Academic literature on the topic 'Tariff – Europe – History'

Abstract: Customs Policies of the Russian Government in the first half of the Eighteenth Century and their Implementation in Narva The 18th century in Northern Europe began with a long war that profoundly altered the correlation of forces in the Baltic Sea region. During the war, the Russian authorities carried out large-scale reforms, the objective of which was to modernise the Russian state. The war and the reforms called for large expenditures, and the areas conquered during warfare were treated as a source of revenue, where customs duties could be imposed and collected. The authorities implemented a set of measures to increase state revenues, and the replacement of the old export customs duty system by a new one was among those measures. Russian authorities extended and imposed these reforms on Narva and Vyborg, which were annexed by the Russian state at the time. Though there is a sufficient number of research papers on the 18th century Russian customs duty system, they mainly focus on the subject of either the duty system in general or its implementation in St Petersburg or Arkhangelsk. Less attention has been paid to Narva in this matter. The subject of this article is the examination of the Russian government customs policy in the first half of the 18th century and its implementation in Narva. The causes of the government’s customs policy measures will be researched and the changes that took place will be noted. The object of this article is to analyse the formulation and introduction of customs tariffs in the first half of the 18th century and also to clarify how consistently Russian customs duty policy was implemented in Narva. Particular cases in relation to the introduced tariffs will be examined and the consequent steps taken by the government to resolve them will be observed. Also, incoming receivables of the city treasury received from half of the portorium duty in periods when different tariffs were in effect will be discussed and compared. In the course of this research, records preserved in the Estonian National Archives were consulted: i.e., orders from the Russian government to the Narva customs office, and statistical data on customs duty income. It has become evident from this research that the new customs tariff was introduced in Narva in 1724 because the authorities wished to promote the recently built St Petersburg port, while at the same time hindering competition from Narva in trade. By comparison, hitherto existing tariffs from the era of Swedish rule remained in effect nearly throughout the entire 18th century in other Estonian and Livonian trading cities. The Russian authorities consistently extended the subsequent tariffs of 1731 and 1757 to Narva. Thereby the Russian government altered the customs system that had been in effect in the era of Swedish rule, setting Narva apart from other Baltic trading cities. In this way, Russian customs policy affected Narva considerably more than any other Baltic trading city, and these alterations influenced the operations of the Narva customs office and the customs duties collected. The tariff of 1724 was by its nature protectionist and therewith high rates were set up. Depending on the capability of Russian enterprises to supply the state with commodities, the import rate amounted to 37.5, 25 and 12.5 kopecks from a rouble ad valorem. At the same time it was necessary to pay customs duties in standard weight thalers at the compulsory exchange rate of 50 kopecks for a thaler. Nonetheless, the actual price of a thaler was higher than the price of a rouble; consequently the real import rate corresponded to 75, 50 and 25 per cent ad valorem. The required payment of the duty in thalers stemmed from the Russian government’s need for silver. The fact that imported commodities came from the west, where roubles were not in use, also contributed to this requirement. After the death of Peter I, the government’s point of view changed. The ruling circles realised that Russian industry was not yet sufficiently advanced and was unable to completely satisfy the state’s needs. Moreover, the privileges granted to entrepreneurs did not always contribute to the development of enterprises because their owners abused the rights they had obtained and produced defective products. Additionally, such measures hindered trade by also depriving Russian consumers of the opportunity to buy essential products. On the whole, this also proved harmful for the state, since it furnished favourable conditions for the development of smuggling. The written petitions of foreign and Russian merchants to the Collegium of Commerce, the Senate and Empress Catherine I show that customs duties rates were too high. Therefore it became a necessity to decrease the tariff rate that had been introduced in 1724. In 1726, the Supreme Privy Council decided to establish a trade committee to improve commerce and work out a new customs tariff. As a result of the committee’s activity, the new customs tariff was published in 1731. This tariff considerably reduced the import rate. The previous 75, 50 and 25 per cent import rates were decreased to 20, 10 and 5 per cent, respectively. The first rate was to be levied on commodities that were produced sufficiently in Russia, the second rate was for goods that were produced in relatively small quantities, and the latter rate was for goods that were in short supply in Russia. The customs tariff of 1731 was in force until 1757, when it was replaced with a new one that was also protectionist, similarly to the tariff of 1724. During the era of Swedish rule, Narva was granted the right to half of the portorium duty, i.e. the accrued revenue of the port duty. The Russian authorities preserved this privilege of Narva; however, the portorium was allotted according to different principles than before. Thus, in the era of Swedish rule, Narva received half of the portorium from all articles of commerce, whereas under Russian rule, the portorium from only a certain portion of commodities was allotted to the city. Customs tariffs, particularly in 1724, were implemented in haste, without the respective preliminary notification. As a result, merchants could not prepare the necessary documents or modify contracts in time. For that reason, the authorities admitted numerous exceptions and gave in to merchants, replacing trade prohibitions with temporary permissions.

