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Journal articles on the topic 'Te reo Maori'

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1

Ivanov, Andrey M. "LOANWORDS FROM TE REO MAORI INTO THE RUSSIAN LANGUAGE." Humanities And Social Studies In The Far East 19, no. 1 (2022): 188–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.31079/1992-2868-2022-19-1-188-196.

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There are not many loanwords from the Maori language in Russian. Nevertheless, among them there are both exotisms ("Maori," "haka") and words that have become commonplace ("kiwi," "taboo"), whose deep connection with Polynesia and New Zealand is not always obvious to speakers. In addition, a number of borrowings from te reo Maori are found in some Russianspeaking subcultures ("mana," "poi").
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Pitama, Suzanne, Annabel Ahuriri-Driscoll, Tania Huria, Cameron Lacey, and Paul Robertson. "The value of te reo in primary care." Journal of Primary Health Care 3, no. 2 (2011): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/hc11123.

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INTRODUCTION: The influence of indigeneity is widely recognised as a health determinant; however the impact of the utilisation of the indigenous language on health care has not been closely examined. AIM: To explore the Maori language (te reo) as a determinant of health from a Maori patient’s perspective. METHODS: Maori patients were recruited through Maori health networks and the snowballing technique. Thirty participants participated in one of three focus group interviews. A semi-structured interview explored the utilisation of health services, comfortability with service delivery and perceptions of general practice surgeries’ cultural competency. Thematic analysis was utilised to interpret the data. RESULTS: Te reo was recognised as an important cultural competency, noted by participants as contributing to the development of appropriate doctor–patient relationships and their feelings of being valued within a practice. Patient-led use of te reo was identified as most appropriate, an indicator of quality of care. DISCUSSION: The training of primary care staff in te reo should be encouraged. Developed as a competency, this will see primary care settings better able to respond to Maori patients and in turn support Maori health gains. KEYWORDS: Maori health; Maori language; family practice; quality health indicators
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3

Hohepa, Margie, Linda Tuhiwai Smith, and Stuart McNaughton. "Te Kohanga Reo Hei Tikanga Ako i te Reo Maori: Te Kohanga Reo as a context for language learning." Educational Psychology 12, no. 3-4 (January 1992): 333–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0144341920120314.

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4

Marshall, James, and Michael Peters. "Te reo o te tai Tokerau: The assessment of oral Maori." Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 10, no. 6 (January 1989): 499–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01434632.1989.9994394.

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5

Reedy, Tamati. "Te Reo Maori: The Past 20 Years and Looking Forward." Oceanic Linguistics 39, no. 1 (2000): 157–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ol.2000.0009.

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6

Mercury, Monica, and Bronwyn Wood. "Compulsory te reo Māori in Aotearoa New Zealand schools." New Zealand Annual Review of Education 27 (November 24, 2022): 25–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/nzaroe.v27.8030.

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While support for compulsory te reo Māori in schools in Aoteaora New Zealand is growing, there is a risk that any future policy could fail, or be only poorly implemented, unless we understand more deeply the factors which shape effective language policy implementation in schools. In this paper we employ a ‘future policy analysis' to explore what it would take to effectively implement a compulsory te reo Māori policy in schools in the future. We report on interviews with twelve purposively selected stakeholders (including Māori, Pākehā, Chinese and Samoan teachers, principals and one Member of Parliament) to elicit from their experiences and reflections the key elements required to implement te reo Māori well in schools. Participants identified that prioritising and valuing te reo Maori was foundational and essential for any potential policy shift at both national and school level. In addition, participants elaborated on how teacher expertise, resourcing, time and leadership support through senior management was integral to successful adoption and implementation. The paper concludes by recommending urgent attention to a range of future-focused strategies that beginning right now could bring about transformational change in our schools and give te reo Māori the mana it deserves.
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Wilson, Helen. "TE WA WHAKAPAOHO ITE REO IRIRANGI: Some Directions in Maori Radio." Perfect Beat 1, no. 4 (October 3, 2015): 98–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/prbt.v1i4.28674.

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8

Tweed, Brian. "Kua Tae Mai A Tokotoko – Me Aha Ahau? A Pākehā 2n The Paepae?" Kairaranga 20, no. 1 (January 6, 2020): 6–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.54322/kairaranga.v20i1.312.

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In this piece, I recount some events in which I was called upon to speak in te reo Maori on behalf of others in a variety of formal situations. I call this being ‘on the paepae’ but the paepae should be understood more properly as the paepae tapu. I will leave the further explanation of this for others who should rightly speak about such things. For my purposes here, the paepae is understood to be any situation in which one acts as a spokesperson for others and follows tikanga Maori in a contemporary context. I always feel like I am on the paepae when speaking te reo Maori in many situations. More often than not, this happens in schools. We are usually not on an actual marae but, nonetheless, a paepae is brought into existence. I have done this speaking (whaiko rero) with varying degrees of success and competence, and not a little anxiety. I have got it wrong sometimes and failed utterly in my responsibilities. A few times I have done well. Recently, my father-in-law presented me with a tokotoko, a ceremonial ‘walking’ stick (or perhaps it should be talking stick), to be carried when doing whaiko rero. This was a surprise and has caused me to reflect on my position as a Pa kehaon the paepae. Kua tae mai a tokotoko. Me aha ahau? The walking stick has arrived. What should I do?
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9

Te Ava, Aue, Christine Rubie-Davies, Airini, and Alan Ovens. "Akaoraora'ia te peu ‘ā to ‘ui tūpuna: Culturally Responsive Pedagogy for Cook Islands Secondary School Physical Education." Australian Journal of Indigenous Education 42, no. 1 (August 2013): 32–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jie.2013.12.

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This research examines outcomes from introducing cultural values into Cook Islands secondary schools during two cycles of action research comprising planning, implementing, observing and reflecting. The cultural values upon which the physical education lessons were based were: tāueue (participation), angaanga kapiti (cooperation), akatano (discipline), angaanga taokotai (community involvement), te reo Maori Kuki Airani (Cook Islands Maori language), and auora (physical and spiritual wellbeing). The cultural values were believed to be an essential element of teaching physical education but one challenge was how to assist teachers to implement the cultural values into classroom teaching as most participant teachers were not Cook Islanders. Findings from this action research project suggest that while participant teachers and community cultural experts may agree to incorporate cultural values in teaching Cook Islands secondary school students, teachers nonetheless find difficulties in implementing this objective.
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10

Manuel, Shelley. "Structured literacy: An approach to support ākonga who present with dyslexic tendencies in Māori medium education to learn to read, write and spell in te reo Māori." Kairaranga 23, no. 1 (September 13, 2022): 74–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.54322/kairaranga.v23i1.277.

