Journal articles on the topic 'Tasmania Colonization'

Australian montane sclerophyll shrubland vegetation is widely considered to be resilient to infrequent severe fire, but this may not be the case in Tasmania. Here, we report on the vegetative and seedling regeneration response of a Tasmanian non-coniferous woody montane shrubland following a severe fire, which burned much of the Great Pine Tier in the Central Plateau Conservation Area during the 2018–2019 fire season when a historically anomalously large area was burned in central Tasmania. Our field survey of a representative area burned by severe crown fire revealed that more than 99% of the shrubland plants were top-killed, with only 5% of the burnt plants resprouting one year following the fire. Such a low resprouting rate means the resilience of the shrubland depends on seedling regeneration from aerial and soil seedbanks or colonization from plants outside the burned area. Woody species’ seedling densities were variable but generally low (25 m−2). The low number of resprouters, and reliance on seedlings for recovery, suggest the shrubland may not be as resilient to fire as mainland Australian montane shrubland, particularly given a warming climate and likely increase in fire frequency.

Colletotrichum tanaceti, the causal agent of anthracnose, is an emerging pathogen of commercially grown pyrethrum (Tanacetum cinerariifolium) in Australia. A microsatellite marker library was developed to understand the spatio-genetic structure over three sampled years and across two regions where pyrethrum is cultivated in Australia. Results indicated that C. tanaceti was highly diverse with a mixed reproductive mode; comprising both sexual and clonal reproduction. Sexual reproduction of C. tanaceti was more prevalent in Tasmania than in Victoria. Little differentiation was observed among field populations likely due to isolation by colonization but most of the genetic variation was occurring within populations. C. tanaceti was likely to have had a long-distance gene and genotype flow among distant populations within a state and between states. Anthropogenic transmission of propagules and wind dispersal of ascospores are the most probable mechanisms of long-distance dispersal of C. tanaceti. Evaluation of putative population histories suggested that C. tanaceti most likely originated in Tasmania and expanded from an unidentified host onto pyrethrum. Victoria was later invaded by the Tasmanian population. With the mixed mode of reproduction and possible long-distance gene flow, C. tanaceti is likely to have a high evolutionary potential and thereby has ability to adapt to management practices in the future.

Populations on continental islands are often distinguishable from mainland conspecifics with respect to body size, appearance, behaviour or life history, and this is often congruent with genetic patterns. It is commonly assumed that such differences developed following the complete isolation of populations by sea-level rise following the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM). However, population divergence may predate the LGM, or marine dispersal and colonization of islands may have occurred more recently; in both cases, populations may have also diverged despite ongoing gene flow. Here, we test these alternative hypotheses for the divergence between wedge-tailed eagles from mainland Australia ( Aquila audax audax ) and the threatened Tasmanian subspecies ( Aquila audax fleayi ), based on variation at 20 microsatellite loci and mtDNA. Coalescent analyses indicate that population divergence appreciably postdates the severance of terrestrial habitat continuity and occurred without any subsequent gene flow. We infer a recent colonization of Tasmania by marine dispersal and cannot discount founder effects as the cause of differences in body size and life history. We call into question the general assumption of post-LGM marine transgression as the initiator of divergence of terrestrial lineages on continental islands and adjacent mainland, and highlight the range of alternative scenarios that should be considered.

It was a quarter of a century ago that ANTIQUITY first announced the ‘Pleistocene colonization of Australia’, when Mulvaney (1964) reported secure dates before 12,000 b.p. from Kenniff Cave, Queensland. The last three years alone have seen dates from New Guinea of around 40,000 b.p., early dates from the offshore islands of the Bismarck Archipelago, and dates from Australia itself that show a rapid colonization of both the arid central desert and cold, wet Tasmania – environments very different from the tropical islands of Southeast Asia, whence the first Australasian populations must surely have come. It is a record with great implications for early settlement elsewhere, most plainly of the American continents.

The late Pleistocene colonization of Greater Australia by humans by c. 40,0130 b.p. is now generally accepted. This landmass, which comprised at periods of lower sea levels Tasmania, Australia and Papua New Guinea, has now produced sites with rich and diverse sequences extending towards or now mainly beyond 30,000 b.p., in the present arid country of western New South Wales (Barbetti & Allen 1972), in southwest Western Australia (Pearce & Barbetti 1981), in the Papua New Guinea Highlands (Gillieson & Mountain 1983), and recently even in Tasmania (Cosgrove 1989).Prior to 1985, with the exception of an 11,000 b.p. date for occupation in Misisjl Cave on New Britain (Specht et al. 1981), the tropical lowlands of Papua New Guinea and its attendant nearer Melanesian island chain had remained a blank on the region’s map of Pleistocene human expansion.

