Journal articles on the topic 'Te Reo Maori (Maori Language)'

There are not many loanwords from the Maori language in Russian. Nevertheless, among them there are both exotisms ("Maori," "haka") and words that have become commonplace ("kiwi," "taboo"), whose deep connection with Polynesia and New Zealand is not always obvious to speakers. In addition, a number of borrowings from te reo Maori are found in some Russianspeaking subcultures ("mana," "poi").

INTRODUCTION: The influence of indigeneity is widely recognised as a health determinant; however the impact of the utilisation of the indigenous language on health care has not been closely examined. AIM: To explore the Maori language (te reo) as a determinant of health from a Maori patient’s perspective. METHODS: Maori patients were recruited through Maori health networks and the snowballing technique. Thirty participants participated in one of three focus group interviews. A semi-structured interview explored the utilisation of health services, comfortability with service delivery and perceptions of general practice surgeries’ cultural competency. Thematic analysis was utilised to interpret the data. RESULTS: Te reo was recognised as an important cultural competency, noted by participants as contributing to the development of appropriate doctor–patient relationships and their feelings of being valued within a practice. Patient-led use of te reo was identified as most appropriate, an indicator of quality of care. DISCUSSION: The training of primary care staff in te reo should be encouraged. Developed as a competency, this will see primary care settings better able to respond to Maori patients and in turn support Maori health gains. KEYWORDS: Maori health; Maori language; family practice; quality health indicators

This research examines outcomes from introducing cultural values into Cook Islands secondary schools during two cycles of action research comprising planning, implementing, observing and reflecting. The cultural values upon which the physical education lessons were based were: tāueue (participation), angaanga kapiti (cooperation), akatano (discipline), angaanga taokotai (community involvement), te reo Maori Kuki Airani (Cook Islands Maori language), and auora (physical and spiritual wellbeing). The cultural values were believed to be an essential element of teaching physical education but one challenge was how to assist teachers to implement the cultural values into classroom teaching as most participant teachers were not Cook Islanders. Findings from this action research project suggest that while participant teachers and community cultural experts may agree to incorporate cultural values in teaching Cook Islands secondary school students, teachers nonetheless find difficulties in implementing this objective.

In 1995 I Taught a Course in New Zealand Literature at Tokyo University. The Students Were Attentive, and Curious About New Zealand, but they found my Kiwi English hard to follow, being accustomed to American or British varieties. I wondered about their seeming tolerance recently while teaching a similar course to undergraduates back home, at Victoria University, in Wellington, when one of the Maori students complimented a Pākehā (New Zealand European) colleague for her Maori pronunciation. Like most Pākehā, I have a rudimentary grasp of Māori, enough to be familiar with the words and phrases that have entered everyday speech and those in the poetry and fiction I teach. But I cannot conduct a conversation in Māori or read a Māori text, and I am as embarrassed by the irritation that my pronunciation of te reo (the Māori language) causes Māori speakers as I was by the difficulty my rising terminals and strange accent posed for competent English speakers in Japan.

While support for compulsory te reo Māori in schools in Aoteaora New Zealand is growing, there is a risk that any future policy could fail, or be only poorly implemented, unless we understand more deeply the factors which shape effective language policy implementation in schools. In this paper we employ a ‘future policy analysis' to explore what it would take to effectively implement a compulsory te reo Māori policy in schools in the future. We report on interviews with twelve purposively selected stakeholders (including Māori, Pākehā, Chinese and Samoan teachers, principals and one Member of Parliament) to elicit from their experiences and reflections the key elements required to implement te reo Māori well in schools. Participants identified that prioritising and valuing te reo Maori was foundational and essential for any potential policy shift at both national and school level. In addition, participants elaborated on how teacher expertise, resourcing, time and leadership support through senior management was integral to successful adoption and implementation. The paper concludes by recommending urgent attention to a range of future-focused strategies that beginning right now could bring about transformational change in our schools and give te reo Māori the mana it deserves.

Structured literacy is an evidence-based approach (Brady, 2011; Fletcher et al., 2007; Forman et al., 2016; IDA, 2018; National Reading Panel NRP, 2000, TKI 2020a) informed by the science of reading acquisition instruction and how the brain acquires and processes information (Reyna, 2004; Seidenberg, 2017). The literature examines how this approach could support bilingual tamariki (children) who may present with dyslexic tendencies in Māori-medium immersion contexts. Through an anonymous questionnaire to kaiako within Kura Kaupapa Māori (Māori-medium immersion schools) who teach or have taught tau 0-10 ākonga (years 1-10 students), participants shared what they know and understand about literacy, dyslexia and how this learning difference might reveal itself through te reo Māori (Maori language) and English. The findings highlighted the potential structured literacy has to benefit all ākonga in both languages and the need for te reo Māori resources and professional development on dyslexia and structured literacy.