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Structured literacy is an evidence-based approach (Brady, 2011; Fletcher et al., 2007; Forman et al., 2016; IDA, 2018; National Reading Panel NRP, 2000, TKI 2020a) informed by the science of reading acquisition instruction and how the brain acquires and processes information (Reyna, 2004; Seidenberg, 2017). The literature examines how this approach could support bilingual tamariki (children) who may present with dyslexic tendencies in Māori-medium immersion contexts. Through an anonymous questionnaire to kaiako within Kura Kaupapa Māori (Māori-medium immersion schools) who teach or have taught tau 0-10 ākonga (years 1-10 students), participants shared what they know and understand about literacy, dyslexia and how this learning difference might reveal itself through te reo Māori (Maori language) and English. The findings highlighted the potential structured literacy has to benefit all ākonga in both languages and the need for te reo Māori resources and professional development on dyslexia and structured literacy.
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11

McCarthy, Christine. ""a massive colonial experiment": New Zealand architecture in the 1840s." Architectural History Aotearoa 11 (October 1, 2014): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/aha.v11i.7410.

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It is more than obvious to say that the signing of the Treaty was the big event of the 1840s. The initial Treaty signing at Waitangi on 6 February 1840 by Lieutenant-Governor William Hobson, representing the British Crown, and "about 45 Maori chiefs" has become a defining moment in New Zealand's history, but, as Smith notes, [o]nly recently has the Treaty of Waitangi become central to national life ... Hastily devised at the time, the treaty sheets have become a national monument: they mean different things to different groups but have had an evolving official interpretation placed upon them. The Treaty "is the basis of the Crown's authority and legitimised European settlement in New Zealand," but important differences between the English version and the Māori version (which most Māori signed) include differences in the translations of article one (the cession of sovereignty vs "te kāwanatanga katoa" (governorship)), and silence in the te reo Māori text "on the Crown right of pre-emption. It promised the Queen "hokonga" - the buying and selling of land that Maori were willing to part with - but not exclusively, nor even as the highest priority.
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12

Williams, Mark. "A Bicultural Education." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 131, no. 5 (October 2016): 1552–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2016.131.5.1552.

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In 1995 I Taught a Course in New Zealand Literature at Tokyo University. The Students Were Attentive, and Curious About New Zealand, but they found my Kiwi English hard to follow, being accustomed to American or British varieties. I wondered about their seeming tolerance recently while teaching a similar course to undergraduates back home, at Victoria University, in Wellington, when one of the Maori students complimented a Pākehā (New Zealand European) colleague for her Maori pronunciation. Like most Pākehā, I have a rudimentary grasp of Māori, enough to be familiar with the words and phrases that have entered everyday speech and those in the poetry and fiction I teach. But I cannot conduct a conversation in Māori or read a Māori text, and I am as embarrassed by the irritation that my pronunciation of te reo (the Māori language) causes Māori speakers as I was by the difficulty my rising terminals and strange accent posed for competent English speakers in Japan.
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Lealand, Geoff. "SPECIAL REPORT: Still young and female: A (modest) survey of New Zealand journalists." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 10, no. 2 (September 1, 2004): 173–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v10i2.806.

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Modelled on earlier national surveys of 1987 and 1994, this 2003 survey polled New Zealand journalists on their educational background, formal training, experiences on the job and professional development. Even though the returns (297) were fewer than expected, those participating provided useful insights into the profession. Participants responded to questions about changing aspects of journalism (such as the impact of the internet, and the consequences of commercial pressures on newsgathernig), which are compared with American journalists responding to the same questions. They also responded to questions about the use of te reo language and coverage of Maori news and issues. Despite the contraints of the same size, there is ample evidence in this survey to show young New Zealand journalists take their profession seriously, and demonstrate a willingness to address the imperfections and shortcomings of the Fourth Estate.
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14

Blaylock, Russell L. "The COVID-19 “Vaccines”: What is the truth?" International Journal of Vaccine Theory, Practice, and Research 2, no. 2 (September 21, 2022): 595–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.56098/ijvtpr.v2i2.57.

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The following is being published as if it were a “Letter to the Editor”[1] of the IJVTPR. It was written in response to a request to the Editorial Board from Charles Tortise on behalf of the de jure Sovereign Wakaminenga Maori Government (WMG) of Nui Tireni New Zealand. He called on the journal editors and authors to supply up to the minute information to be used in helping to shape nationwide policy in New Zealand during the COVID-19 Aftermath. Whereas the leader of the de facto Wellington government, the Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern, recently relaxed certain “mandates” — ones that Blaylock refers to as “draconian” — concerning the COVID-19 masks and injections, her whole de facto NZ government, which draws authority from the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi has always been legally subordinated to the de jure Sovereign Wakaminenga, in accordance with the 1835 He Wakaputanga, a Declaration of Independence by the Confederation of the Chiefs of the United Maori tribes. By law, the subordinate NZ government headed up now by Ardern, must be authorized each year by the agreement of the direct descendants of those Chiefs, meeting in Congress, known as the National Wakaminenga, to continue as the de facto government. This being the case, it is the declared intention of the WMG to learn as much as possible about the COVID-19 injectables, and about the world-wide genetic experiments that are underway. Such information is needed in order for the de jure WMG to decide wisely about whether the policies and regulations put in place as the COVID-19 response of the de facto NZ government in Wellington were as “safe and effective” as has been said and review their performance accordingly. Maori are defined as people who “aspire to purity without blemish”, and the jurisdiction they have is, as far as we know, unique in all the world. Therefore, the discussion underway there, incorporating the information in this letter, written by Russell Blaylock, MD and retired neurosurgeon, is addressed not only to the WMG through Charles G. Tortise, but also the whole world. It is written on behalf of a group of people hardly known to much of the rest of the world but who are, in the estimation of the editors of this journal, about to make world-wide history in respect to the COVID Aftermath. It was after consultation among several members of our Editorial Board that we decided to call on Russell Blaylock, to write the initial position paper, as it were, to be presented to the WMG. He won’t say it but we will: he is eminently well qualified and credentialed to write the opinion letter that follows. This is his position paper for the WMG. [1] This letter has been reviewed by three other members of the Editorial Board for the IJVTPR and is published here because of the importance of the issues at stake not only to all New Zealand, but to the whole world. In the opinion of the editors, the policies being challenged by the sovereign Wakaminenga Maori Government (WMG) of New Zealand — for reasons detailed by Russell Blaylock, MD — are of critical importance to the whole world. The WMG is led by Arikinui Ripekatangi also known by her English name as Georgina Job. The term “Wakaminenga” in Te reo, the Maori language, means “assembly”. The Maori people are from different tribes called “iwi” and smaller groups known as “hapu”. Leaders of the northern tribes began meeting from about 1808 in a formal assembly to discuss laws and policy concerning the increasing interactions with foreigners, especially the British that followed soon after James Cook landed there during one of his voyages of exploration. The assembly was known as “Te Wakaminenga o Ngā Hapū o Nu Tīreni” [the General Assembly of the Tribal Nations]. The WMG is the administrative arm of the current National Assembly, website here. Of note Arikinui Ripekatangi issued a statement dated August 16, 2022 outlining the background leading to this article. The website address for the WMG news releases is here.
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Lawag, Ivan, Md Islam, Tomislav Sostaric, Lee Lim, Katherine Hammer, and Cornelia Locher. "Antioxidant Activity and Phenolic Compound Identification and Quantification in Western Australian Honeys." Antioxidants 12, no. 1 (January 12, 2023): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/antiox12010189.