A colonization experiment was used to investigate landscape use of a commercially managed wet forest in southern Tasmania by the ground-dwelling frog, Crinia signifera. Replicated artificial ponds were placed at increasing distances (20, 100, 250 and 500 m) from nine permanent breeding sites to investigate the effect of pond isolation on colonization. Four of these permanent breeding sites were surrounded by coupes that had been logged within the previous five years and five permanent breeding sites were surrounded by unlogged forest to investigate the effect of recent logging on colonization. The rate of colonization, the frequency of colonization, male size and female size (inferred from clutch size) were monitored over two breeding seasons. No pond isolation effects were found, indicating that G. signifera is randomly distributed throughout the forest landscape for up to 500 m around each permanent breeding site. Such patterns of forest habitat use indicate that management prescriptions should not only take into account the habitat characteristics of breeding sites but should also consider the surrounding terrestrial landscape. Ponds surrounded by unlogged forest were colonized almost two times faster than ponds surrounded by logged forest indicatlng that landscape modtfication can significantly alter amphibian mobility. These findings have consequences for total reproductive output especially in landscapes where breeding sites are highly variable and for species that are slow to colonize new breeding sites.

Logging in Tasmania's wet eucalypt forests has traditionally been based on a clearfell, burn and sow regime, a process that has become increasingly controversial in recent years. The managing authority for these forests, Forestry Tasmania, has designed a Silvicultural Systems Trial in Tasmania's Southern Forests to explore alternative methods for harvesting and regenerating eucalypts. One of the components of this Trial is a study of lichens and bryophytes. Pre-logging surveys revealed a diverse flora comprising 134 lichen and 144 bryophyte taxa. Logging and regeneration produces a suite of new microhabitats for colonization by lichens and bryophytes. After three years, 51 lichens have been recorded in the plots. Twenty-eight were recorded in the unlogged forest, and represent recolonizers; lichen survivors after logging and regeneration treatment are very few. The remaining 23 lichens represent some transient weedy species as well as some that are typical of more open, drier conditions. A feature of the post-logging flora is the high proportion of species also found in the Northern Hemisphere. Re-establishment of the pre-logging flora is limited by habitat and will depend on the re-establishment of pre-logging habitats such as mature dominant trees and understorey trees and shrubs.

Abstract Pederson, H. G., and Johnson, C. R. 2008. Growth and age structure of sea urchins (Heliocidaris erythrogramma) in complex barrens and native macroalgal beds in eastern Tasmania. – ICES Journal of Marine Science, 65: 1–11. The formation of small-scale barrens of sea urchins on the east coast of Tasmania allows for direct comparison of the growth rates and age structures of sea urchin populations in barrens and habitats dominated by native macroalgae. However, such barrens are atypical of any previously described in temperate regions worldwide mainly because of the establishment and seasonal colonization by the introduced macroalga Undaria pinnatifida. Growth models were fitted to sea urchin (Heliocidaris erythrogramma) data, based on tag-recapture information from two distinct community types, a native macroalgal bed and a sea urchin barren colonized by U. pinnatifida. Despite the distinct contrast in habitats, size-at-age relationships and age frequency distributions were not significantly different between the two populations. However, the relationship between jaw length and test diameters was significantly different between populations, sea urchins in barrens possessing larger jaws relative to conspecifics of similar test diameter in native macroalgal habitats. It is proposed that the growth of sea urchins on barrens is not adversely affected by the loss of native macroalgae in the presence of U. pinnatifida. However, sea urchins display a level of resource limitation in barrens because of differences in the relationships of sea urchin morphometrics.

Genealogy based methods were used to estimate phylogeographic history for a Tasmanian endemic conifer, Huon pine ( Lagarostrobos franklinii (Hook. f.) Quinn). DNA from trees in eight populations was sequenced using three chloroplast primers (trnS–trnT, trnD–trnT, and psbC–trnS). Mean nucleotide diversity was low (π = 0.000 93 ± 0.000 06) from 892 base pairs of sequence, but varied in stands from 0.0 to 0.001 15. Two of the five haplotypes were widely distributed, but the most frequently occurring haplotype was found only in the western portion of the range. Population structure was highly significant among populations overall (GST = 0.261, where GST is the coefficient of gene differentiation, and p ≤ 0.0001), and there were indications of significant isolation by distance (p ≤ 0.022). Populations exhibited the highest levels of differentiation between the southeastern and northwestern watersheds. Estimates of migration between populations obtained using both parametric and nonparametric methods indicated levels of gene flow consistent with an isolation by distance model. Nested clade analysis demonstrated a pattern of genetic diversity in Huon pine that is consistent with a history of range expansion. The exceptionally low level of nucleotide diversity, haplotype distribution, and paleoecological data are congruent with a history of long-term range reduction, population bottlenecks, and subsequent colonization events from refugial areas.

