistes comme tente de le montrer le chapitre deux. Fondee sur la theorie des droits de propriete et celle de l'entreprise manageriale, elle permet d'interpreter les biais bureaucratiques comme une consequence de la rationalite des bureaucrates les poussant a maximiser une fonction objectif sous certaines contraintes techniques et financieres. Relativement a cette optique une autre perspective va bientot etre proposee : prenant en compte l'interdependance strategique et les relations de confiance des acteurs sociaux, elle constitute une contribution decisive pour la comprehension du comportement bureaucratique. S'interesser a l'administration conduit a mettre en evidence dans un dernier chapitre sa composante technocratique. . . . . De legitimite invoque par les technocrates necessite l'identification des circonstances
The focus of the first chapter is to high-light the main organizational analysis on bureaucracy as developed by sociologists. In fact, they pursue a technical approach, characterized by the search for an efficient functioning of organizations and the worker's well being. It is, only, in the sixties that economists have begun to be interested in bureaucracy. This will be shown in chapter two. The first conceptualization of bureaucracy has been done by the public choice school and is founded on the theory of property rights and the theory of the managerial firm. An alternative approach is suggested. Focusing on the strategic interdependance and the trust relations between social actors. The interest in administration leads us in a mast chapter to underline its technocratic component : the formation of the psycgology of the technocrat in the grands corps", " grandes ecoles", the role payed by planification and, finally, the ways of infiltration into the political field. The study of this approach emphasizes the absence of an economic theory of this phenomenon
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Carrasco, Rahal Eduardo. "Le VIH au Chili. Entre sécularisation et technocratie." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCA075/document.

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Récemment, le Chili a vu la victoire des politiques publiques de prévention et de soins de l'infection à VIH promues par la vérité technique de l'OMS et de l'ONUSIDA (notre acception de la vérité technique a été définie dans les derniers travaux de Michel Foucault). Pourtant, l'histoire récente des politiques de santé du Chili dans notre domaine de recherche nous incite à la prudence. Des questions telles que la responsabilité sociale des dépenses de santé ont connu des va et vient répétés dus aux bouleversements politiques de ces dernières décennies. Certains sujets cruciaux pour la prévention de la transmission verticale du VIH / SIDA, liés à la morale privée et à son influence sur les politiques publiques, comme dans le cas de l'avortement thérapeutique, ont longtemps été influencés par la dose laïcité permise par l'église catholique aux partis politiques chiliens les plus conservateurs. La promotion du préservatif comme seul moyen de prévenir la transmission sexuelle du VIH, simple vérité technique «connue» par les politiques publiques du Nord depuis les années 80, a partagé les campagnes de prévention officielles chiliennes avec abstinence et fidélité jusqu'en 2015. Cependant, si une vérité mérite notre sympathie, elle mérite en même temps l'aversion des secteurs de la population tout aussi respectables que nous. Si nous considérons avec bienveillance une vérité technique qui émerge du débat pour s'imposer comme «la vérité», ignorant que ce qui a vraiment été imposé est le prestige de la technicité, nous ignorons probablement le sens du combat politique comme objet scientifique
Recently, Chile lived the victory of public policies of prevention and care of the HIV infection as promoted by the WHO’s and UNAIDS technical truth (our meaning of the technical truth has been defined in the latest works by Michel Foucault). Yet the recent history of Chile's health policies in our research matters urges us to be cautious. Issues such as social responsibility of health spending have come and gone according to the political upheavals of the recent decades. Some crucial topics for the prevention of vertical transmission of HIV/AIDS, linked to private values and its influence on public policies, as in the case of therapeutic abortion, has long been under the influence of the dosage of secularity allowed by the catholic church to the most conservative political parties. The promotion of the condom as the only way to prevent the sexual transmission of the HIV, a simple technical truth “known” by the northern public policies since the 80’s, shared the official prevention campaigns with abstinence and fidelity till 2015. However, if a truth deserves our sympathy, it deserves at the same time the aversion of sectors of the population just as respectable as we are. If we consider with kindness a technical truth that emerges from the debate to impose itself as "the truth", ignoring that what has really been imposed is the prestige of technicality, we probably ignore the sense of political struggle as a scientific object
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Salaam, Yasmine Saad. "American educated Saudi technocrats : agents of social change? /." Thesis, Connect to Dissertations & Theses @ Tufts University, 2000.