Modelled on earlier national surveys of 1987 and 1994, this 2003 survey polled New Zealand journalists on their educational background, formal training, experiences on the job and professional development. Even though the returns (297) were fewer than expected, those participating provided useful insights into the profession. Participants responded to questions about changing aspects of journalism (such as the impact of the internet, and the consequences of commercial pressures on newsgathernig), which are compared with American journalists responding to the same questions. They also responded to questions about the use of te reo language and coverage of Maori news and issues. Despite the contraints of the same size, there is ample evidence in this survey to show young New Zealand journalists take their profession seriously, and demonstrate a willingness to address the imperfections and shortcomings of the Fourth Estate.

The following is being published as if it were a “Letter to the Editor”[1] of the IJVTPR. It was written in response to a request to the Editorial Board from Charles Tortise on behalf of the de jure Sovereign Wakaminenga Maori Government (WMG) of Nui Tireni New Zealand. He called on the journal editors and authors to supply up to the minute information to be used in helping to shape nationwide policy in New Zealand during the COVID-19 Aftermath. Whereas the leader of the de facto Wellington government, the Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern, recently relaxed certain “mandates” — ones that Blaylock refers to as “draconian” — concerning the COVID-19 masks and injections, her whole de facto NZ government, which draws authority from the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi has always been legally subordinated to the de jure Sovereign Wakaminenga, in accordance with the 1835 He Wakaputanga, a Declaration of Independence by the Confederation of the Chiefs of the United Maori tribes. By law, the subordinate NZ government headed up now by Ardern, must be authorized each year by the agreement of the direct descendants of those Chiefs, meeting in Congress, known as the National Wakaminenga, to continue as the de facto government. This being the case, it is the declared intention of the WMG to learn as much as possible about the COVID-19 injectables, and about the world-wide genetic experiments that are underway. Such information is needed in order for the de jure WMG to decide wisely about whether the policies and regulations put in place as the COVID-19 response of the de facto NZ government in Wellington were as “safe and effective” as has been said and review their performance accordingly. Maori are defined as people who “aspire to purity without blemish”, and the jurisdiction they have is, as far as we know, unique in all the world. Therefore, the discussion underway there, incorporating the information in this letter, written by Russell Blaylock, MD and retired neurosurgeon, is addressed not only to the WMG through Charles G. Tortise, but also the whole world. It is written on behalf of a group of people hardly known to much of the rest of the world but who are, in the estimation of the editors of this journal, about to make world-wide history in respect to the COVID Aftermath. It was after consultation among several members of our Editorial Board that we decided to call on Russell Blaylock, to write the initial position paper, as it were, to be presented to the WMG. He won’t say it but we will: he is eminently well qualified and credentialed to write the opinion letter that follows. This is his position paper for the WMG. [1] This letter has been reviewed by three other members of the Editorial Board for the IJVTPR and is published here because of the importance of the issues at stake not only to all New Zealand, but to the whole world. In the opinion of the editors, the policies being challenged by the sovereign Wakaminenga Maori Government (WMG) of New Zealand — for reasons detailed by Russell Blaylock, MD — are of critical importance to the whole world. The WMG is led by Arikinui Ripekatangi also known by her English name as Georgina Job. The term “Wakaminenga” in Te reo, the Maori language, means “assembly”. The Maori people are from different tribes called “iwi” and smaller groups known as “hapu”. Leaders of the northern tribes began meeting from about 1808 in a formal assembly to discuss laws and policy concerning the increasing interactions with foreigners, especially the British that followed soon after James Cook landed there during one of his voyages of exploration. The assembly was known as “Te Wakaminenga o Ngā Hapū o Nu Tīreni” [the General Assembly of the Tribal Nations]. The WMG is the administrative arm of the current National Assembly, website here. Of note Arikinui Ripekatangi issued a statement dated August 16, 2022 outlining the background leading to this article. The website address for the WMG news releases is here.