ABSTRACT Vibrio fischeri colonizes the squid Euprymna scolopes in a mutualistic symbiosis. Hatchling squid lack these bacterial symbionts, and V. fischeri strains must compete to occupy this privileged niche. We cloned a V. fischeri gene, designated pilA, that contributes to colonization competitiveness and encodes a protein similar to type IV-A pilins. Unlike its closest known relatives, Vibrio cholerae mshA and vcfA, pilA is monocistronic and not clustered with genes associated with pilin export or assembly. Using wild-type strain ES114 as the parent, we generated an in-frame pilA deletion mutant, as well as pilA mutants marked with a kanamycin resistance gene. In mixed inocula, marked mutants were repeatedly outcompeted by ES114 (P < 0.05) but not by an unmarked pilA mutant, for squid colonization. In contrast, the ratio of mutant to ES114 CFUs did not change during 70 generations of coculturing. The competitive defect of pilA mutants ranged from 1.7- to 10-fold and was more pronounced when inocula were within the range estimated for V. fischeri populations in Hawaiian seawater (200 to 2,000 cells/ml) than when higher densities were used. ES114 also outcompeted a pilA mutant by an average of twofold at lower inoculum densities, when only a fraction of the squid became infected, most by only one strain. V. fischeri strain ET101, which was isolated from Euprymna tasmanica and is outcompeted by ES114, lacks pilA; however, 11 other diverse V. fischeri isolates apparently possess pilA. The competitive defect of pilA mutants suggests that cell surface molecules may play important roles in the initiation of beneficial symbioses in which animals must acquire symbionts from a mixed community of environmental bacteria.

The Hartselle Sandstone of northern Alabama represents a mesotidal strandplain complex of Hombergian (middle Chesterian) age that was reworked by a transgressing sea. Transgressive reworking resulted in complex facies patterns that can best be deciphered by ichnology. Thickly bedded, unbioturbated beach to shoreface sandstone is widespread at the base of the formation. Wavy-bedded back-barrier to shelf sandstone and shale predominate in the middle and upper parts of the formation and contain distinctive assemblages of trace fossils, invertebrates, and plants.Barriers with a broad, gently sloping beach face and muddy coastal swamps typified the Hartselle strandplain which extended across northern Alabama. Barrier and coastal-swamp deposits lack trace fossils but locally contain an indigenous lycopod flora including stumps and Stigmaria root systems.Back-barrier tidal flats and lagoon deposits have trace-fossil assemblages dominated by bivalve traces that probably represent brackish environments. Marginal-marine sandstone contains chiefly monospecific assemblages and is reworked by bivalves and unknown organisms; Lockeia, Uchirites, and Rosselia are dominant at different sites. The Lockeia assemblage includes bedding surfaces with crowded bivalve resting traces. The abundance, density, and small size of monospecific burrows suggests estuarine conditions with high food supply and rapid larval colonization. The Uchirites assemblage is characterized by bivalve trails, representing probably brackish substrates with a high sedimentation rate.Shelf sandstone and shale include bivalve resting traces and trails (Lockeia ispp., Uchirites isp. aff. U. triangularis, Walcottia rugosa, and W. imbricata), asteroid and ophiuroid resting traces (Asteriacites stelliforme and Pentichnus pratti), trilobite resting traces and trackways (Rusophycus ispp. and Petalichnus isp.), and dwelling burrows, feeding burrows, trails, and trackways of unknown organisms (Chondrites-like burrows, Phycodes isp., Haplotichnus isp., Rosselia isp., Planolites montanus, Nereites missouriensis, Tasmanadia twelvetreesi, imbricate burrows, and wavelike burrows). Some shelf areas even supported diverse calcified faunas containing crinoids, fenestrate bryozoans, and articulate brachiopods.The Hartselle Sandstone is a facies mosaic that records indundation of an extensive strandplain complex and a distinctive stratigraphic succession of lithofacies and biofacies. Hartselle ichnofacies have unique aspects, but are similar to those of other marginal-marine Carboniferous strata in eastern North America. The paleoecologic complexity of the Hartselle Sandstone helps to establish the dynamic range of Carboniferous ecosystems, which have yet to be fully explored.