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This study reports on the total phenolic content and antioxidant activity as well as the phenolic compounds that are present in Calothamnus spp. (Red Bell), Agonis flexuosa (Coastal Peppermint), Corymbia calophylla (Marri) and Eucalyptus marginata (Jarrah) honeys from Western Australia. The honey’s total phenolic content (TPC) was determined using a modified Folin–Ciocalteu assay, while their total antioxidant activity was determined using FRAP and DPPH assays. Phenolic constituents were identified using a High Performance Thin-Layer Chromatography (HTPLC)-derived phenolic database, and the identified phenolic compounds were quantified using HPTLC. Finally, constituents that contribute to the honeys’ antioxidant activity were identified using a DPPH-HPTLC bioautography assay. Based on the results, Calothamnus spp. honey (n = 8) was found to contain the highest (59.4 ± 7.91 mg GAE/100 g) TPC, followed by Eucalyptus marginata honey (50.58 ± 3.76 mg GAE/100 g), Agonis flexuosa honey (36.08 ± 4.2 mg GAE/100 g) and Corymbia calophylla honey (29.15 ± 5.46 mg GAE/100 g). In the FRAP assay, Calothamnus spp. honey also had the highest activity (9.24 ± 1.68 mmol Fe +2/kg), followed by Eucalyptus marginata honey (mmol Fe +2/kg), whereas Agonis flexuosa (5.45 ± 1.64 mmol Fe +2/kg) and Corymbia calophylla honeys (4.48 ± 0.82 mmol Fe +2/kg) had comparable FRAP activity. In the DPPH assay, when the mean values were compared, it was found that Calothamnus spp. honey again had the highest activity (3.88 ± 0.96 mmol TE/kg) while the mean DPPH antioxidant activity of Eucalyptus marginata, Agonis flexuosa, and Corymbia calophylla honeys were comparable. Kojic acid and epigallocatechin gallate were found in all honeys, whilst other constituents (e.g., m-coumaric acid, lumichrome, gallic acid, taxifolin, luteolin, epicatechin, hesperitin, eudesmic acid, syringic acid, protocatechuic acid, t-cinnamic acid, o-anisic acid) were only identified in some of the honeys. DPPH-HPTLC bioautography demonstrated that most of the identified compounds possess antioxidant activity, except for t-cinnamic acid, eudesmic acid, o-anisic acid, and lumichrome.
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Ka'ai-Mahuta, Rachael. "The Impact of Language Loss on the Māori Performing Arts." Te Kaharoa 1, no. 1 (January 12, 2008). http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/tekaharoa.v1i1.139.

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This article explores the close relationship between the loss of Te Reo Maori and the impact on Maori performing arts. The crucial role of language as the central component to Maori performing arts is examined, and the revival of Te reo Maori is considered as a parallel development to the growth in the number of Te Reo speakers since the 1970s.
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Cleave, Peter. "Kei Hea Te Reo? Where is the Language?" Te Kaharoa 11, no. 1 (January 25, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/tekaharoa.v11i1.233.

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Ko te patai e whaingia nei ko ‘Kei hea te reo?’. E tika ana pea kia pataingia hokitia, ‘He aha te reo?’ The question is ‘Where is the reo?’ It is also appropriate perhaps to ask ‘What is the reo?’ E ai ki te marearea ko te reo Maaori, he momo reo mai i a Raiaatea, mai i Te Moana nui a Kiwa. Kia whakakuitihia teenei, he reo mai i Te Moana nui a Kiwa ki te Raawhiti, he reo wheenaa i teenaa ki a Rarotonga, Hawaii, Rapa Nui me ngaa moutere ki waaenganui. The proposition usually is that te reo Maori is a Pacific language. The standard approach is to narrow that down to a language of Eastern Polynesia sharing features with the languages of the Cook Islands, Hawaii, Easter Island and points in between.
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Kāretu, Tīmoti. "Te Kete Tuawhā, Te Kete Aronui - The Fourth Basket." Te Kaharoa 1, no. 1 (January 12, 2008). http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/tekaharoa.v1i1.135.

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This article extends on the notion of the traditional Maori notion of three baskets of knowledge by adding a fourth category. The author draws on an extensive quantity of literature, over a diverse range of disciplines, with a general focus on the role of Te Reo Maori (the Maori language) in the modern world.
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Hoskins, Hemi. "Kia Whai Reo Te Wao." Te Kaharoa 5, no. 1 (January 25, 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/tekaharoa.v5i1.104.

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The traditional domains in which the Maori language has been able to flourish or even survive have been severely reduced as a result of colonisation and associated language loss. The breakdown of traditional Maori communities and the economic and social pressures experienced by Maori have all contributed to our language decline as our people increasingly left their traditional communities for the urban centres in the hope of securing a better existence for them and their whanau. This move away from papakainga combined with the restrictions upon access to traditional mahinga kai (food gathering places) has meant the domain of te taiao (the environment) and associated language around the hunting and gathering practices of our tupuna (ancestors )are now held by a declining number of repositories of the reo. Furthermore advances in technology, techniques and equipment used in the modern harvest of wild foods have occurred faster than the evolution of the language. The survival of the language and transmission of its knowledge now requires collaboration between those with knowledge of the language and those engaged in the environment. This will enable the development of vocabulary to keep up with the changes while maintaining the traditional knowledge base and perspective. This paper aims to examine methods of collaborating those with the specific knowledge of each field in an effort to regenerate the usage of the language in the domain from which it finds reference.
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Cleave, Peter. "Starting Points? A Discussion of Contemporary Maori Society and Culture." Te Kaharoa 2, no. 1 (February 12, 2009). http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/tekaharoa.v2i1.130.

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In this article, Peter Cleave explores aspects of the revitalisation of te reo Maori in a modern context, considering social, cultural, geographic and political dimensions that affect the development of te reo.
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Moorfield, John. "Te Whakaako i Te Reo - Teaching Māori Using The Te Whanake Collection." Te Kaharoa 1, no. 1 (January 12, 2008). http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/tekaharoa.v1i1.136.