In order to facilitate cross-border railway transport between socialist countries in Eastern Europe, the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance and later the Organisation for Cooperation of Railways were established in 1949 and 1956. Joint planning, standardisation and tariff policy were the main fields of cooperation. The paper focuses on the struggles between Council of Mutual Economic Assistance and Organisation for Cooperation of Railways member countries regarding transit tariffs for cross-border freight shipments. These struggles, dragging on for more than three decades, reveal the economic interests of individual member countries and the limitations of socialist foreign trade (and alleged friendship). This study argues that despite of political declarations and the establishment of socialist international organisations, the East European railways became a major bottleneck in intrabloc trade.

The period from 1914 to 1940 is one of the most crucial and enigmatic in modern world history, and in the history of modern U.S. foreign policy. World War I catapulted the United States into international economic and political leadership, yet in the aftermath of the war, despite grandiose Wilsonian plans, the United States quickly lapsed into relative disregard for events abroad: it did not join the League of Nations, disavowed responsibility for European reconstruction, would not participate openly in many international economic conferences, and restored high levels of tariff protection for the domestic market. Only in the late 1930s and 1940s, after twenty years of bitter battles over foreign policy, did the United States move to center stage of world politics and economics: it built the United Nations and a string of regional alliances, underwrote the rebuilding of Western Europe, almost single-handedly constructed a global monetary and financial system, and led the world in commercial liberalization.

This article provides interesting information about the history of trade, development and the exchange of cultures between countries in Asia, Africa and Europe. Also given are the types of spices ,the legends of “incense” and their use in cooking, medicine and other industries. Also determine the authenticity of spices, which is very relevant today. The historical facts are given that the trade in spices and spices has influenced the development of the history of culture of the countries of the world and plays important role in various fields of science and industries.

Geographically situated between the Don-Dnieper rivers, the Crimean Khanate played an important role in between the centuries XV and XVIII in Central and Eastern Europe, the Caucasus, and the northern regions of the Black Sea. After the disintegration of the Golden Horde State, the Khanate, which was established in 1441, became a subject of the Ottoman State in 1475. The Khanate became an ally for the Ottoman Empire. The Crimean Khanate served the Ottoman Empire in wars, by the order of Yavuz Sultan Selim, the Khanate soldiers made constant raids into Russia and prevented them from going to the south. The Khanate was one of the important powers of the region until the XVIII century. The dominance of the Ottoman Empire in Crimea lasted for three hundred years, with the Treaty of Kucuk Kaynarca in 1774 Crimea was separated from the Ottoman Empire and became independent, it was captured by the Russian army in 1783. The aim of this study is to analyze the political history of the Crimean Khanate and the state organization issues important for understanding the political history, by using primary and secondary sources. If there are different opinions on the use of resources, the available resources were analyzed in a comparative way. This study was made by using clear language that anyone can understand. As an outcome of the study, after analyzing all the stages of the Crimean Khanate history, the effects of the Khanate history reflected on today are revealed.