Abstract The extinct Tasmanian tiger or thylacine (Thylacinus cynocephalus) was a large marsupial carnivore native to Australia. Once ranging across parts of the mainland, the species remained only on the island of Tasmania by the time of European colonization. It was driven to extinction in the early 20th century and is an emblem of native species loss in Australia. The thylacine was a striking example of convergent evolution with placental canids, with which it shared a similar skull morphology. Consequently, it has been the subject of extensive study. While the original thylacine assemblies published in 2018 enabled the first exploration of the species’ genome biology, further progress is hindered by the lack of high-quality genomic resources. Here, we present a new chromosome-scale hybrid genome assembly for the thylacine, which compares favorably with many recent de novo marsupial genomes. In addition, we provide homology-based gene annotations, characterize the repeat content of the thylacine genome, and show that consistent with demographic decline, the species possessed a low rate of heterozygosity even compared to extant, threatened marsupials.

Biological invasions are a major cause of environmental and economic disruption. While ecological factors are key determinants of their success, the role of genetics has been more challenging to demonstrate. The colonization of Australia by the European rabbit is one of the most iconic and devastating biological invasions in recorded history. Here, we show that despite numerous introductions over a 70-y period, this invasion was triggered by a single release of a few animals that spread thousands of kilometers across the continent. We found genetic support for historical accounts that these were English rabbits imported in 1859 by a settler named Thomas Austin and traced the origin of the invasive population back to his birthplace in England. We also find evidence of additional introductions that established local populations but have not spread geographically. Combining genomic and historical data we show that, contrary to the earlier introductions, which consisted mostly of domestic animals, the invasive rabbits had wild ancestry. In New Zealand and Tasmania, rabbits also became a pest several decades after being introduced. We argue that the common denominator of these invasions was the arrival of a new genotype that was better adapted to the natural environment. These findings demonstrate how the genetic composition of invasive individuals can determine the success of an introduction and provide a mechanism by which multiple introductions can be required for a biological invasion.

As the name suggests, the humanities is largely a study of the human condition, in which history sits as a discipline concerned with the past. Environmental history is a new field that brings together scholars from a range of disciplines to consider the changing relationships between humans and the environment over time. Critiques of anthropocentrism that place humans at the centre of the universe or make assessments through an exclusive human perspective provide a challenge to scholars to rethink our traditional biases against the nonhuman world. The movement towards nonhumanism or posthumanism, however, does not seem to have had much of an impression on history as a discipline. What would a nonhumanist history look like if we re-centred the historical narrative around pigs? There are histories of pigs as food (see for example, The Cambridge History of Food which has a chapter on “Hogs”). There are food histories that feature pork in terms of its relationship to multiethnic identity (such as Donna Gabaccia’s We Are What We Eat) and examples made of pigs to promote ethical eating (Singer). Pigs are central to arguments about dietary rules and what motivates them (Soler; Dolander). Ancient pig DNA has also been employed in studies on human migration and colonisation (Larson et al.; Durham University). Pigs are also widely used in a range of products that would surprise many of us. In 2008, Christien Meindertsma spent three years researching the products made from a single pig. Among some of the more unexpected results were: ammunition, medicine, photographic paper, heart valves, brakes, chewing gum, porcelain, cosmetics, cigarettes, hair conditioner and even bio diesel. Likewise, Fergus Henderson, who coined the term ‘nose to tail eating’, uses a pig on the front cover of the book of that name to suggest the extraordinary and numerous potential of pigs’ bodies. However, my intention here is not to pursue a discussion of how parts of their bodies are used, rather to consider a reorientation of the historical narrative to place pigs at the centre of stories of our co-evolution, in order to see what their history might say about humans and our relationships with them. This is underpinned by recognition of the inter-relationality of humans and animals. The relationships between wild boar and pigs with humans has been long and diverse. In a book exploring 10,000 years of interaction, Anton Ervynck and Peter Rowley-Conwy argue that pigs have been central to complex cultural developments in human societies and they played an important role in human migration patterns. The book is