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Thesis (Ph.D) -- Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, 2000.
Advisers: Andrew Hess; Sugata Bose; Jeswald W. Salacuse. Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references. Access restricted to members of the Tufts University community. Also available via the World Wide Web;
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Bear, Marca Marie. "Middle eastern technocrats' attitudes towards U.S. technology transfer controls." The Ohio State University, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1282746243.

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Pastorella, Giulia. "Technocratic governments : power, expertise and crisis politics in European democracies." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3364/.

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The aim of my thesis is to investigate the reasons for the appointment of technocratic governments in Europe. In order to do this, I conceptualise what technocratic governments are, both in terms of their own characteristics and in comparison with party governments. I problematize classic elements, such as independence, neutrality and expertise of ministers, and add further ones including the relation to electoral outcomes, their particular type of agenda, and the echo they have in the media. Having established that technocratic governments require a shift in politicians’ preferences away from typical office-seeking behaviour, I proceed to enquire as to the situations that make their appointment more likely. Through a statistical analysis on all European cabinets from 1977 to 2013, I identify situations of economic and political crises – in particular scandals - as the main variables influencing the likelihood of technocratic government appointments. I further examine how these crises have lead to these appointments by exploring cases of over 25 technocratic governments in a range of countries and years. The qualitative illustrative evidence highlights the importance of institutional characteristics of the given political system in which such governments were appointed. The status of the party system, the role of the Head of State and external pressures coming from international or supranational institutionas are thus shown to be important in technocratic cabinet appointments. Finally, I assess whether technocratic governments fit within the European democratic standards and conclude that technocratic governments are symptoms of the decline of party democracy, identifiable in the loosening of delegation and accountability ties between parties and cabinets, increasing external pressures on domestic political actors, and the weakening of partisan ideology-based politics. The thesis adds further elements to reinforce the already vast literature on the crisis of – especially party – democracy in Europe.
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Sjögren, Anders. "Between militarism and technocratic governance : state formation in contemporary Uganda /." Stockholm : Department of Political Science, Stockholm University, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-6796.

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Pitcher, Patricia C. "Character and the nature of strategic leadership : artists, craftsmen and technocrats." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=39475.

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This dissertation represents an inquiry into the relationship between character and strategy. From Aesthetics, it borrows the conceptual categories, art, craft, and technique. From Psychoanalysis, it borrows a scientific framework for exploring the inner life. From Psychiatry and Psychology, it borrows methodologies. Strategic Management lent its preoccupations.
The study demonstrates the long shadow cast by our inner lives on our actions. It portrays the evolution of the strategic posture of a world class corporation in terms of the character of the men who have led it over the past thirty years. It shows the stages through which the corporation went and how those changes were intimately related to the characters of the key executives.
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Sébastien, Jean. "La technocratie et le phénomène de la machine dans les années trente." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ51972.pdf.

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French, Adam. "A new water culture?: institutional inertia and technocratic water management in Peru." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2016. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/78796.

