Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Tariff Developing countries'

The African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) and the Caribbean Basin Trade Protection Act (CBTPA) of the USA are trade preference programmes offering reduced tariffs to African countries. We investigate the impact of the preferences on the exports of the recipients in this thesis. Using annual data on mirror exports, macroeconomic, social, cultural and religious variables, we evaluate the impact of the preferences in three different ways—(1) difference-in-differences, (2) quantile and (3) matching estimators. As part of our review of the empirical evidence, we conduct a meta-analysis to summarise the quantitative AGOA literature. This is augmented with a meta-regression to investigate the presence of publication bias. In chapter 3, the first of the three empirical chapters, the question asked is, “has there been an observed increase in the exports of AGOA and CBTPA recipients to the USA compared to their exports to the rest of the world?” The identification of the impact consists of modelling the selection in exporting that occurs and accounting for the zero trade occurring at the HS-6 digit level of disaggregation. One result is that, the impact of the preference varies with the level of product aggregation. The two remaining chapters focus on the AGOA preference and is identified due to the exogenous provision of the preference. Chapter 4 adopts a matching approach while chapter 5 is based on a quantile regression. The matching estimates providing the mean impacts are negative for exports to the USA compared to the counter-factual. In Chapter 5, we show that, the impact of the preference on the recipients is unequal—oil exporters are the largest gainers. We decompose the impact by using the Oaxaca-Blinder decomposition found in Machado and Mata (2005) for quantile regressions. We find that, the gains to AGOA recipients are confined to the top half of the export distribution—implying that the gains from AGOA are unequal and thus heterogeneous in their impact on the recipients.

The Agreement on Agriculture (AoA) was adopted to eliminate the illegitimate use of tradedistorting agricultural subsidies and thereby reduce and avoid the negative effects subsidies have on global agricultural trade. However, the AoA has been fashioned in a way that is enabling developed countries to continue high levels of protectionism through subsidization, whilst many developing countries are facing severe and often damaging competition from imports artificially cheapened through subsidies. The regulation of subsidies in the World Trade Organisation (WTO) has been a highly sensitive issue. This is mainly due to the fear of compromising food security especially by developed countries. Developing countries have suffered negatively from the subsidy programmes of developed countries who continue to subsidize their agricultural sector. This position of the developing countries in the global trade system which has been described as weak, has drawn criticism that the WTO as it currently operates does not protect the interests of the weak developing nations, but rather strengthens the interests of the strong developed nations. The green box provisions which are specifically designed to regulate payments that are considered trade neutral or minimally trade distorting has grossly been manipulated by developed countries at the mercy of the AoA. Developed countries continue to provide trade distorting subsidies under the guise of green box support. This is defeating the aims and objectives of the AoA. The study examines the regulation of WTO agricultural subsidies from the developing countries’ belvedere. It looks at the problems WTO member states face with trade distorting subsidies, but focuses more on the impact these have on developing states. It scrutinizes the AoA’s provisions regulating subsidies with a view to identify any loopholes or shortcomings which undermine the interests and aspirations of developing countries. This is behind the background that some of the provisions of the AoA are lenient towards the needs of developed countries at the expense of developing countries.