By introducing an economic cycle of a new sort in Europe the Great Depression of 1873–96 encouraged the alignment of iron and textile industrialists’ interests with those of the great growers and livestock raisers. The French version, perhaps best labelled the alliance of cotton and wheat, is the concern here, for since profits and sales for both agriculture and industry traced parallel curves, for the first time in French history, representatives of these interests could unite and press the new republican leadership for common relief against depression and intensifying foreign competition. They were also impelled to unite in the face of the growing militancy of the new working class emerging in the provinces. Their spokesmen of the Association de l'Industrie Française and the associated Société des Agriculteurs addressed themselves to the new incarnation of the social question by offering protective tariffs – and protected jobs and pay checks – to workers striking more frequently and organizing more solidly than ever before. Their slogan was “the protection of national labor”. Having no reforms to offer, the Opportunist republicans and their ex-monarchist allies offered the emergent industrial working class safe incomes and economic nationalism.

This article examines the state of labor immigration of the Kazakh Diaspora, as well as studying the possibilities of conditions for economic adaptation of Kazakhs in developed capitalist countries. The purpose of this study is to identify the causes of labor migration of Kazakhs to France. Based on this goal, the study solves the following tasks aimed at studying the history and current situation of Kazakhs living in France, in the focus of analyzing the policy of the French government in relation to immigration workers and employees in the 1945- 1980-ies; the reasons for labor immigration of Kazakhs to France. Western Europe has become a center of attraction for foreign workers coming here, primarily from the less developed countries of the continent, as well as from Turkey. In the last ten years, inter-state migration of workers in Western Europe has grown to unprecedented proportions. Every year, more than a million workers were sent from one European country to another in search of work. The reasons lay in the political and economic crisis, the increase in the unemployment rate, which was the result of an increase in the number of migrants among Kazakhs in France. The post-war economic situation caused the demand for workers to restore the economy destroyed by the war, and led to an increase in the level of tariffs (wages). Scientists believe that the active replenishment of the French labor market with cheap foreign labor from other countries is due to the convenient location of France.

Pour Hajnal et Laslett trois spécificités définissent le système de formation des ménages en Europe occidentale septentrionale: la fréquence des individus en service domestique, un âge moyen au mariage tardif, et la résidence neo-locale des jeunes époux. Si l'on ne considère que le critère de la résidence neo-locale, l'Amérique n'appartient pas du tout, en termes de famille et de démographie, à ce modèle occidental. La société américaine s'en écarte en deux points - par le mariage précoce et par la combinaison du travail libre et du travail servile, caractères qui sont cependant compatibles avec un modèle sous-jacent d'éeconomie malthusienne en région de frontière, où la terre est bon marché et la main d'œuvre bien payée. L'examen de ces anomalies apparentes amène à la conclusion que c'est uniquement la règie culturelle de l'établissement néo-local des nouveaux ménages qui caractérise vraiment le modèle européen nord-occidental.

Durante o primeiro mandato do Presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso, a renovação do sentimento de autoconfiança do país e o respeito da comunidade internacional favoreceram a política externa. Diante das dificuldades econômicas na virada de ano 1998-99, a diplomacia deve manter a visão do longo prazo. O Brasil continua a ser um "país que conta", e que depende fundamentalmente de si próprio para desenvolver-se. Mas é também preciso que melhorem as condições externas. O Brasil empenha-se em contribuir para os debates sobre transformações na ordem internacional. A tarefa prioritária da diplomacia nacional é a de criação de condições externas tão favoráveis quanto possível para o desenvolvimento. A agenda externa do país em 1999 - crise financeira internacional; protecionismo dos países industrializados; integração regional (MERCOSUL, Comunidade Andina, México); ALCA; Cúpula América Latina e Caribe-Europa; negociações agrícolas e "Rodada do Milênio" na OMC; imagem - tem conseqüências importantes para o processo de desenvolvimento nacional.