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In this article, the use of the Te Whanake textbooks and resources – a comprehensive series designed to teach Maori as a second language to adults – is evaluated. Issues of teaching methodologies, the content of the materials, the principles behind their creation, and associated themes are analysed.
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22

Hamilton, Bill. "Maori Education Developments: A Maori Unionist’s View." New Zealand Annual Review of Education, no. 2 (October 25, 1992). http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/nzaroe.v0i2.854.

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During 1992, many hands seized the chance to paddle the Maori education waka in the primary system.The Maori community continued to establish Kura Kaupapa Maori, immersion and bilingual programmes. Schools increased the involvement of whanau in their activities and generally attempted to improve the quality of Maori education programmes.The National Maori Congress, Te Whakakotahitanga o Nga Iwi o Aotearoa, completed a report that promoted the goal of establishing iwi education authorities. Government established an inquiry into Maori education and directed officials committees to:(a) develop a bold strategy for the protection and promotion of te reo Maori; and(b) develop a comprehensive policy for Maori education.A Maori Education Group to comment on the Minister of Education’s “Vision for Education” was established. Maori government officials and others attempted to co-ordinate an effective Maori voice in education through Te Roopu Whakahaere and Te Roopu Whanui.Tino Rangatiratanga continued its work of co-ordinating, mobilising and politicising Maori in education and challenging the effectiveness of existing or proposed government education policy.Finally, in an atmosphere of government hostility towards unions, the primary teachers’ union, the New Zealand Educational Institute (NZEI) strengthened its philosophies, policies, priorities and practices by:establishing Miro Maori as an integral part of NZEI structures;giving leadership, direction and cohesion to the development of Maori education policies; andensuring that Maori views are included in the activities, developments and changes in the general education system.In putting forward a Maori unionist’s view, there is recognition that during 1992:Maori people put a lot of energy into primary education for the purpose of improving Maori achievement, revitalizing te reo me ona tikanga Maori andstrengthening Maori participation in the education of their children;NZEI, the primary teachers’ union, gave significant support to Maori education developments; andthere was a lot of government activity and stated commitment but their work lacked rigour, direction and coherency.Although many hands paddled the Maori education waka, by the end of 1992, it had made only a minor advance from where it had been in 1991. The waka tended to veer in motion from side to side, backwards and forwards and swirled around in circles rather than tracking forwards towards achieving significant goals. The Matauranga Maori waka clearly lacks strong navigational leadership, and government in particular is paddling against the tide of Maori aspirations...
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Cleave, Peter. "He whakaaro moo te reo Maaori: Some thoughts about the Maori language." Te Kaharoa 7, no. 1 (January 8, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/tekaharoa.v7i1.58.

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This paper considers the language from several points of view including leadership, identity and literacy. Attention is given to possibilities for language development, recent literature and future emphases. Contents 1 Background 2 Homes and Locales 3 Language leadership and direction 4 Identity and Property 5 Literacy 6 Language Leaps 7 Concluding comments Bibliography
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Gauthier, Jennifer L. "Maori TV: The First Ten Years." Journal of New Zealand Studies, NS26 (July 2, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/jnzs.v0ins26.4844.

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In February of 2018, Māori Television began broadcasting several shows associated with the WWE (World Wrestling Entertainment) franchise, including its flagship programs, “Raw” and “Smackdown.” One airing per week is in te reo Māori. Not surprisingly, this decision led to a wave of controversy that has not dissipated. Critics cite the promotion of violence and the lack of Māori content on the show, while supporters note that broadcasting popular entertainment will bring more viewers to the station.
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Olsen-Reeder, Vini. "Book Review of Killing te reo Maori: An Indigenous Language Facing Extinction." MAI Journal: A New Zealand Journal of Indigenous Scholarship 8, no. 1 (2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.20507/maijournal.2019.8.1.7.

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Glynn, Ted, Mere Berryman, Kathryn Atvars, Wai Harawira, Rangiwhakaehu Walker, and Hone Kaiwai. "Bicultural Research and Support Programmes for Maori Students, Teachers and Communities." New Zealand Annual Review of Education, no. 7 (December 6, 1997). http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/nzaroe.v0i7.1159.

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This paper highlights the importance of majority-culture professionals learning to work in contexts where control over educational research, development and training for indigenous people remains under the control of indigenous people, and is located within culturally preferred practices and settings. We describe work undertaken by our bicultural research whanau at the New Zealand Specialist Education Services Poutama Pounamu Education Research Centre, in Tauranga. We discuss processes and outcomes of research which has been undertaken within a research whanau (metaphoric extended family). Our whanau includes Maori elders, Maori members of the New Zealand Specialist Education Services, Maori teachers, as well as Maori students and a non-Maori academic. To date, our research has focussed on developing and trialing learning and behavioural resources for Maori students, and their teachers and families. We present information from five projects; (1) parent- or peer-delivered Maori and English reading tutoring strategies (Tatari Tautoko Tauawhi); (2) a collaborative parent and teacher programme designed to assist Maori students experiencing behavioural difficulties in school, home and community settings (Hei Awhina Matua); (3) a programme for improving students’ learning to write in Maori (Kia Puawai ai Te Reo); (4) a study of the training needs of itinerant Resource Teachers of Guidance and Learning, so they can assist Maori students experiencing behavioural and learning difficulties in mainstream schools; and (5) Mauri Tau, a programme for young Maori who are parents or are becoming parents. Each of the five projects has generated practical and effective resources for sharing with Maori students, teachers and communities. We now seek to establish networks to enable us to deliver our research findings and materials around New Zealand. We conclude this paper by focussing attention onto some of the important cultural principles which have guided our work, and will continue to do so.
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Irwin, Kathie. "Maori Education in 1992: A Review and Discussion." New Zealand Annual Review of Education, no. 2 (October 25, 1992). http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/nzaroe.v0i2.851.