[ommerciales et d’intégration sur la pauvreté dans les pays en développement. Elle analyse plus spécifiquement l’effet de l’adhésion au GATT et à l’OMC et des politiques tarifaires sur la pauvreté dans les pays en développement.] Dans le premier chapitre nous avons développé un modèle théorique basé sur le modèle Heckscher-Ohlin comportant une segmentation urbaine-rurale, avec des facteurs de production et des produits spécifiques à une région, pour expliquer le rôle de l’avantage comparatif dans la relation entre l’accession au GATT et à l’OMC et la pauvreté. Empiriquement, nous avons recouru aux méthodes économétriques d’appariement pour identifier les effets de l’adhésion au GATT et à l’OMC sur la pauvreté en utilisant un échantillon de 125 pays sur la période1980-2012. Nos résultats montrent que l’adhésion au GATT et à l’OMC a réduit la pauvreté dans les pays membres qui sont des exportateurs nets de produits agricoles et plus spécifiquement d’exportations de produits agricoles à forte intensité de main-d’œuvre. A l’inverse, l’adhésion au GATT et à l’OMC a accru la pauvreté dans les pays en développement qui sont des importateurs nets de produits agricoles. Dans le deuxième chapitre, nous examinons les effets hétérogènes de l’adhésion au GATT et à l’OMC sur la pauvreté. Nous utilisons un modèle Heckscher-Ohlin avec une dimension régionale et des différences de productivité entre pays pour montrer les effets de l’accession au GATT et à l’OMC sur la pauvreté peuvent varier considérablement d’un pays à l’autre en fonction de leur productivité et de leurs dotations factorielles et par conséquent de leur niveau initial de pauvreté. En conséquence, nous utilisons la régression quantile pour tester que l’adhésion a des répercussions différentes pour des pays regroupés dans différents quantiles de pauvreté. Nos résultats révèlent que l’adhésion au GATT et à l’OMC augmente considérablement la pauvreté dans tous les quantiles. L’augmentation de la pauvreté est plus élevée dans les pays les plus pauvres (quantiles supérieurs) que dans les pays les moins pauvres (quantiles inférieurs). Enfin, dans le troisième chapitre, nous évaluons les effets des politiques tarifaires consistant à réduire la taxe sur le commerce international couplé de l’augmentation des taxes domestiques sur la pauvreté dans les pays en développement. Nous modélisons le lien entre les réformes tarifaires et la pauvreté comme hétérogène entre les pays en utilisant un échantillon de 91 pays en développement sur la période 1980-2016. Nos résultats montrent que le passage des taxes sur le commerce international aux taxes nationales avec neutralité des recettes fiscales réduit la pauvreté dans les pays qui ont consolidé en moyenne leur avantage comparatif dans le secteur agricole ; par contre la pauvreté augmente dans les pays qui sont passés d’exportateurs nets à des importateurs nets de produits agricoles.
This thesis investigates theoretically and empirically the effects of trade policies and trade integration on poverty in developing countries. More specifically, we are interested in the effects of GATT/WTO membership on poverty and the effects of trade tax reforms on poverty in developing countries. In the first chapter, we develop a Heckscher-Ohlin framework featuring an urban-rural segmentation, with region-specific and product-specific factors and goods to explain the role of comparative advantage in how GATT/WTO accession impacts on poverty. We rely on matching econometrics to identify the effects of GATT/WTO membership on poverty using a sample of 125 countries over the 1980-2012 period. Our results show that the GATT/WTO membership decreased poverty in member countries that are net exporters of agricultural products and more specifically of labor-intensive agricultural exports. In contrast, GATT/WTO accession increased poverty in developing countries that are net importers of agricultural products. In the second chapter, we we develop a Heckscher-Ohlin model with a regional segmentation and country-specific productivity shifters to show that the incidence of GATT/WTO adhesion generally depends on productivity and endowment differences and hence on the level of poverty prior to adhesion. This justifies an empirical model featuring a quantile regression approach. This approach allows us to test that the effects of GATT/WTO on poverty vary across countries belonging to different poverty quantiles. Our results reveal that GATT/WTO membership increases significantly poverty across the entire conditional poverty distribution. Countries with high initial poverty rates suffer higher poverty increases than countries with lower poverty rates. Finally, in the third chapter, we assess trade-tax reforms induced by the reduction in trade taxes that typically accompany participation in multilateral and regional trade agreements in terms of their effects on poverty in developing countries. We model the trade tax reforms poverty nexus as heterogeneous across countries with cross-sectionally dependent errors usinga sample of 91 developing countries over 1980-2016 period. We find that a shift from taxeson international trade towards domestic taxes under revenue-neutrality reduces poverty in the countries that have consolidated on average over time their comparative advantage in agriculture while it increases poverty in countries that moved from being net exporters to net importers of agricultural products.