In this piece, I recount some events in which I was called upon to speak in te reo Maori on behalf of others in a variety of formal situations. I call this being ‘on the paepae’ but the paepae should be understood more properly as the paepae tapu. I will leave the further explanation of this for others who should rightly speak about such things. For my purposes here, the paepae is understood to be any situation in which one acts as a spokesperson for others and follows tikanga Maori in a contemporary context. I always feel like I am on the paepae when speaking te reo Maori in many situations. More often than not, this happens in schools. We are usually not on an actual marae but, nonetheless, a paepae is brought into existence. I have done this speaking (whaiko rero) with varying degrees of success and competence, and not a little anxiety. I have got it wrong sometimes and failed utterly in my responsibilities. A few times I have done well. Recently, my father-in-law presented me with a tokotoko, a ceremonial ‘walking’ stick (or perhaps it should be talking stick), to be carried when doing whaiko rero. This was a surprise and has caused me to reflect on my position as a Pa kehaon the paepae. Kua tae mai a tokotoko. Me aha ahau? The walking stick has arrived. What should I do?

A recent innovation in early childhood care and education in Aotearoa/New Zealand has been the new curriculum, Te Whäriki (Ministry of Education, 1996), which has a strong bicultural emphasis. This means that early childhood educators and teacher educators are attempting to address the challenges posed by a document which requires them to move outside the mono cultural dominant paradigm. Most early childhood teachers and teacher educators are not speakers of the Maori language, and lack Maori cultural knowledge. This paper discusses some of the strategies identified in research which addresses these issues. The role of teacher education in preparing non-Maori students to deliver a bicultural curriculum, and ‘indicators’ of bicultural development in early childhood centres are also discussed.

It is more than obvious to say that the signing of the Treaty was the big event of the 1840s. The initial Treaty signing at Waitangi on 6 February 1840 by Lieutenant-Governor William Hobson, representing the British Crown, and "about 45 Maori chiefs" has become a defining moment in New Zealand's history, but, as Smith notes, [o]nly recently has the Treaty of Waitangi become central to national life ... Hastily devised at the time, the treaty sheets have become a national monument: they mean different things to different groups but have had an evolving official interpretation placed upon them. The Treaty "is the basis of the Crown's authority and legitimised European settlement in New Zealand," but important differences between the English version and the Māori version (which most Māori signed) include differences in the translations of article one (the cession of sovereignty vs "te kāwanatanga katoa" (governorship)), and silence in the te reo Māori text "on the Crown right of pre-emption. It promised the Queen "hokonga" - the buying and selling of land that Maori were willing to part with - but not exclusively, nor even as the highest priority.

The New Zealand Draft Curriculum Guidelines for Early Childhood Education, ‘Te Whariki’, introduced in 1993, are discussed in relation to the historical and cultural contexts which underlie their development, and aspects of the bicultural focus of the document are highlighted. The document addresses the aspirations of the indigenous people of New Zealand, the Maori, for their language and culture to be protected and sustained. Early childhood is the primary site for the transmission of language and culture, and this places the onus on all early childhood educators in New Zealand to address these issues in an integrated way within the early childhood curriculum.

The above group of ethnically diverse, third-year community development students from Massey University, Aotearoa New Zealand connected through a shared interest in the wellbeing of Maori and Pasifika peoples in Oceania. They identified the critical importance of preserving indigenous languages as a vehicle for maintaining cultural heritage and linguistic rights. Diasporic Pacific populations experience vulnerability in maintaining cultural heri- tage. One of the fundamental elements in retaining cultural heritage is the preservation of indigenous languages. This paper was presented at the Social Policy, Social Welfare Systems and Human Security in the Pacific Conference held at the University of South Pacific, 5th- 7th October 2010. It explores a structural analysis and ‘development from below’ process which identified a unifying metaphor as a powerful tool to assist social change around the preservation of indigenous languages. Rather than employing a hegemonic view on the sta- tus of indigenous languages, this paper offers solutions from a Pasifika perspective formed within a post-modern New Zealand context. This framework and the process that the students undertook offer a valuable contribution to social and cultural protection and human security policy development as it pertains to language preservation within Oceania. Other social change groups may find this process and the tool/metaphor useful for their work. Ko toku reo, toku ohooho Ko toku reo, toku mapihi maurea. My language is my awakening My language is the window to my soul.