firmly grounded within the disciplines of zoology, anthropology and archaeology and contributes to an understanding of the complex and changing relationship humans have historically shared with wild boar and domestic pigs. Naturalist Lyall Watson also explores human/pig relationships in The Whole Hog. The insights these approaches offer for the discipline of history are valuable (although overlooked) but, more importantly, such scholarship also challenges a humanist perspective that credits humans exclusively with historical change and suggests, moreover, that we did it alone. Pigs occupy a special place in this history because of their likeness to humans, revealed in their use in transplant technology, as well as because of the iconic and paradoxical status they occupy in our lives. As Ervynck and Rowley-Conwy explain, “On the one hand, they are praised for their fecundity, their intelligence, and their ability to eat almost anything, but on the other hand, they are unfairly derided for their apparent slovenliness, unclean ways, and gluttonous behaviour” (1). Scientist Niamh O’Connell was struck by the human parallels in the complex social structures which rule the lives of pigs and people when she began a research project on pig behaviour at the Agricultural Research Institute at Hillsborough in County Down (Cassidy). According to O’Connell, pigs adopt different philosophies and lifestyle strategies to get the most out of their life. “What is interesting from a human perspective is that low-ranking animals tend to adopt one of two strategies,” she says. “You have got the animals who accept their station in life and then you have got the other ones that are continually trying to climb, and as a consequence, their life is very stressed” (qtd. in Cassidy). The closeness of pigs to humans is the justification for their use in numerous experiments. In the so-called ‘pig test’, code named ‘Priscilla’, for instance, over 700 pigs dressed in military uniforms were used to study the effects of nuclear testing at the Nevada (USA) test site in the 1950s. In When Species Meet, Donna Haraway draws attention to the ambiguities and contradictions promoted by the divide between animals and humans, and between nature and culture. There is an ethical and critical dimension to this critique of human exceptionalism—the view that “humanity alone is not [connected to the] spatial and temporal web of interspecies dependencies” (11). There is also that danger that any examination of our interdependencies may just satisfy a humanist preoccupation with self-reflection and self-reproduction. Given that pigs cannot speak, will they just become the raw material to reproduce the world in human’s own image? As Haraway explains: “Productionism is about man the tool-maker and -user, whose highest technical production is himself […] Blinded by the sun, in thrall to the father, reproduced in the sacred image of the same, his rewards is that he is self-born, an auto telic copy. That is the mythos of enlightenment and transcendence” (67). Jared Diamond acknowledges the mutualistic relationship between pigs and humans in Guns, Germs and Steel and the complex co-evolutionary path between humans and domesticated animals but his account is human-centric. Human’s relationships with pigs helped to shape human history and power relations and they spread across the world with human expansion. But questioning their utility as food and their enslavement to this cause was not part of the account. Pigs have no voice in the histories we write of them and so they can appear as passive objects in their own pasts. Traces of their pasts are available in humanity’s use of them in, for example, the sties built for them and the cooking implements used to prepare meals from them. Relics include bones and viruses, DNA sequences and land use patterns. Historians are used to dealing with subjects that cannot speak back, but they have usually left ample evidence of what they have said. In the process of writing, historians attempt to perform the miracle, as Curthoys and Docker have suggested, of restoration; bringing the people and places that existed in the past back to life (7). Writing about pigs should also attempt to bring the animal to life, to understand not just their past but also our own culture. In putting forward the idea of an alternative history that starts with pigs, I am aware of both the limits to such a proposal, and that most people’s only contact with pigs is through the meat they buy at the supermarket. Calls for a ban on intensive pig farming (RSPCA, ABC, AACT) might indeed have shocked people who imagine their dinner comes from the type of family farm featured in the movie Babe. Baby pigs in factory farms would have been killed a long time before the film’s sheep dog show (usually at 3 to 4 months of age). In fact, because baby pigs do grow so fast, 48 different pigs were used to film the role of the central character in Babe. While Babe himself may not have been aware of the relationship pigs generally have to humans, the other animals were very cognisant of their function. People eat pigs, even if they change the name of the form it takes in order to do so:Cat: You know, I probably shouldn’t say this, but I’m not sure if you realize how