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La Ley de Recursos Hídricos (No 29338) de 2009 transformó el marco normativo e institucional del sector hídrico en el Perú hacia un enfoque en la Gestión Integrada de Recursos Hídricos (GIRH). Este cambio fue significativo después de 40 años de vigencia de la ley anterior que priorizaba el uso agrícola del recurso hídrico. A través de un análisis del marco normativo actual y la institucionalidad existente combinado con una mirada a las relaciones históricas entre la burocracia hídrica del Estado y la sociedad peruana, este artículo argumenta que la institucionalidad del agua contemporánea refleja la persistencia de una cultura tecnocrática basada en la ingeniería y la manipulación y control de la naturaleza que predominaba al nivel global en el siglo 20. El trabajo muestra como la burocracia hídrica actual en el Perú ha consolidado su autoridad sobre el agua a través de la asimilación y desarrollo de una variante de la GIRH que prioriza el establecimiento de derechos formales al agua, el reconocimiento del valor económico del recurso hídrico, y un creciente enfoque en la eficiencia del uso del agua.
The 2009 Hydrologic Resources Law (Law 29338) shifted the legal and institutional framework in Peru’s water sector toward a focus on Integrated Water Resource Management (IWRM). This change formally ended the explicit prioritization of water for agricultural uses that had prevailed for four decades under the prior legal regime enacted during the nation’s agrarian reform. This article combines analysis of Peru’s current legal and institutional setting for water management with examination of the historical dynamics betweenthe state water bureaucracy and Peruvian society to argue that the existing arrangements for water governance reflect the enduring influence of an engineer-led technocracy rooted in the high-modernist approaches of the 20th century. The article illustrates how the state bureaucracy has consolidated centralized authority over the water sector through assimilation and adaptation of the IWRM paradigm and the development of a water regime that prioritizesthe formalization of water rights, recognition of the economic value of water, and water-use efficiency.
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Books on the topic "Technocraten"

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Fortuyn, Pim. Zielloos Europa: Tegen een Europa van technocraten, bureaucratie, subsidies en onvermijdelijke fraude. Utrecht: A.W. Bruna, 1997.

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Berkers, E. Technocraten en bureaucraten: Ontwikkeling van organisatie en personeel van de Rijkswaterstaat, 1848-1930. Zaltbommel: Europese Bibliotheek, 2002.

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Rouban, Luc. La fin des technocrates? [Paris]: Presses de Sciences po, 1998.

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française, France Direction de la documentation. Militaires et technocrates en Asie. S.l: s.n, 1988.

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Bigey, Michel. Les élus du tramway: Mémoires d'un technocrate. Paris: Lieu commun, 1993.

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Rich, Joe. Hartnett: Portrait of a technocratic brigand. Wahroonga, NSW: Turton & Armstrong, 1996.

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Boulanger, Gérard. Maurice Papon: Un technocrate français dans la collaboration. Paris: Seuil, 1994.

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Putt, Archibald. Putt's Law & the Successful Technocrat. Hoboken, NJ, USA: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/0471788945.

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Putt, Archibald. Putt's Law and the Successful Technocrat. New York: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd., 2007.

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Centeno, Miguel Angel. Democracy within reason: Technocratic revolution in Mexico. 2nd ed. University Park: Pennsylvania State Univesrsity Press, 1999.

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Book chapters on the topic "Technocraten"

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Antonelli, Francesco. "Ambivalence." In Technocratic Politics, 43–56. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003217725-4.

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Antonelli, Francesco. "Rationality." In Technocratic Politics, 9–24. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003217725-2.

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Antonelli, Francesco. "Introduction." In Technocratic Politics, 1–8. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003217725-1.

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Antonelli, Francesco. "Emergency." In Technocratic Politics, 57–70. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003217725-5.

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Antonelli, Francesco. "Power." In Technocratic Politics, 25–42. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003217725-3.

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Veer, Reinout van der. "Technocratic responsiveness." In The Technocratic Challenge to Democracy, 75–90. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429342165-6.

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Valbruzzi, Marco. "Technocratic cabinets." In The Technocratic Challenge to Democracy, 113–30. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429342165-9.

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Álamos, María Florencia, Leonie Kausel, Clara Baselga-Garriga, Paulina Ramos, Francisco Aboitiz, Xabier Uribe-Etxebarria, and Rafael Yuste. "A Technocratic Oath." In Ethics of Science and Technology Assessment, 163–74. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-94032-4_14.

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Gandhi, Arun M. "Nonviolence for Technocrats." In Series in Biomedical Engineering, 391–94. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-76495-5_51.

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Friedman, Jeffrey. "Populists as Technocrats." In New Perspectives on Populism, 61–122. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003327806-5.

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Conference papers on the topic "Technocraten"

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Chandra, Geetanjali Ramesh, and Iman Ali Liaqat. "Commercialization of Intellectual Property; an Insight for Technocrats." In 2019 International Conference on Automation, Computational and Technology Management (ICACTM). IEEE, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icactm.2019.8776856.