The focus of this thesis is the question whether or not the WTO discriminates unfairly against developing economies. In the absence of a test of guidelines for detennining unfairness or fairness of WTO provisions or Agreements has been drawn up using welfare economic and constitutional law principles as a foundation. Unfairness is therefore determined by asking whether the provisions of each Agreement are rational, proportional, efficient and whether they prevent the abuse of power amongst states. In addition, the economic effects of the provisions of the selected Agreements have been analysed to determine whether the relevant provisions are welfare enhancing and conclusive to promoting growth and development within developing economies. The Agreements chosed for analysis are the Agreements on Trade-related Investment Measures (TRIMS), Trade-related Intellectual Property (TRIPS), Agriculture and Services (GATS). The dispute settlement and negotiating process, labour standards and the impact of decreasing most-favoured nation rates on developing economy competitiveness is also discussed. Application of the test has shown that the WTO provisions do not reflect the interests of all members. Even though most member states are developing economies, the3 Agreements constantly cater foe developed country concerns and interests. Where provision is made for developing country interests, it is the LDC's who are favoured, with nonnal developing economies being bound by the same provisions as the developed economies. A fonnal, as opposed to a substantive, defmition has been adopted by the WTO, with a result that the process of equality is placed above the outcomes. While concessions have been made to development, members have not gone for enough. A main reason for the imbalance can be attributed to the negotiating process, which is based upon concessionary bargaining and trade-off. Those states with greater economic power are therefore at an advantage as they have the leverage needed to influence the outcomes of negotiations and hence the provisions of the various Agreements. Even with the LDC's, the WTO has been found to discriminate unfairly against developing economies because it does not adequately address developing country concerns.
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This dissertation examines the effects of trade liberalization policies (represented by membership in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade/World Trade Organization on selected Least Developed Countries' (LDCs) human development (represented by the Human Development Index). In this dissertation, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and World Trade Organization (WTO) policies are theorized to have two distinct types of effects: their direct effect and their indirect effect. Two questions are focused on: first, what is the effect (total, direct and indirect) of WTO policies on human development for selected LDCs? Second, what is the effect (total, direct and indirect) of WTO policies on human development for selected developing/developed countries (i.e. non-LDCs) holding economic development constant? Using the dependency theory of development as a theoretical basis, this dissertation examines the assumptions of modernization-theory-based policies as expressed in trade liberalization policies (i.e. the implementation of comparative advantage and now market fundamentalism) with world-system analysis techniques. To examine these questions, four panel regression models are constructed to measure the total, direct and indirect effects of WTO policies during the near-term (1998-2003) and during a longer historical term (1975-2000). The data for the analyses are taken from seven different sources of international data. The analyses seemingly demonstrate that there are quantifiable negative effects of GATT/WTO membership (trade liberalization policies) on human development in selected LDCs. The current implementation of trade liberalization policies does not benefit the well-being of all concerned as promoted by the WTO.