Spanish and Ottoman empires had more similarities that could be found at first glance. Both experienced the take-off as leading force in Europe and Asia respectively, being for a while the most fearful and powerful states during XVI, faced economic and political blunders in XVII century and slightly ended with stagnation in XVIII century (as conventional wisdom says). Using comparative method and cultural analysis, article tries to answer a question – how unique or regular was that issues which stroke Spain and Ottoman Empires, how deeply they were engaged in so called decline narrative, created in XIX century European historiography and is it possible to create common trend for empire`s stagnation using not only historical sociology method (sociology of revolution used by Jack Goldstone and Teda Skocpole) and world-system analysis provided by Immanuel Wallerstein, with emphasis on history of ideas or begriffsgeschichte by Reinhardt Kosseleck. Main results are going to provide a more correct view on the status of Spanish and Turkish Empires during the XVIII century. Despite that Ottomans and Spaniards had obvious differences in political distribution, economic capabilities, warfare tactics and external actions, almost simultaneous decline was based on clear and exact reasons: lack of industrialization (production with high surplus value), hush incorporation of Ottoman and Spanish Empires into World-Economy, lack of defending tariffs, ineffective fiscal system and policy, devastating and lasting wars, decreasing price for agricultural products, down warding Kondratieff cycle, rigid political and social units, which constrain strict political actions. These gaps made the Empire’s decline possible notwithstanding those problems which they had previously. Oppositely, major European states (England, France, Prussia) had made reversed actions, which took a long time, but made European “take-off” inevitable, assured their economical breakaway to further domination over the Ottomans and Spaniards as well.

Defence date: 23 May 1991
Examining board: Prof. R.T. Griffiths (supervisor) ; Prof. J. Pelkmans (second supervisor) ; Prof. G. Gerbet ; Prof. P. Hertner ; Prof. A.S. Milward
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

This chapter analyzes how Europe historically underdeveloped much of the world. Europe had been growing endogenously during the last few centuries of the Middle Ages. However, its big break came from the discovery of the Americas. Mexico and Peru had supplies of silver far in excess of anything available in Europe. The Spanish seizure of the Mayan and Aztec kingdoms provided Europe with a vast supply of silver currency that led to one of the greatest monetary expansions in economic history. This financed both a substantial improvement in European standards of living and a substantial increase in European military power. The chapter then looks at how the Europeans treated Java, the economic center of ancient Indonesia, as well as India. When the Industrial Revolution came, Britain developed factory textiles, which threatened to bankrupt the rest of the world's textile makers. Most of the world that was not colonized responded to the British threat by putting tariffs on English textiles. Soon all of those nations had their own textile factories and were able to compete in the world clothing market on a level playing field.

The introduction sets out the central objective of the book: to retrace the consequences of territorial fragmentation and responses to it from the First World War to the end of the 1920s. Never before had Europe’s map been so thoroughly transformed as after 1918. New borders, reinforced by military means and soaring tariffs, intersected centuries-old commercial, social, and cultural networks. East Central Europe, as the site of imperial collapse and of the emergence of a range of new ‘small’ states, such as Poland and the Baltic states, was particularly affected by fragmentation. To gauge the consequences of fragmentation for politics and state-building, this breaking apart has to be understood as a gradual process rather than as a sudden rupture. Because fragmentation is both an international phenomenon and has an internationalizing effect, its history must be written as an international history.

The great steppe belt, stretching from Lake Baikal in Southern Siberia to the Himalayan mountains, from Manchuria to Eastern Europe and the Balkans, connects Europe and Asia transversely. The Turkic and Mongolian peoples, the inhabitants of this continuous wide belt defined as central Eurasia, established the largest empires in the ancient and medieval world history with their great military movements and migrations. Among these empires, the founding of the Genghis Empire is a unique event of its kind in world history. The countries of the vast Eurasian region, from the Far East to Central Asia and Eastern Europe, were united for the first time in their history under the rule of the same dynasty. After the XIII. century, the axis of world history was based on the relations and struggles of the four great branches that formed the empire for more than three centuries – the Yuan / Kublai, Ilkhanli, Golden Horde and Chagatai khanates - among themselves and with other states. Emir Timur, who entered the struggle for the revival of the empire in the field of the Chagatai Khanate, opened the door of a new era connecting this process to modern history. There is a need to consider how the perception of Genghis and his successors is reflected on the historiography and historical consciousness in identity construction in Turkey and the Turkic world.