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Malisa, Mark, Randall Koetting, and Kristin Radermacher. "Critical theory, globalization and teacher education in a technocratic era." In 2007 37th annual frontiers in education conference - global engineering: knowledge without borders, opportunities without passports. IEEE, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/fie.2007.4417800.

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Prasetyo, Wima Y., Bambang Supriyono, M. R. Khairul Muluk, and Sarwono. "Is There a Real Technocratic Planning in Indonesia? and Is That Needed?" In 3rd Annual International Conference on Public and Business Administration (AICoBPA 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aebmr.k.210928.108.

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Aydarova, Elena. "Building a One-Dimensional Teacher: Technocratic Trends in U.S. Teacher Education Policies." In AERA 2022. USA: AERA, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/ip.22.1886587.

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Aydarova, Elena. "Building a One-Dimensional Teacher: Technocratic Trends in U.S. Teacher Education Policies." In 2022 AERA Annual Meeting. Washington DC: AERA, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/1886587.

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Muda, Anastasia, Lodofikus Dumin, and Priska Nahak. "Analysis of the Technocratic and Participatory Approach Models on District Road Maintenance." In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Engineering, Science, and Commerce, ICESC 2019, 18-19 October 2019, Labuan Bajo, Nusa Tenggara Timur, Indonesia. EAI, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.18-10-2019.2289908.

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Aydarova, Elena. "Pied Pipers of Teacher Education Reforms: Nonprofit Actors and the Rise of Technocratic Accountability Regimes." In 2020 AERA Annual Meeting. Washington DC: AERA, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/1572460.

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Linde, Andrey. "Comparative Analysis of Cases of Technocratic Governance and Deliberative-Democratic Self-Rule in Internet Sphere." In Proceedings of the International Conference Communicative Strategies of Information Society (CSIS 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/csis-18.2019.70.

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Lopez Melendez, Miguel. "Whatever Happened to Aesthetics within Urbanism? Oblivion or Prejudice?" In Seminario Internacional de Investigación en Urbanismo. Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya, Grup de Recerca en Urbanisme, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/siiu.11979.

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Most contemporary architectural and urban debates have overlooked, if not diminished, the critical character of aesthetics as branch of philosophy and mediator of our social interactions. Urban transformations entail social, economic, environmental, political, technological, psychological, and aesthetics changes. Thus, the ubiquity of aesthetics demands more sophisticated critical methods to counter the pragmatism and technocratic approaches within contemporary design practices. But the urgency to tackle the challenges of urbanization has condemned the critical framework that aesthetics provides to oblivion within design. In contrast, this text situates aesthetics at the center of contemporary urban debates and defends its analytical power to tackle the challenges of urbanization, such as climate change, social inequity, and migration crises. Keywords: aesthetic blindness, aesthetics of urbanization, Urban Theory and History, urban theories and histories Most contemporary architectural and urban debates have overlooked, if not diminished, the critical character of aesthetics as branch of philosophy and mediator of our social interactions. Urban transformations entail social, economic, environmental, political, technological, psychological, and aesthetics changes. Thus, the ubiquity of aesthetics demands more sophisticated critical methods to counter the pragmatism and technocratic approaches within contemporary design practices. But the urgency to tackle the challenges of urbanization has condemned the critical framework that aesthetics provides to oblivion within design. In contrast, this text situates aesthetics at the center of contemporary urban debates and defends its analytical power to tackle the challenges of urbanization, such as climate change, social inequity, and migration crises. Keywords: aesthetic blindness, aesthetics of urbanization, Urban Theory and History, urban theories and histories
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Unitsky, A. E., I. E. Labazava, S. N. Zyl, I. V. Naletov, and V. S. Zayats. "STUDYING THE MICROBIOLOGICAL SOLUBILIZATION OF BROWN COAL." In SAKHAROV READINGS 2022: ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEMS OF THE XXI CENTURY. International Sakharov Environmental Institute of Belarusian State University, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.46646/sakh-2022-2-322-324.