much the other animals are laughing at you for this sheep dog business. Babe: Why would they do that? Cat: Well, they say that you’ve forgotten that you’re a pig. Isn't that silly? Babe: What do you mean? Cat: You know, why pigs are here. Babe: Why are any of us here? Cat: Well, the cow’s here to be milked, the dogs are here to help the Boss's husband with the sheep, and I’m here to be beautiful and affectionate to the boss. Babe: Yes? Cat: [sighs softly] The fact is that pigs don’t have a purpose, just like ducks don’t have a purpose. Babe: [confused] Uh, I—I don’t, uh ... Cat: Alright, for your own sake, I’ll be blunt. Why do the Bosses keep ducks? To eat them. So why do the Bosses keep a pig? The fact is that animals don’t seem to have a purpose really do have a purpose. The Bosses have to eat. It’s probably the most noble purpose of all, when you come to think about it. Babe: They eat pigs? Cat: Pork, they call it—or bacon. They only call them pigs when they’re alive (Noonan). Babe’s transformation into a working pig to round up the sheep makes him more useful. Ferdinand the duck tried to do the same thing by crowing but was replaced by an alarm clock. This is a common theme in children’s stories, recalling Charlotte’s campaign to praise Wilbur the pig in order to persuade the farmer to let him live in E. B. White’s much loved children’s novel, Charlotte’s Web. Wilbur is “some pig”, “terrific”, “radiant” and “humble”. In 1948, four years before Charlotte’s Web, White had published an essay “Death of a Pig”, in which he fails to save a sick pig that he had bought in order to fatten up and butcher. Babe tried to present an alternative reality from a pig’s perspective, but the little pig was only spared because he was more useful alive than dead. We could all ask the question why are any of us here, but humans do not have to contemplate being eaten to justify their existence. The reputation pigs have for being filthy animals encourages distaste. In another movie, Pulp Fiction, Vincent opts for flavour, but Jules’ denial of pig’s personalities condemns them to insignificance:Vincent: Want some bacon? Jules: No man, I don’t eat pork. Vincent: Are you Jewish? Jules: Nah, I ain’t Jewish, I just don’t dig on swine, that’s all. Vincent: Why not? Jules: Pigs are filthy animals. I don’t eat filthy animals. Vincent: Bacon tastes gooood. Pork chops taste gooood. Jules: Hey, sewer rat may taste like pumpkin pie, but I’d never know ’cause I wouldn’t eat the filthy motherfucker. Pigs sleep and root in shit. That’s a filthy animal. I ain’t eat nothin’ that ain’t got sense enough to disregard its own feces [sic]. Vincent: How about a dog? Dogs eats its own feces. Jules: I don’t eat dog either. Vincent: Yeah, but do you consider a dog to be a filthy animal? Jules: I wouldn’t go so far as to call a dog filthy but they’re definitely dirty. But, a dog’s got personality. Personality goes a long way. Vincent: Ah, so by that rationale, if a pig had a better personality, he would cease to be a filthy animal. Is that true? Jules: Well we’d have to be talkin’ about one charming motherfuckin’ pig. I mean he’d have to be ten times more charmin’ than that Arnold on Green Acres, you know what I’m sayin’? In the 1960s television show Green Acres, Arnold was an exceptional pig who was allowed to do whatever he wanted. He was talented enough to write his own name and play the piano and his attempts at painting earned him the nickname “Porky Picasso”. These talents reflected values that are appreciated, and so he was. The term “pig” is, however, chiefly used a term of abuse, however, embodying traits we abhor—gluttony, obstinence, squealing, foraging, rooting, wallowing. Making a pig of yourself is rarely honoured. Making a pig of the humanities, however, could be a different story. As a historian I love to forage, although I use white gloves rather than a snout. I have rubbed my face and body on tree trunks in the service of forestry history and when the temperature rises I also enjoy wallowing, rolling from side to side rather than drawing a conclusion. More than this, however, pigs provide a valid means of understanding key historical transitions that define modern society. Significant themes in modern history—production, religion, the body, science, power, the national state, colonialism, gender, consumption, migration, memory—can all be understood through a history of our relationships with pigs. Pigs play an important role in everyday life, but their relationship to the economic, social, political and cultural matters discussed in general history texts—industrialisation, the growth of nation states, colonialism, feminism and so on—are generally ignored. However “natural” this place of pigs may seem, culture and tradition profoundly shape their history and their own contribution to those forces has been largely absent in history. What, then, would the contours of such a history that considered the intermeshing of humans and pigs look like? The intermeshing of pigs in early human history Agricultural economies based on domestic animals began independently in different parts of the world, facilitating increases in population and migration. Evidence for long-term genetic continuity between modern and ancient Chinese domestic pigs has