In writing the history of art in Aotearoa/New Zealand, much attention has been focussed on the exhibitions and activities of painters and sculptors of the Māori Renaissance in the 1950s. Equally significant was the impetus given to reviving customary crafts through the Adult Education movement associated with the University of Auckland. The Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act of 1945 positioned the responsibility for preservation, revival and maintenance of "Māori arts, crafts, language, genealogy and history" with iwi, and led to the formation of the Maori Women's Welfare League in September 1951, with its agenda to perpetuate women's skills in Māori arts and crafts, and for these to be practised within an architectural context. A Māori advisory committee was established in the Adult Education Centre at Auckland University College in 1945, tasked with mitigating Māori urban alienation through the teaching of Māori arts and cultural history to establish "pride of race and cultural achievement." In 1949, the first tutor for the Maori Adult Education Extension Programme was appointed, Maharaia Winiata (1912-60), followed by a graduate of the Rotorua School of Māori Arts and Crafts, Master carver Henare Toka (Ngāti Whatua) and his wife Mere. They recruited students from the Auckland University College Māori Club and pupils from Māori secondary schools to decorate the entrance hall of Sonoma House, 21 Princes Street, with kōwhaiwhai and tukutuku. Thus an Edwardian building was reborn as the University's Adult Education Centre, and was acclaimed for its biculturalism in the spring issue of Te Ao Hou in 1954. Now 60 years old, the tukutuku panels have been preserved by present day Deputy Vice Chancellor Jim Peters in the ground floor of the University's Clocktower following the disestablishment of Adult Education. Seven of these tukutuku panels have recently undergone extensive conservation treatment, and they are recognised as highly significant examples of twentieth century weaving, exemplifying the approach to reviving customary tukutuku at mid-century in terms of the materials and techniques as well as patterns: muumuu, or purapura whetuu roimata toroa), waharua koopito, whakarua koopito, niho taniwha and nihoniho. They have now gone on display in pride of place in the University Clocktower. This paper will contextualise the changing meaning of these tukutuku panels from interior décor to historic design within the evolving narrative of customary Māori weaving practices.

Aims: To explore associations between experiences of mental illness, migration status and languages spoken among Pacific adults living in NZ. Methods: SURVEY FREQ and SURVEY LOGISTIC procedures in SAS were applied to data from Te Rau Hinengaro: The New Zealand (NZ) Mental Health Survey, a survey of 12,992 New Zealand adults aged 16 and over in 2003/2004. Pacific people were over sampled and this paper focuses on the 2374 Pacific participants but includes, for comparison, 8160 non-Maori-non-Pacific (NMNP) participants. Results: Pacific migrant respondents had the lowest prevalence of mental disorders compared to other Pacific peoples. However, Pacific immigrants were also less likely to use mental health services, suggesting an increased likelihood of experiencing barriers to available mental health care. Those who were born in NZ and who were proficient in a Pacific language had the lowest levels of common mental disorders, suggesting a protective effect for the NZ-born population. Additionally, access to mental health services was similar between NZ-born people who spoke a Pacific language and those who did not. Conclusions: We conclude that, given the association between Pacific language and reduced mental disorder, there may be a positive role for Pacific language promotion in efforts to reduce the prevalence of mental health disorder among Pacific communities in NZ.