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Modern technocratic consumption of natural resources worsens the ecology of the Earth every year more and more. The problem of development and use of environmentally friendly and efficient technologies is acute for scientists of all countries. To achieve this global goal has been developed the program EcoSpace and numerous studies are being conducted to implement it. In our study, we proposed microorganisms that destruct brown coal, which have a number of necessary enzymes, and show the results of their vital activity on various nutrient media. This biotechnological conversion is one of the promising «green» technologies for the utilization of solid coal waste.
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Reports on the topic "Technocraten"

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Raj, Deepika, and Jung Ha-Brookshire. The Needs for Interdisciplinary Collaborations for Preparing Future Fashion Technocrats. Ames: Iowa State University, Digital Repository, November 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.31274/itaa_proceedings-180814-1132.

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Hong, Chang-Yu. The Tension between Technocratic and Social Values in Environmental Decision-making: An'Yang Stream Restoration in South Korea. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.5668.

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Rosser, Andrew, Phil King, and Danang Widoyoko. The Political Economy of the Learning Crisis in Indonesia. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), July 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-2022/pe01.

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Indonesia has done much to improve access to education in recent decades but it has had little success in improving learning outcomes. This paper examines the political origins of this problem. It argues that Indonesia’s learning crisis has reflected the political dominance during the New Order and post-New Order periods of predatory political, bureaucratic and corporate elites who have sought to use the country’s education system to accumulate resources, distribute patronage, mobilize political support, and exercise political control rather than produce skilled workers and critical and inquiring minds. Technocratic and progressive elements, who have supported a stronger focus on basic skills acquisition, have contested this orientation, with occasional success, but generally contestation has been settled in favour of predatory elites. The analysis accordingly suggests that efforts to improve learning outcomes in Indonesia are unlikely to produce significant results unless there is a fundamental reconfiguration of power relations between these elements. In the absence of such a shift, moves to increase funding levels, address human resource deficits, eliminate perverse incentive structures, and improve education management in accordance with technocratic templates of international best practice or progressive notions of equity and social justice—the sorts of measures that have been the focus of education reform efforts in Indonesia so far—are unlikely to produce the intended results.
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Bachtiar, Hasnan. Ganjar Pranowo’s Quest: Resisting Islamist Civilizational Populism in Indonesia. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), December 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0028.

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Ganjar Pranowo stands as a pivotal figure within technocratic populism, anticipated to advocate for the people‘s volonté générale and counter the sway of Islamist civilisational populism within Indonesia. The impending 2024 election positions him in a direct contest against Anies Baswedan and Prabowo Subianto, both politicians who garnered support from Islamist populist factions in the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial and 2019 presidential elections, respectively. Perceptions of Ganjar’s political stance vary, with some viewing him as a populist figure. However, in essence, he embodies the antithesis of populism, distinct from narratives and rhetoric persistently leveraging Islamism for political gain. This article seeks to delve into Ganjar’s political prospects in the upcoming 2024 election, shedding light on his role in confronting rivals and their supporters entrenched in Islamist populism. While widely seen as the most compelling figure for upholding the continuity of a vibrant democracy, his emergence also sparks inquiries into the trajectory of substantive democratic progress within the nation.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Hasnan Bachtiar, Chloe Smith, and Kainat Shakil. Fluctuating Populism: Prabowo’s Everchanging Populism Across the Indonesian Elections. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0030.