been established by DNA sequences. Larson et al. have made an argument for five additional independent domestications of indigenous wild boar populations: in India, South East Asia and Taiwan, which they use to develop a picture of both pig evolution and the development and spread of early farmers in the Far East. Domestication itself involves transformation into something useful to animals. In the process, humans became transformed. The importance of the Fertile Crescent in human history has been well established. The area is attributed as the site for a series of developments that have defined human history—urbanisation, writing, empires, and civilisation. Those developments have been supported by innovations in food production and animal husbandry. Pig, goats, sheep and cows were all domesticated very early in the Fertile Crescent and remain four of the world’s most important domesticated mammals (Diamond 141). Another study of ancient pig DNA has concluded that the earliest domesticated pigs in Europe, believed to be descended from European wild boar, were introduced from the Middle East. The research, by archaeologists at Durham University, sheds new light on the colonisation of Europe by early farmers, who brought their animals with them. Keith Dobney explains:Many archaeologists believe that farming spread through the diffusion of ideas and cultural exchange, not with the direct migration of people. However, the discovery and analysis of ancient Middle Eastern pig remains across Europe reveals that although cultural exchange did happen, Europe was definitely colonised by Middle Eastern farmers. A combination of rising population and possible climate change in the ‘fertile crescent’, which put pressure on land and resources, made them look for new places to settle, plant their crops and breed their animals and so they rapidly spread west into Europe (ctd in ScienceDaily). Middle Eastern farmers colonised Europe with pigs and in the process transformed human history. Identity as a porcine theme Religious restrictions on the consumption of pigs come from the same area. Such restrictions exist in Jewish dietary laws (Kashrut) and in Muslim dietary laws (Halal). The basis of dietary laws has been the subject of much scholarship (Soler). Economic and health and hygiene factors have been used to explain the development of dietary laws historically. The significance of dietary laws, however, and the importance attached to them can be related to other purposes in defining and expressing religious and cultural identity. Dietary laws and their observance may have been an important factor in sustaining Jewish identity despite the dispersal of Jews in foreign lands since biblical times. In those situations, where a person eats in the home of someone who does not keep kosher, the lack of knowledge about your host’s ingredients and the food preparation techniques make it very difficult to keep kosher. Dietary laws require a certain amount of discipline and self-control, and the ability to make distinctions between right and wrong, good and evil, pure and defiled, the sacred and the profane, in everyday life, thus elevating eating into a religious act. Alternatively, people who eat anything are often subject to moral judgments that may also lead to social stigmatisation and discrimination. One of the most powerful and persuasive discourses influencing current thinking about health and bodies is the construction of an ‘obesity epidemic’, critiqued by a range of authors (see for example, Wright & Harwood). As omnivores who appear indiscriminate when it comes to food, pigs provide an image of uncontrolled eating, made visible by the body as a “virtual confessor”, to use Elizabeth Grosz’s term. In Fat Pig, a production by the Sydney Theatre Company in 2006, women are reduced to being either fat pigs or shrieking shallow women. Fatuosity, a blog by PhD student Jackie Wykes drawing on her research on fat and sexual subjectivity, provides a review of the play to describe the misogyny involved: “It leaves no options for women—you can either be a lovely person but a fat pig who will end up alone; or you can be a shrill bitch but beautiful, and end up with an equally obnoxious and shallow male counterpart”. The elision of the divide between women and pigs enacted by such imagery also creates openings for new modes of analysis and new practices of intervention that further challenge humanist histories. Such interventions need to make visible other power relations embedded in assumptions about identity politics. Following the lead of feminists and postcolonial theorists who have challenged the binary oppositions central to western ideology and hierarchical power relations, critical animal theorists have also called into question the essentialist and dualist assumptions underpinning our views of animals (Best). A pig history of the humanities might restore the central role that pigs have played in human history and evolution, beyond their exploitation as food. Humans have constructed their story of the nature of pigs to suit themselves in terms that are specieist, racist, patriarchal and colonialist, and failed to grasp the connections between the oppression of humans and other animals. The past and the ways it is constructed