<p>Οι περισσότεροι ερευνητές, συμφωνούν, πλέον, πως η βασική αιτία των ελλειμμάτων, που εμφανίζουν οι δυσλεκτικοί μαθητές στην κατάκτηση του γραπτού λόγου, οφείλονται στο «φωνολογικό έλλειμμα», δηλαδή στις δυσκολίες αποθήκευσης, όσο και ανάκλησης, των φωνημάτων των λέξεων. Οι δυσλεκτικοί μαθητές εμφανίζουν, επίσης, ένα γενικότερο έλλειμμα αυτοματισμού, που εκδηλώνεται ως αδυναμία γρήγορης και αυτοματοποιημένης ονομασίας των φωνημάτων, καθώς και γρήγορης και αυτοματοποιημένης γραφής τους, με τα αντίστοιχα γραπτά σύμβολα. Η σημασία της παροχής πολυαισθητηριακής διδασκαλίας σε επίπεδο γραφοφωνημικής, ορθογραφικής και μορφολογικής συνειδητοποίησης είναι αποδεδειγμένη από πολλές έρευνες στον τομέα των παρεμβάσεων για δυσλεκτικούς μαθητές.</p><p> Στην παρούσα μελέτη διερευνήθηκε η αποτελεσματικότητα της Πολυαισθητηριακής Μεθόδου Διδασκαλίας, που δημιουργήσαμε στην ελληνική γλώσσα, στην ανάπτυξη των δεξιοτήτων<strong> </strong>ορθογραφημένης γραφής στους δυσλεκτικούς μαθητές<strong>. </strong>Η πολυαισθητηριακή μέθοδος<strong> </strong>εφαρμόστηκε, εξατομικευμένα, 6 ημέρες την εβδομάδα για διάστημα τριών μηνών, σε 24 δυσλεκτικούς μαθητές δημοτικού σχολείου. Ως ομάδα έλεγχου επιλέχθηκαν 24 δυσλεκτικά παιδιά, με αντίστοιχα χαρακτηριστικά με την πειραματική ομάδα, τα όποια παρακολούθησαν αποκλειστικά το πρόγραμμα του σχολείου τους. Τα αποτελέσματα της χρήσης της Πολυαισθητηριακής Μεθόδου έδειξαν στατιστικά σημαντική βελτίωση στην ορθογραφημένη γραφή λέξεων της πειραματικής ομάδας, σε σχέση με την ομάδα έλεγχου, καθώς και στατιστικά σημαντική βελτίωση στην επίδοση της πειραματικής ομάδας, σε σχέση με την επίδοση της πριν από την εφαρμογή της μεθόδου.</p><div id="SL_balloon_obj" style="display: block;"><div id="SL_button" style="background: transparent url('chrome://imtranslator/content/img/util/imtranslator-s.png') repeat scroll 0% 0%; display: none; width: 24px; height: 24px; position: absolute; cursor: pointer; visibility: visible; opacity: 1; transition: visibility 0.1s ease 0s, opacity 0.1s linear 0s;"> </div><div id="SL_shadow_translation_result2" style="display: none; margin-top: 30px; margin-left: 1px; direction: ltr; text-align: left; min-height: 40px;"> </div><div id="SL_shadow_translator" style="display: none;"><div id="SL_providers"><div id="SL_P0" class="SL_BL_LABLE_ON" title="Google">G</div><div 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This article explores the close relationship between the loss of Te Reo Maori and the impact on Maori performing arts. The crucial role of language as the central component to Maori performing arts is examined, and the revival of Te reo Maori is considered as a parallel development to the growth in the number of Te Reo speakers since the 1970s.

Ko te patai e whaingia nei ko ‘Kei hea te reo?’. E tika ana pea kia pataingia hokitia, ‘He aha te reo?’ The question is ‘Where is the reo?’ It is also appropriate perhaps to ask ‘What is the reo?’ E ai ki te marearea ko te reo Maaori, he momo reo mai i a Raiaatea, mai i Te Moana nui a Kiwa. Kia whakakuitihia teenei, he reo mai i Te Moana nui a Kiwa ki te Raawhiti, he reo wheenaa i teenaa ki a Rarotonga, Hawaii, Rapa Nui me ngaa moutere ki waaenganui. The proposition usually is that te reo Maori is a Pacific language. The standard approach is to narrow that down to a language of Eastern Polynesia sharing features with the languages of the Cook Islands, Hawaii, Easter Island and points in between.

This article extends on the notion of the traditional Maori notion of three baskets of knowledge by adding a fourth category. The author draws on an extensive quantity of literature, over a diverse range of disciplines, with a general focus on the role of Te Reo Maori (the Maori language) in the modern world.

The traditional domains in which the Maori language has been able to flourish or even survive have been severely reduced as a result of colonisation and associated language loss. The breakdown of traditional Maori communities and the economic and social pressures experienced by Maori have all contributed to our language decline as our people increasingly left their traditional communities for the urban centres in the hope of securing a better existence for them and their whanau. This move away from papakainga combined with the restrictions upon access to traditional mahinga kai (food gathering places) has meant the domain of te taiao (the environment) and associated language around the hunting and gathering practices of our tupuna (ancestors )are now held by a declining number of repositories of the reo. Furthermore advances in technology, techniques and equipment used in the modern harvest of wild foods have occurred faster than the evolution of the language. The survival of the language and transmission of its knowledge now requires collaboration between those with knowledge of the language and those engaged in the environment. This will enable the development of vocabulary to keep up with the changes while maintaining the traditional knowledge base and perspective. This paper aims to examine methods of collaborating those with the specific knowledge of each field in an effort to regenerate the usage of the language in the domain from which it finds reference.