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This paper introduces an interesting aspect or variant of populism which we call ‘fluctuating populism’ through a case study of Prabowo Subianto Joyohadikusumo, the winner of the 2024 Indonesian presidential election, and a career politician for over three decades in the country. We define ‘fluctuating’ quality of populism as the strategic adjustments made by populist leaders to their rhetoric and ideological messaging across different political campaigns in pursuit of electoral victory. Based on the Indonesian presidential elections of 2009, 2014, 2019, and 2024, the paper demonstrates the dynamic nature of populism. It reveals that over just a decade, Prabowo has undergone shifts in ideological stances, rhetorical appeals, and electoral strategies in each election cycle. He has evolved from an ultra-nationalist, chauvinist, and Islamist populist to a technocratic figure with a much softer side. We also find that within these election periods, he never fully prescribed an ideology or rhetoric, but instead fluctuated according to the political landscape. Prabowo’s success in the 2024 election underscores the effectiveness of ‘fluctuating populism’ in navigating Indonesia’s political landscape. This case study shows that this concept offers a framework for understanding the strategic adjustments made by populist leaders and warrants further examination in comparative studies of political leadership.
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Tilahun, Nathanael, and Abebe G. Yihdego. Unsuccessful Implementation of the OECD Transfer Pricing Guidelines in Low-Income Countries: The Case of Ethiopia. Institute of Development Studies, May 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ictd.2024.033.

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This policy brief is extracted from a full-fledged research report financed by the International Centre for Tax and Development through the Ethiopian Tax Research Network and published in the British Tax Review, Issue 2, 2023. Much international technical assistance is directed towards increasing the capacity of tax authorities in low-income countries to understand and effectively implement the OECD Transfer Pricing Guidelines and thus retain their fair share of revenue from the transnational economic transactions of multinational enterprises. The outcome of such assistance in the case of Ethiopia has been generally disappointing. Despite more than a decade of effort and nearly two decades since the initial introduction of transfer pricing rules in the tax system, the Ethiopian tax administration has not successfully completed a single transfer pricing audit. Three country-specific factors explain the poor implementation of transfer pricing rules in Ethiopia: the inability of tax officers to adapt from long-standing practices that run counter to OECD Guidelines, institutional ambiguity and rivalry among tax policy and enforcement organs, and the possibility of mock compliance with international standards without there being any such compliance in practice. Resolving some of the critical changes requires external technical assistance and decisive internal political and technocratic leadership, among other things.
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Gallien, Max, Giovanni Occhiali, and Vanessa van den Boogaard. Catch Them If You Can: the Politics and Practice of a Taxpayer Registration Exercise. Institute of Development Studies, April 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ictd.2023.012.

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Tax registration drives have become an increasingly popular intervention to expand the coverage of tax nets across sub-Saharan Africa. However, doubts have recently been casted on their impact, as there is increasing evidence that they do not lead to a substantial increase in revenue, and might skew the tax registry so that towards vulnerable groups are overrepresented. There is little explanation available for these outcomes, as the literature focuses on the outcomes of these exercises – rather than on their processes and premises. We seek to fill this gap through an evaluation of a tax registration exercise of small- and medium-sized enterprises in Freetown, Sierra Leone, implemented by the National Revenue Authority. We argue that the conflicting objectives between national and international stakeholders, as well as between street- and higher-level officials, combined with a technocratic view of the exercise that underestimated its political nature, led to its likely unsatisfactory outcome in revenue terms. However, we also identify non-revenue outcomes that may still be seen as positive from the perspective of policymakers, such as familiarising many businesses with a revenue authority that they previously had very little engagement with. While this outcome of registration exercises is frequently overlooked by similar evaluations, it is one that local officials recognise as important in ‘building future taxpayers’.
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Rosser, Andrew. Welfare Regimes and the Political Economy of Learning in Developing Countries. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-2023/pe11.

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This paper synthesises the findings of the RISE Political Economy of Adoption (PET-A) country studies by interpreting their findings in light of the findings of comparative research on the evolution of ‘welfare regimes’. This paper suggests that PET-A countries have not, for the most part, developed the sorts of political settlements identified as conducive to change in the welfare regimes literature or indeed others that might be expected to produce similar gains. They are instead dominated by predatory coalitions which seek to use education systems for rent-seeking, ideological, or other non-developmental purposes while technocratic and progressive elements are marginalised. In all cases, they consequently lack coalitions that are capable of driving education development. At the same time, the PET-A studies also provide some evidence to suggest that democratic reform can trigger improvements in education policy and learning outcomes by shifting the balance of power between elements within political settlements. In this respect, the PET-A studies suggest that the key to promoting educational development/learning in the developing world may be to think beyond narrow education-focused interventions to broader programs of democratic rights-oriented reform.In presenting this argument, this paper begins by providing an overview of the welfare regimes literature’s findings with regards to the political dynamics that have facilitated education and learning gains. It then assesses the extent to which the PET-A countries have developed such political settlements or indeed any others that might produce learning gains and reviews the evidence in the PET-A studies as to the effects of democratic reform. The final section of the paper presents the conclusions.
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Price, Roz. Informality and Marginalised Groups in Crisis Response. Institute of Development Studies, July 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/core.2023.002.