through history reflect and shape contemporary conditions. In this sense, the past has a powerful impact on the present, and the way this is re-told, therefore, also needs to be situated, historicised and problematicised. The examination of history and society from the standpoint of (nonhuman) animals offers new insights on our relationships in the past, but it might also provide an alternative history that restores their agency and contributes to a different kind of future. As the editor of Critical Animals Studies, Steve Best describes it: “This approach, as I define it, considers the interaction between human and nonhuman animals—past, present, and future—and the need for profound changes in the way humans define themselves and relate to other sentient species and to the natural world as a whole.” References ABC. “Changes to Pig Farming Proposed.” ABC News Online 22 May 2010. 10 Aug. 2010 http://www.abc.net.au/news/stories/2010/05/22/2906519.htm Against Animal Cruelty Tasmania. “Australia’s Intensive Pig Industry: The Intensive Pig Industry in Australia Has Much to Hide.” 10 Sep. 2010 http://www.aact.org.au/pig_industry.htm Babe. Dir. Chris Noonan. Universal Pictures, 1995. Best, Steven. “The Rise of Critical Animal Studies: Putting Theory into Action and Animal Liberation into Higher Education.” Journal for Critical Animal Studies 7.1 (2009): 9-53. Cassidy, Martin. “How Close are Pushy Pigs to Humans?”. BBC News Online 2005. 10 Sep. 2010 http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/northern_ireland/4482674.stmCurthoys, A., and Docker, J. “Time Eternity, Truth, and Death: History as Allegory.” Humanities Research 1 (1999) 10 Sep. 2010 http://www.anu.edu.au/hrc/publications/hr/hr_1_1999.phpDiamond, Jared. Guns, Germs and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies. New York: W. W. Norton, 1999. Dolader, Miguel-Àngel Motis. “Mediterranean Jewish Diet and Traditions in the Middle Ages”. Food: A Culinary History. Eds. Jean-Louis Flandrin and Massimo Montanari. Trans. Clarissa Botsford, Arthus Golhammer, Charles Lambert, Frances M. López-Morillas and Sylvia Stevens. New York: Columbia UP, 1999. 224-44. Durham University. “Chinese Pigs ‘Direct Descendants’ of First Domesticated Breeds.” ScienceDaily 20 Apr. 2010. 29 Aug. 2010 http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2010/04/100419150947.htm Gabaccia, Donna R. We Are What We Eat: Ethnic Food and the Making of Americans. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998. Grosz, Elizabeth. Volatile Bodies: Toward a Corporeal Feminism. St Leonards: Allen & Unwin, 1994. Haraway, D. “The Promises of Monsters: A Regenerative Politics for Inappropriate/d Others.” The Haraway Reader. New York: Routledge, 2005. 63-124. Haraway, D. When Species Meet: Posthumanities. 3rd ed. London: University of Minnesota Press, 2008. Henderson, Fergus. Nose to Tail Eating: A Kind of British Cooking. London: Bloomsbury, 2004. Kiple, Kenneth F., Kriemhild Coneè Ornelas. Cambridge History of Food. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Larson, G., Ranran Liu, Xingbo Zhao, Jing Yuan, Dorian Fuller, Loukas Barton, Keith Dobney, Qipeng Fan, Zhiliang Gu, Xiao-Hui Liu, Yunbing Luo, Peng Lv, Leif Andersson, and Ning Li. “Patterns of East Asian Pig Domestication, Migration, and Turnover Revealed by Modern and Ancient DNA.” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, United States 19 Apr. 2010. 10 Sep. 2010 http://www.pnas.org/cgi/content/full/0912264107/DCSupplemental Meindertsma, Christien. “PIG 05049. Kunsthal in Rotterdam.” 2008. 10 Sep. 2010 http://www.christienmeindertsma.com/index.php?/books/pig-05049Naess, A. “The Shallow and the Deep, Long-Range Ecology Movement.” Inquiry 16 (1973): 95-100. Needman, T. Fat Pig. Sydney Theatre Company. Oct. 2006. Noonan, Chris [director]. “Babe (1995) Memorable Quotes”. 10 Sep. 2010 http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0112431/quotes Plumwood, V. Feminism and the Mastery of Nature. London: Routledge, 1993. Pulp Fiction. Dir. Quentin Tarantino. Miramax, 1994. RSPCA Tasmania. “RSPCA Calls for Ban on Intensive Pig Farming.” 10 Sep. 2010 http://www.rspcatas.org.au/press-centre/rspca-calls-for-a-ban-on-intensive-pig-farming ScienceDaily. “Ancient Pig DNA Study Sheds New Light on Colonization of Europe by Early Farmers” 4 Sep. 2007. 10 Sep. 2010 http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2007/09/070903204822.htm Singer, Peter. “Down on the Family Farm ... or What Happened to Your Dinner When it was Still an Animal.” Animal Liberation 2nd ed. London: Jonathan Cape, 1990. 95-158. Soler, Jean. “Biblical Reasons: The Dietary Rules of the Ancient Hebrews.” Food: A Culinary History. Eds. Jean-Louis Flandrin and Massimo Montanari. Trans. Clarissa Botsford, Arthus Golhammer, Charles Lambert, Frances M. López-Morillas and Sylvia Stevens. New York: Columbia University Press, 1999. 46-54. Watson, Lyall. The Whole Hog: Exploring the Extraordinary Potential of Pigs. London: Profile, 2004. White, E. B. Essays of E. B. White. London: HarperCollins, 1979. White, E. B. Charlotte’s Web. London: HarperCollins, 2004. Wright, J., and V. Harwood. Eds. Biopolitics and the ‘Obesity Epidemic’. New York: Routledge, 2009. Wykes, J. Fatuosity 2010. 29 Aug. 2010 http://www.fatuosity.net