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From the voyages of Te Aurere, the waka that retraced the voyage of our tipuna by sailing from Aotearoa to Rarotonga and back (Te Puni Kokiri, 1992), to the daily symposium of research based papers on Maori education at the joint NZARE/AARE Researchers in Education conference in Geelong, Melbourne (AARE/NZARE, 1992), Maori education in traditional and contemporary forms has followed this counsel in interesting ways in 1992, both in Aotearoa as well as in the wider international context. A sampling of these programmes throughout this paper will highlight the diversity this expression has taken in the past twelve months. The year also marked the anniversary of some significant events in our educational history: a decade since the opening of the first Te Kohanga Reo, effectively launching the movement and, nine decades since the birth of Clarence Beeby, former Director General of Education, one of this country’s educational giants, whose words in 1939 gave Peter Fraser, then Minister of Education, the first education policy on equal educational opportunity. In August 1992 it was announced that the Contestable Equity Fund would not be continued in the 1993 academic year. Somewhat incredible was the statement which announced the fund’s abolition: The fund was set up to encourage institutions in ways of equity, and this has been done. (AUS, 1992) ...an interesting claim, on the eve of the 1993 Suffrage Year activities and the 1993 United Nations Indigenous People’s Year. Indeed, the fate of equity in education since the National government came to power in late 1990 has been a matter of real concern. Equity remains one of this country’s critical contemporary issues. Analyses of the equity women have attained in this country, particularly Maori women, will be discussed in the light of this claim and the recently released Status of Women in New Zealand. The Second Periodic Report on the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women, it is described by the Hon. Jenny Shipley in its foreword as “the most definitive piece of work to date on the status of women in New Zealand” (CEDAW, 1992, p. vi). Prepared by the Ministry of Women’s Affairs for submission to the United Nations and released in December 1992, this report will provide the most up to date data against which to test claims about the attainment of equity on any economic, social or educational indicators. These events will be briefly visited in order to provide something of a historical perspective on this 1992 review, ensuring that it is not read in an ahistorical timeless void. In summary, then, this paper will analyse Maori education in 1992, by providing an overview of Maori education initiatives in national and international contexts, and by comparing some issues and trends in Maori education in 1992 with their historical antecedents.
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Irwin, Kathie. "Maori Education in 1993: A Review and Discussion." New Zealand Annual Review of Education, no. 3 (December 5, 1993). http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/nzaroe.v0i3.1074.

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Was 1993 a happening year or was 1993 a happening year! A number of significant events, in national as well as global terms, occurred. It was: the centenary year of Women’s Suffrage in Aotearoa; the International Year of the World’s Indigenous People, linking “an estimated 250 million indigenous people in more than seventy countries around the world” (Te Puni Kokiri, 1993a); an election year; and the final year of the Development Decade, which was outlined as the third objective of the kawenata, the covenant, declared by Maoridom at the Hui Taumata, the Maori Economic Development Summit held in 1984, marked in Te Rapa this year with the holding of the 1993 National Commercial and Economic Development Conference, organised by the Ki Tua o Te Arai Trust (Te Puni Kokiri, 1993b). Each of these events has major implications for Maori education during 1993 and beyond. Analyses of the implications of these events for Maori education provide the major organising themes for this paper. The events of 1993 have stimulated much critical debate, research and scholarly analyses of the issues they encompass. We will all be the richer for the publication of these new works. Numerous conferences have been held and books launched. Some of the books capturing this year’s themes with significance for Maori education include: Standing in the Sunshine (Coney, 1993); Maori Women and the Vote (Rei, 1993); Nga Mahi Whakaari a Titokowaru, Ruka Broughton’s previously unpublished draft doctoral thesis (Broughton, 1993) (the first Maori text on Titokowaru to be published, following the two previously published texts in English by Pakeha writers); Learning Liberation: Women as Facilitators of Learning (Manchester and O’Rourke, 1993); Te Ara Tika: Maori and Libraries – A Research Report (MacDonald, 1993); Educating Feminists: Life Histories and Pedagogy (Middleton, 1993); Te Maori i roto i nga Mahi Whakaakoranga – Maori in Education (Davies and Nicholl, 1993); Women Together: A History of Women’s Organisations in New Zealand (Else et al., 1993); and Te Hikoi Marama, Volume 2 – A Directory of Maori Information Resources (Szekely, 1993)...
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Maclean, Hohepa. "He Rāngai Maomao, He Iti Pioke: Te Mauri o Pūheke." Te Kaharoa 5, no. 1 (January 25, 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/tekaharoa.v5i1.105.

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This presentation looks at some of the main pillars of language revitalisation suggested by Fishman et al, and how they can be transposed on to an indigenous platform. With Critical Language Awareness, Status Planning, Acquisition Planning and Implementation being the main pillars; the paper explores how these can be translated in to a Māori model. As a reference point, I will look at my own two tribes from the northern part of New Zealand. Patukoraha and Te Whanau Moana, who have experienced severe language loss as evidenced by the depleting numbers of speakers of the reo in contexts such as marae, local meeting house, home, community events etc. A language revitalisation strategy is explored as a way to support these hapū to reverse language shift and the decline of competent speakers and return the language to its appropriate and rightful place in the cultural and social place as the essence of Māoritanga, and integral component of cultural identity. Using both the pillars and Mātāpono Māori, Māori principles of Rangatiratanga, ownership, Whanaungatanga, kinship ties, Kaitiakitanga, guardianship, and Rāhu/Takwai, reservations, and with a base grounded in Whakapapa, genealogical ties, the symbolic nature of a Wheke, octopus (a local guardian totem) was drawn forth. With each arm representing a particular facet, this symbolism, exposes the fundamental aspect that each arm moves independently, but ultimately all ensure the survival of the octopus, relating to the proverb: “one hand washes the other, both wash the face”.
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Mercer, Erin. "“A deluge of shrieking unreason”: Supernaturalism and Settlement in New Zealand Gothic Fiction." M/C Journal 17, no. 4 (July 24, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.846.