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The Covid-19 pandemic had ripple effects that extend beyond the domain of health risks into economic, social, and political domains. These effects were not evenly distributed and exacerbated existing societal inequalities and marginalisation (UNDRR and UNU-EHS 2022: 11). Informal and migrant workers, and those living in informal settlements, were disproportionately affected by the health and secondary impacts of the pandemic, which further impacted their livelihoods and ability to meet basic needs, and constrained their ability to recover given the coping mechanisms they had to adopt (Chen et al. 2022: 19). At the same time, successful disaster risk reduction (DRR) often depends on informal actors and networks (Boersma et al. 2019). Limitations of formal disaster governance mechanisms have been much discussed, with shortcomings being largely connected to the lack of (local) knowledge, contextual understanding, incentives, coordination mechanisms, or flexibility, as well as focusing on infrastructural and technocratic solutions over engaging with existing local resources (Duda , Kelman and Glick 2020: 375). Despite this, short-term, single-hazard disaster management approaches still dominate (Donoghoe et al. 2022). Research supported by the Covid-19 Responses for Equity (CORE) Programme – which is supported by the International Development Research Centre (IDRC) – points to the need for special provisions addressing current and future challenges of informal workers in disaster response (Pillai et al. 2022b). This requires not only including informal workers in Covid-19 recovery policies, but also centring them in economic, social, and disaster policy (Alfers et al. 2022). Certain actions need to be prioritised, including the need for better data, a rethinking of policies to ensure they encompass gender considerations and social protection measures that are inclusive of informal and migrant workers, and greater recognition of the important role that grass-roots organisations play in supporting marginalised groups in times of crisis.
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Fitzpatrick, Rachael, and Helen West. Improving Resilience, Adaptation and Mitigation to Cimate Change Through Education in Low- and Lower-middle Income Countries. Institute of Development Studies, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.083.

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Climate resilience is the ability to anticipate, prepare for, and respond to hazardous events, trends, or disturbances related to climate (C2ES, 2022). Mitigation focuses on reducing the human impacts contributing to climate change (Burton, 2007, cited in Rousell & Cutter-Mackenzie-Knowles, 2020). Adaptation is about increasing people’s adaptive capacity, reducing the vulnerability of communities and managing risks (Anderson, 2012). Anderson further defines adaptation as not just being able to adapt from one stable climate to another but having the skills to adapt to uncertainty and make informed decisions in a changing environment. While ‘climate change’ is the term used throughout these briefs, it should be read as a shorthand for a more inclusive approach, which also captures associated environmental degradation. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) warned, in their latest report, that global surface temperatures will continue to increase until 2050 (IPCC, 2021, p. 17). This will take place regardless of human intervention to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. The report also warns that the traditional technocratic approaches are insufficient to tackle the challenge of climate change, and that greater focus on the structural causes is needed. High- and upper-middle-income countries have been persistently shown to be the biggest contributors to the global carbon dioxide emissions, with lower income countries facing the most disruptive climate hazards, with Africa countries particularly vulnerable (CDP, 2020; IPCC, 2021). The vulnerability of low-income contexts exacerbates this risk, as there is often insufficient infrastructure and resources to ensure resilience to climate hazards (IPCC, 2021). For decades, advocates of climate change education have been highlighting the potential of education to help mitigate against climate change, and support adaptation efforts. However, implementation has been patchy, with inconsistent approaches and a lack of evidence to help determine the most effective way forward.This paper is divided into three sections, drawing together evidence on the key aspects of system reform,green and resilient infrastructure and Curriculum, pedagogy, assessment and teacher development.
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