This paper considers the language from several points of view including leadership, identity and literacy. Attention is given to possibilities for language development, recent literature and future emphases. Contents 1 Background 2 Homes and Locales 3 Language leadership and direction 4 Identity and Property 5 Literacy 6 Language Leaps 7 Concluding comments Bibliography

In this article, the use of the Te Whanake textbooks and resources – a comprehensive series designed to teach Maori as a second language to adults – is evaluated. Issues of teaching methodologies, the content of the materials, the principles behind their creation, and associated themes are analysed.

During 1992, many hands seized the chance to paddle the Maori education waka in the primary system.The Maori community continued to establish Kura Kaupapa Maori, immersion and bilingual programmes. Schools increased the involvement of whanau in their activities and generally attempted to improve the quality of Maori education programmes.The National Maori Congress, Te Whakakotahitanga o Nga Iwi o Aotearoa, completed a report that promoted the goal of establishing iwi education authorities. Government established an inquiry into Maori education and directed officials committees to:(a) develop a bold strategy for the protection and promotion of te reo Maori; and(b) develop a comprehensive policy for Maori education.A Maori Education Group to comment on the Minister of Education’s “Vision for Education” was established. Maori government officials and others attempted to co-ordinate an effective Maori voice in education through Te Roopu Whakahaere and Te Roopu Whanui.Tino Rangatiratanga continued its work of co-ordinating, mobilising and politicising Maori in education and challenging the effectiveness of existing or proposed government education policy.Finally, in an atmosphere of government hostility towards unions, the primary teachers’ union, the New Zealand Educational Institute (NZEI) strengthened its philosophies, policies, priorities and practices by:establishing Miro Maori as an integral part of NZEI structures;giving leadership, direction and cohesion to the development of Maori education policies; andensuring that Maori views are included in the activities, developments and changes in the general education system.In putting forward a Maori unionist’s view, there is recognition that during 1992:Maori people put a lot of energy into primary education for the purpose of improving Maori achievement, revitalizing te reo me ona tikanga Maori andstrengthening Maori participation in the education of their children;NZEI, the primary teachers’ union, gave significant support to Maori education developments; andthere was a lot of government activity and stated commitment but their work lacked rigour, direction and coherency.Although many hands paddled the Maori education waka, by the end of 1992, it had made only a minor advance from where it had been in 1991. The waka tended to veer in motion from side to side, backwards and forwards and swirled around in circles rather than tracking forwards towards achieving significant goals. The Matauranga Maori waka clearly lacks strong navigational leadership, and government in particular is paddling against the tide of Maori aspirations...

In this article, Peter Cleave explores aspects of the revitalisation of te reo Maori in a modern context, considering social, cultural, geographic and political dimensions that affect the development of te reo.

In February of 2018, Māori Television began broadcasting several shows associated with the WWE (World Wrestling Entertainment) franchise, including its flagship programs, “Raw” and “Smackdown.” One airing per week is in te reo Māori. Not surprisingly, this decision led to a wave of controversy that has not dissipated. Critics cite the promotion of violence and the lack of Māori content on the show, while supporters note that broadcasting popular entertainment will bring more viewers to the station.

This paper highlights the importance of majority-culture professionals learning to work in contexts where control over educational research, development and training for indigenous people remains under the control of indigenous people, and is located within culturally preferred practices and settings. We describe work undertaken by our bicultural research whanau at the New Zealand Specialist Education Services Poutama Pounamu Education Research Centre, in Tauranga. We discuss processes and outcomes of research which has been undertaken within a research whanau (metaphoric extended family). Our whanau includes Maori elders, Maori members of the New Zealand Specialist Education Services, Maori teachers, as well as Maori students and a non-Maori academic. To date, our research has focussed on developing and trialing learning and behavioural resources for Maori students, and their teachers and families. We present information from five projects; (1) parent- or peer-delivered Maori and English reading tutoring strategies (Tatari Tautoko Tauawhi); (2) a collaborative parent and teacher programme designed to assist Maori students experiencing behavioural difficulties in school, home and community settings (Hei Awhina Matua); (3) a programme for improving students’ learning to write in Maori (Kia Puawai ai Te Reo); (4) a study of the training needs of itinerant Resource Teachers of Guidance and Learning, so they can assist Maori students experiencing behavioural and learning difficulties in mainstream schools; and (5) Mauri Tau, a programme for young Maori who are parents or are becoming parents. Each of the five projects has generated practical and effective resources for sharing with Maori students, teachers and communities. We now seek to establish networks to enable us to deliver our research findings and materials around New Zealand. We conclude this paper by focussing attention onto some of the important cultural principles which have guided our work, and will continue to do so.