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Like any genre or mode, the Gothic is malleable, changing according to time and place. This is particularly apparent when what is considered Gothic in one era is compared with that of another. The giant helmet that falls from the sky in Horace Walpole’s Castle of Otranto (1764) is a very different threat to the ravenous vampires that stalk the novels of Anne Rice, just as Ann Radcliffe’s animated portraits may not inspire anxiety for a contemporary reader of Stephen King. The mutability of Gothic is also apparent across various versions of national Gothic that have emerged, with the specificities of place lending Gothic narratives from countries such as Ireland, Scotland and Australia a distinctive flavour. In New Zealand, the Gothic is most commonly associated with Pakeha artists exploring extreme psychological states, isolation and violence. Instead of the haunted castles, ruined abbeys and supernatural occurrences of classic Gothics of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, such as those produced by writers as diverse as Charles Brockden Brown, Matthew Lewis, Edgar Allen Poe, Radcliffe, Bram Stoker and Walpole, New Zealand Gothic fiction tends to focus on psychological horror, taking its cue, according to Jenny Lawn, from Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein (1818), which ushered in a tendency in the Gothic novel to explore the idea of a divided consciousness. Lawn observes that in New Zealand “Our monsters tend to be interior: they are experiences of intense psychological states, often with sexual undertones within isolated nuclear families” (“Kiwi Gothic”). Kirsty Gunn’s novella Rain (1994), which focuses on a dysfunctional family holidaying in an isolated lakeside community, exemplifies the tendency of New Zealand Gothic to omit the supernatural in favour of the psychological, with its spectres being sexual predation, parental neglect and the death of an innocent. Bronwyn Bannister’s Haunt (2000) is set primarily in a psychiatric hospital, detailing various forms of psychiatric disorder, as well as the acts that spring from them, such as one protagonist’s concealment for several years of her baby in a shed, while Noel Virtue’s The Redemption of Elsdon Bird (1987) is another example, with a young character’s decision to shoot his two younger siblings in the head as they sleep in an attempt to protect them from the religious beliefs of his fundamentalist parents amply illustrating the intense psychological states that characterise New Zealand Gothic. Although there is no reason why Gothic literature ought to include the supernatural, its omission in New Zealand Gothic does point to a confusion that Timothy Jones foregrounds in his suggestion that “In the absence of the trappings of established Gothic traditions – castles populated by fiendish aristocrats, swamps draped with Spanish moss and possessed by terrible spirits” New Zealand is “uncertain how and where it ought to perform its own Gothic” (203). The anxiety that Jones notes is perhaps less to do with where the New Zealand Gothic should occur, since there is an established tradition of Gothic events occurring in the bush and on the beach, while David Ballantyne’s Sydney Bridge Upside Down (1968) uses a derelict slaughterhouse as a version of a haunted castle and Maurice Gee successfully uses a decrepit farmhouse as a Gothic edifice in The Fire-Raiser (1986), but more to do with available ghosts. New Zealand Gothic literature produced in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries certainly tends to focus on the psychological rather than the supernatural, but earlier writing that utilises the Gothic mode is far more focused on spooky events and ghostly presences. There is a tradition of supernatural Gothic in New Zealand, but its representations of Maori ghosts complicates the processes through which contemporary writers might build on that tradition. The stories in D. W. O. Fagen’s collection Tapu and Other Tales of Old New Zealand (1952) illustrate the tendency in colonial New Zealand literature to represent Maori in supernatural terms expressive both of anxieties surrounding Maori agency and indigeneity, as well as Western assumptions regarding Maori culture. In much colonial Gothic, Maori ghosts, burial grounds and the notion of tapu express settler anxieties while also working to contain those anxieties by suggesting the superstitious and hence backward nature of indigenous culture. In Fagan’s story “Tapu”, which first appeared in the Bulletin in 1912, the narrator stumbles into a Maori burial ground where he is confronted by the terrible sight of “two fleshless skeletons” that grin and appear “ghastly in the dim light” (37). The narrator’s desecration of land deemed tapu fills him with “a sort of nameless terror at nothing, a horror of some unknown impending fate against which it was useless to struggle and from which there was no escape” (39). This expresses a sense of the authenticity of Maori culture, but the narrator’s thought “Was there any truth in heathen devilry after all?” is quickly superseded by the relegation of Maori culture as “ancient superstitions” (40). When the narrator is approached by a tohunga following his breach of tapu, his reaction is outrage: "Here was I – a fairly decent Englishman, reared in the Anglican faith and living in the nineteenth century – hindered from going about my business, outcast, excommunicated, shunned as a leper, my servant dying, all on account of some fiendish diablerie of heathen fetish. The affair was preposterous, incredible, ludicrous" (40). Fagan’s story establishes a clear opposition between Western rationalism and “decency”, and the “heathen fetishes” associated with Maori culture, which it uses to infuse the story with the thrills appropriate to Gothic fiction and which it ultimately casts as superstitious and uncivilised. F. E. Maning’s Old New Zealand (1863) includes an episode of Maori women grieving that is represented in terms that would not be out of place in horror. A group of women are described as screaming, wailing, and quivering their hands about in a most extraordinary manner, and cutting themselves dreadfully with sharp flints and shells. One old woman, in the centre of the group, was one clot of blood from head to feet, and large clots of coagulated blood lay on the ground where she stood. The sight was absolutely horrible, I thought at the time. She was singing or howling a dirge-like wail. In her right hand she held a piece of tuhua, or volcanic glass, as sharp as a razor: this she placed deliberately to her left wrist, drawing it slowly upwards to her left shoulder, the spouting blood following as it went; then from the left shoulder downwards, across the breast to the short ribs on the right side; then the rude but keen knife was shifted from the right hand to the left, placed to the right wrist, drawn upwards to the right shoulder, and so down across the breast to the left side, thus making a bloody cross on the breast; and so the operation went on all the time I was there, the old creature all the time howling in time and measure, and keeping time also with the knife, which at every cut was shifted from one hand to the other, as I have described. She had scored her forehead and cheeks before I came; her face and body was a mere clot of blood, and a little stream was dropping from every finger – a more hideous object could scarcely be conceived. (Maning 120–21) The gory quality of this episode positions Maori as barbaric, but Patrick Evans notes that there is an incident in Old New Zealand that grants authenticity to indigenous culture. After being discovered handling human remains, the narrator of Maning’s text is made tapu and rendered untouchable. Although Maning represents the narrator’s adherence to his abjection from Maori society as merely a way to placate a local population, when a tohunga appears to perform cleansing rituals, the narrator’s indulgence of perceived superstition is accompanied by “a curious sensation […] like what I fancied a man must feel who has just sold himself, body and bones, to the devil. For a moment I asked myself the question whether I was not actually being then and there handed over to the powers of darkness” (qtd. in Evans 85). Evans points out that Maning may represent the ritual as solely performative, “but the result is portrayed as real” (85). Maning’s narrator may assert his lack of belief in the tohunga’s power, but he nevertheless experiences that power. Such moments of unease occur throughout colonial writing when assertions of European dominance and rational understanding are undercut or threatened. Evans cites the examples of the painter G. F. Angus whose travels through the native forest of Waikato in the 1840s saw him haunted by the “peculiar odour” of rotting vegetation and Edward Shortland whose efforts to remain skeptical during a sacred Maori ceremony were disturbed by the manifestation of atua rustling in the thatch of the hut in which it was occurring (Evans 85). Even though the mysterious power attributed to Maori in colonial Gothic is frequently represented as threatening, there is also an element of desire at play, which Lydia Wevers highlights in her observation that colonial ghost stories involve a desire to assimilate or be assimilated by what is “other.” Wevers singles out for discussion the story “The Disappearance of Letham Crouch”, which appeared in the New Zealand Illustrated Magazine in 1901. The narrative recounts the experiences of an overzealous missionary who is received by Maori as a new tohunga. In order to learn more about Maori religion (so as to successfully replace it with Christianity), Crouch inhabits a hut that is tapu, resulting in madness and fanaticism. He eventually disappears, only to reappear in the guise of a Maori “stripped for dancing” (qtd. in Wevers 206). Crouch is effectively “turned heathen” (qtd. in Wevers 206), a transformation that is clearly threatening for a Christian European, but there is also an element of desirability in such a transformation for a settler seeking an authentic New Zealand identity. Colonial Gothic frequently figures mysterious experiences with indigenous culture as a way for the European settler to essentially become indigenous by experiencing something perceived as authentically New Zealand. Colonial Gothic frequently includes the supernatural in ways that are complicit in the processes of colonisation that problematizes them as models for contemporary writers. For New Zealanders attempting to produce a Gothic narrative, the most immediately available tropes for a haunting past are Maori, but to use those tropes brings texts uncomfortably close to nineteenth-century obsessions with Maori skeletal remains and a Gothicised New Zealand landscape, which Edmund G. C. King notes is a way of expressing “the sense of bodily and mental displacement that often accompanied the colonial experience” (36). R. H. Chapman’s Mihawhenua (1888) provides an example of tropes particularly Gothic that remain a part of colonial discourse not easily transferable into a bicultural context. Chapman’s band of explorers discover a cave strewn with bones which they interpret to be the remains of gory cannibalistic feasts: Here, we might well imagine, the clear waters of the little stream at our feet had sometime run red with the blood of victims of some horrid carnival, and the pale walls of the cavern had grown more pale in sympathy with the shrieks of the doomed ere a period was put to their tortures. Perchance the owners of some of the bones that lay scattered in careless profusion on the floor, had, when strong with life and being, struggled long and bravely in many a bloody battle, and, being at last overcome, their bodies were brought here to whet the appetites and appease the awful hunger of their victors. (qtd. in King) The assumptions regarding the primitive nature of indigenous culture expressed by reference to the “horrid carnival” of cannibalism complicate the processes through which contemporary writers could meaningfully draw on a tradition of New Zealand Gothic utilising the supernatural. One answer to this dilemma is to use supernatural elements not specifically associated with New Zealand. In Stephen Cain’s anthology Antipodean Tales: Stories from the Dark Side (1996) there are several instances of this, such as in the story “Never Go Tramping Alone” by Alyson Cresswell-Moorcock, which features a creature called a Gravett. As Timothy Jones’s discussion of this anthology demonstrates, there are two problems arising from this unprecedented monster: firstly, the story does not seem to be a “New Zealand Gothic”, which a review in The Evening Post highlights by observing that “there is a distinct ‘Kiwi’ feel to only a few of the stories” (Rendle 5); while secondly, the Gravatt’s appearance in the New Zealand landscape is unconvincing. Jones argues that "When we encounter the wendigo, a not dissimilar spirit to the Gravatt, in Ann Tracy’s Winter Hunger or Stephen King’s Pet Sematary, we have a vague sense that such beings ‘exist’ and belong in the American or Canadian landscapes in which they are located. A Gravatt, however, has no such precedent, no such sense of belonging, and thus loses its authority" (251). Something of this problem is registered in Elizabeth Knox’s vampire novel Daylight (2003), which avoids the problem of making a vampire “fit” with a New Zealand landscape devoid of ancient architecture by setting all the action in Europe. One of the more successful stories in Cain’s collection demonstrates a way of engaging with a specifically New Zealand tradition of supernatural Gothic, while also illustrating some of the potential pitfalls in utilising colonial Gothic tropes of menacing bush, Maori burial caves and skeletal remains. Oliver Nicks’s “The House” focuses on a writer who takes up residence in an isolated “little old colonial cottage in the bush” (8). The strange “odd-angled walls”, floors that seem to slope downwards and the “subterranean silence” of the cottage provokes anxiety in the first-person narrator who admits his thoughts “grew increasingly dark and chaotic” (8). The strangeness of the house is only intensified by the isolation of its surroundings, which are fertile but nevertheless completely uninhabited. Alone and unnerved by the oddness of the house, the narrator listens to the same “inexplicable night screeches and rustlings of the bush” (9) that furnish so much New Zealand Gothic. Yet it is not fear inspired by the menacing bush that troubles the narrator as much as the sense that there was more in this darkness, something from which I felt a greater need to be insulated than the mild horror of mingling with a few wetas, spiders, bats, and other assorted creepy-crawlies. Something was subtlely wrong here – it was not just the oddness of the dimensions and angles. Everything seemed slightly off, not to add up somehow. I could not quite put my finger on whatever it was. (10) When the narrator escapes the claustrophobic house for a walk in the bush, the natural environment is rendered in spectral terms. The narrator is engulfed by the “bare bones of long-dead forest giants” (11) and “crowding tree-corpses”, but the path he follows in order to escape the “Tree-ghosts” is no more comforting since it winds through “a strange grey world with its shrouds of hanging moss, and mist” (12). In the midst of this Gothicised environment the narrator is “transfixed by the intersection of two overpowering irrational forces” when something looms up out of the mist and experiences “irresistible curiosity, balanced by an equal and opposite urge to turn and run like hell” (12). The narrator’s experience of being deep in the threatening bush continues a tradition of colonial writing that renders the natural environment in Gothic terms, such as H. B. Marriot Watson’s The Web of the Spider: A Tale of Adventure (1891), which includes an episode that sees the protagonist Palliser become lost in the forest of Te Tauru and suffer a similar demoralization as Nicks’s narrator: “the horror of the place had gnawed into his soul, and lurked there, mordant. He now saw how it had come to be regarded as the home of the Taniwha, the place of death” (77). Philip Steer points out that it is the Maoriness of Palliser’s surroundings that inspire his existential dread, suggesting a certain amount of settler alienation, but “Palliser’s survival and eventual triumph overwrites this uncertainty with the relegation of Maori to the past” (128). Nicks’s story, although utilising similar tropes to colonial fiction, attempts to puts them to different ends. What strikes such fear in Nicks’s narrator is a mysterious object that inspires the particular dread known as the uncanny: I gave myself a stern talking to and advanced on the shadow. It was about