From the voyages of Te Aurere, the waka that retraced the voyage of our tipuna by sailing from Aotearoa to Rarotonga and back (Te Puni Kokiri, 1992), to the daily symposium of research based papers on Maori education at the joint NZARE/AARE Researchers in Education conference in Geelong, Melbourne (AARE/NZARE, 1992), Maori education in traditional and contemporary forms has followed this counsel in interesting ways in 1992, both in Aotearoa as well as in the wider international context. A sampling of these programmes throughout this paper will highlight the diversity this expression has taken in the past twelve months. The year also marked the anniversary of some significant events in our educational history: a decade since the opening of the first Te Kohanga Reo, effectively launching the movement and, nine decades since the birth of Clarence Beeby, former Director General of Education, one of this country’s educational giants, whose words in 1939 gave Peter Fraser, then Minister of Education, the first education policy on equal educational opportunity. In August 1992 it was announced that the Contestable Equity Fund would not be continued in the 1993 academic year. Somewhat incredible was the statement which announced the fund’s abolition: The fund was set up to encourage institutions in ways of equity, and this has been done. (AUS, 1992) ...an interesting claim, on the eve of the 1993 Suffrage Year activities and the 1993 United Nations Indigenous People’s Year. Indeed, the fate of equity in education since the National government came to power in late 1990 has been a matter of real concern. Equity remains one of this country’s critical contemporary issues. Analyses of the equity women have attained in this country, particularly Maori women, will be discussed in the light of this claim and the recently released Status of Women in New Zealand. The Second Periodic Report on the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women, it is described by the Hon. Jenny Shipley in its foreword as “the most definitive piece of work to date on the status of women in New Zealand” (CEDAW, 1992, p. vi). Prepared by the Ministry of Women’s Affairs for submission to the United Nations and released in December 1992, this report will provide the most up to date data against which to test claims about the attainment of equity on any economic, social or educational indicators. These events will be briefly visited in order to provide something of a historical perspective on this 1992 review, ensuring that it is not read in an ahistorical timeless void. In summary, then, this paper will analyse Maori education in 1992, by providing an overview of Maori education initiatives in national and international contexts, and by comparing some issues and trends in Maori education in 1992 with their historical antecedents.

This presentation looks at some of the main pillars of language revitalisation suggested by Fishman et al, and how they can be transposed on to an indigenous platform. With Critical Language Awareness, Status Planning, Acquisition Planning and Implementation being the main pillars; the paper explores how these can be translated in to a Māori model. As a reference point, I will look at my own two tribes from the northern part of New Zealand. Patukoraha and Te Whanau Moana, who have experienced severe language loss as evidenced by the depleting numbers of speakers of the reo in contexts such as marae, local meeting house, home, community events etc. A language revitalisation strategy is explored as a way to support these hapū to reverse language shift and the decline of competent speakers and return the language to its appropriate and rightful place in the cultural and social place as the essence of Māoritanga, and integral component of cultural identity. Using both the pillars and Mātāpono Māori, Māori principles of Rangatiratanga, ownership, Whanaungatanga, kinship ties, Kaitiakitanga, guardianship, and Rāhu/Takwai, reservations, and with a base grounded in Whakapapa, genealogical ties, the symbolic nature of a Wheke, octopus (a local guardian totem) was drawn forth. With each arm representing a particular facet, this symbolism, exposes the fundamental aspect that each arm moves independently, but ultimately all ensure the survival of the octopus, relating to the proverb: “one hand washes the other, both wash the face”.

In 1901 Reweti Kohere, Anglican clergyman and editor of the Maori-language newspaper Te Pipiwharauroa, wrote the following words about Indian troops visiting New Zealand. Ahakoa he iwi ke noa atu ratou, otira i te mea kotahi ano to tatou kingitanga, kotahi ano ta tatou kara e whawhai nei, ko te kara a to tatou kuini kua tangohia atu nei, to tatou to ratou kuini, e tat ana ano tatou. [Although they are quite a different rate, it is on account of us having one rule and one flag that is fought under, the flag of our Queen who has been taken from us, ours and their Queen, that we are close to them.]