my height, angular, bony and black. It stood as it now stands, as it has stood for centuries, on the edge of a swamp deep in the heart of an ancient forest high in this remote range of hills forming a part of the Southern Alps. As I think of it I cannot help but shudder; it fills me even now with inexplicable awe. It snaked up out of the ground like some malign fern-frond, curving back on itself and curling into a circle at about head height. Extending upwards from the circle were three odd-angled and bent protuberances of unequal length. A strange force flowed from it. It looked alien somehow, but it was man-made. Its power lay, not in its strangeness, but in its unaccountable familiarity; why did I know – have I always known? – how to fear this… thing? (12) This terrible “thing” represents a return of the repressed associated with the crimes of colonisation. After almost being devoured by the malevolent tree-like object the narrator discovers a track leading to a cave decorated with ancient rock paintings that contains a hideous wooden creature that is, in fact, a burial chest. Realising that he has discovered a burial cave, the narrator is shocked to find more chests that have been broken open and bones scattered over the floor. With the discovery of the desecrated burial cave, the hidden crimes of colonisation are brought to light. Unlike colonial Gothic that tends to represent Maori culture as threatening, Nicks’s story represents the forces contained in the cave as a catalyst for a beneficial transformative experience: I do remember the cyclone of malign energy from the abyss gibbering and leering; a flame of terror burning in every cell of my body; a deluge of shrieking unreason threatening to wash away the bare shred that was left of my mind. Yet even as each hellish new dimension yawned before me, defying the limits even of imagination, the fragments of my shattered sanity were being drawn together somehow, and reassembled in novel configurations. To each proposition of demonic impossibility there was a surging, answering wave of kaleidoscopic truth. (19) Although the story replicates colonial writing’s tendency to represent indigenous culture in terms of the irrational and demonic, the authenticity and power of the narrator’s experience is stressed. When he comes to consciousness following an enlightenment that sees him acknowledging that the truth of existence is a limitless space “filled with deep coruscations of beauty and joy” (20) he knows what he must do. Returning to the cottage, the narrator takes several days to search the house and finally finds what he is looking for: a steel box that contains “stolen skulls” (20). The narrator concludes that the “Trophies” (20) buried in the collapsed outhouse are the cause for the “Dark, inexplicable moods, nightmares, hallucinations – spirits, ghosts, demons” that “would have plagued anyone who attempted to remain in this strange, cursed region” (20). Once the narrator returns the remains to the burial cave, the inexplicable events cease and the once-strange house becomes an ideal home for a writer seeking peace in which to work. The colonial Gothic mode in New Zealand utilises the Gothic’s concern with a haunting past in order to associate that past with the primitive and barbaric. By rendering Maori culture in Gothic terms, such as in Maning’s blood-splattered scene of grieving or through the spooky discoveries of bone-strewn caves, colonial writing compares an “uncivilised” indigenous culture with the “civilised” culture of European settlement. For a contemporary writer wishing to produce a New Zealand supernatural horror, the colonial Gothic is a problematic tradition to work from, but Nicks’s story succeeds in utilising tropes associated with colonial writing in order to reverse its ideologies. “The House” represents European settlement in terms of barbarity by representing a brutal desecration of sacred ground, while indigenous culture is represented in positive, if frightening, terms of truth and power. Colonial Gothic’s tendency to associate indigenous culture with violence, barbarism and superstition is certainly replicated in Nicks’s story through the frightening object that attempts to devour the narrator and the macabre burial chests shaped like monsters, but ultimately it is colonial violence that is most overtly condemned, with the power inhabiting the burial cave being represented as ultimately benign, at least towards an intruder who means no harm. More significantly, there is no attempt in the story to explain events that seem outside the understanding of Western rationality. The story accepts as true what the narrator experiences. Nevertheless, in spite of the explicit engagement with the return of repressed crimes associated with colonisation, Nicks’s engagement with the mode of colonial Gothic means there is a replication of some of its underlying notions relating to settlement and belonging. The narrator of Nicks’s story is a contemporary New Zealander who is placed in the position of rectifying colonial crimes in order to take up residence in a site effectively cleansed of the sins of the past. Nicks’s narrator cannot happily inhabit the colonial cottage until the stolen remains are returned to their rightful place and it seems not to occur to him that a greater theft might underlie the smaller one. Returning the stolen skulls is represented as a reasonable action in “The House”, and it is a way for the narrator to establish what Linda Hardy refers to as “natural occupancy,” but the notion of returning a house and land that might also be termed stolen is never entertained, although the story’s final sentence does imply the need for the continuing placation of the powerful indigenous forces that inhabit the land: “To make sure that things stay [peaceful] I think I may just keep this story to myself” (20). The fact that the narrator has not kept the story to himself suggests that his untroubled occupation of the colonial cottage is far more tenuous than he might have hoped. References Ballantyne, David. Sydney Bridge Upside Down. Melbourne: Text, 2010. Bannister, Bronwyn. Haunt. Dunedin: University of Otago Press, 2000. Calder, Alex. “F. E. Maning 1811–1883.” Kotare 7. 2 (2008): 5–18. Chapman, R. H. Mihawhenua: The Adventures of a Party of Tourists Amongst a Tribe of Maoris Discovered in Western Otago. Dunedin: J. Wilkie, 1888. Cresswell-Moorcock, Alyson. “Never Go Tramping Along.” Antipodean Tales: Stories from the Dark Side. Ed. Stephen Cain. Wellington: IPL Books, 1996: 63-71. Evans, Patrick. The Long Forgetting: Postcolonial Literary Culture in New Zealand. Christchurch: Canterbury University Press, 2007. Fagan, D. W. O. Tapu and Other Tales of Old New Zealand. Wellington: A. H. & A. W. Reed, 1952. Gee, Maurice. The Fire-Raiser. Auckland: Penguin, 1986. Gunn, Kirsty. Rain. New York: Grove Press, 1994. Hardy, Linda. “Natural Occupancy.” Meridian 14.2 (October 1995): 213-25. Jones, Timothy. The Gothic as a Practice: Gothic Studies, Genre and the Twentieth Century Gothic. PhD thesis. Wellington: Victoria University, 2010. King, Edmund G. C. “Towards a Prehistory of the Gothic Mode in Nineteenth-Century Zealand Writing,” Journal of New Zealand Literature 28.2 (2010): 35-57. “Kiwi Gothic.” Massey (Nov. 2001). 8 Mar. 2014 ‹http://www.massey.ac.nz/~wwpubafs/magazine/2001_Nov/stories/gothic.html›. Maning, F. E. Old New Zealand and Other Writings. Ed. Alex Calder. London: Leicester University Press, 2001. Marriott Watson, H. B. The Web of the Spider: A Tale of Adventure. London: Hutchinson, 1891. Nicks, Oliver. “The House.” Antipodean Tales: Stories from the Dark Side. Ed. Stephen Cain. Wellington: IPL Books, 1996: 8-20. Rendle, Steve. “Entertaining Trip to the Dark Side.” Rev. of Antipodean Tales: Stories from the Dark Side, ed. Stephen Cain. The Evening Post. 17 Jan. 1997: 5. Shelley, Mary. Frankenstein. Ed. Patrick Nobes. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995. Steer, Philip. “History (Never) Repeats: Pakeha Identity, Novels and the New Zealand Wars.” Journal of New Zealand Literature 25 (2007): 114-37. Virtue, Noel. The Redemption of Elsdon Bird. New York: Grove Press, 1987. Walpole, Horace. The Castle of Otranto. London: Penguin, 2010. Wevers, Lydia. “The Short Story.” The Oxford History of New Zealand Literature in English. Ed. Terry Sturm. Auckland: Oxford University Press, 1991: 203–70.
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