The Non-Agricultural Market Access Negotiations (NAMA) are being undertaken as part of the Doha Round of negotiations. NAMA negotiations are aimed at the trade liberalisation of industrial goods. Pursuant to the ‘development agenda’ adopted for the Doha Round, the NAMA negotiations also emphasise the development component. Particular emphasis is be made on tariff reductions in products of export interest to developing countries and the negotiations are to take special account of the needs and interests of developing countries, including through less than full reciprocity in accordance with the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) provisions on special and differential treatment (SDT). This research attempts to determine this ‘development agenda’ through the prism of special and differential treatment as provided for in the NAMA mandate. An analysis of the SDT provisions in the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and their application within the multilateral trading system reveals that SDT is a very controversial concept. Developing countries have used SDT to escape the strictures of multilateral trading rules and developed countries have used it as a ‘carrot and stick’ tool, to gain concessions from developing countries in other areas. SDT has further been revealed as a concept whose meaning and content is not very precise. While the provisions in the GATT as well as the Enabling Clause make good political and economic sense, they are not really actionable. This is because the concept is characterised by best-endeavour provisions that lack any legal force and cannot be adjudicated in the WTO Dispute Settlement Body. Developed countries have thus not been called and cannot be called, legally, to account for lack of delivery on their commitments and obligations with regard to SDT. This has effectively constrained the use of SDT as a development tool within the WTO, and, being the only tool being utilised, there needs to be found an alternative way to address development needs in the WTO. The WTO has sought to address this through efforts to amend SDT to make it more precise, effective and operational. The content and meaning of the ‘development agenda’ itself in the Doha Round is very elusive and an effort is made in this paper to determine the appropriate meaning of development in relation to the multilateral trading system. Development as an objective in the WTO is not novel to the Doha Round. The WTO is littered with references to development and the betterment of the human condition in its preamble to agreements and other provisions. Development has to be considered in al its three dimensions: social, political and economical. While this paper does not advocate that the WTO become a fully fledged development institution, it can shape its development agenda in such a way that benefits on the economic front are designed to stimulate socio-economic development as well. An analysis of the NAMA modalities reveals that mercantilist objectives have triumphed in the negotiations and SDT has been lost by the wayside. Developed countries have sought for radical tariff reductions on the part of developing countries, with meagre flexibilities that are further constrained by requirements that no full sector be excluded from the formula cuts. SDT has not been considered and the commitments are not proportional to the development capacity of most developing countries. This is in direct contradiction to the SDT provisions in the GATT that are supposed to guide the negotiations as well as the provision on tariff negotiations. However, the modalities are not legally contestable because the SDT provisions do not hold any legal suasion. The NAMA negotiations reveal a development vacuity within the WTO that needs to be resolved by other means other than the traditional SDT. Taking into consideration the evolving power bases and the politics of the membership of the WTO, this is an imperative. This paper proposes that Aid for Trade is the best option available to the WTO system. The concept does find support in GATT/WTO provisions on SDT and can be modified to be more predictable and sustainable.
Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2010.
Centre for Human Rights
unrestricted

With national cuts on solar PV subsidies and the current “oversupply” of panels, the global solar market is clearly threatened by a contraction. Yet, the need for more solar power is apparent, particularly for the world’s poor and vulnerable population. Instead of securing modern energy access for these people, trade interests have triggered a counterproductive solar trade war. This contemporary legal study addresses these issues by examining existent and potential instruments for stimulating a North-to-South solar capital flow. The research finds that recent reforms of the CDM will do little difference from previous deficiencies, as local investment barriers are not reflected in the monetary support of the clean development mechanism. Competing technologies are successfully keeping solar out of the game while baseline requirements are undermining the poor. Inspired by national renewable energy law and policy, international alternatives could address these shortcomings. While feed-in tariffs have been commonly advocated, the REC model seems far more appropriate in an international context. Its ability to be traded separately from the electricity makes it a perfect candidate as a substitute for the CDM. Entrusted with certain features it could address the geographical unbalance and provide with greater investor certainty. But the scheme(s) are under current WTO regulations required to be non-discriminatory, making it highly questionable to believe that developed countries would ever fund such incentive. It is not likely that solar capital exporters want Chinese solar PV manufacturers, who are already receiving significant production subsidies, to receive the same benefits as other producers. However, if countries adversely effected by subsidies where allowed to offset the injury by discriminating Chinese producers in international REC schemes, the Author believes that it would be easier to sell such a concept and implement it, for the benefits of climate change mitigation and adaptation as well as the world’s vulnerable and poor nations. However, this would require extensive reforms under WTO which the Author calls for.

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With the development of the international trade, the quarrels became constant around the forms of regulation and the solution of conflicts between the nations, in this context appears the World Trade Organization (WTO). Before entering the study of the OMC and of its methods of solution of conflicts, it is necessary investigate the history of the development of the international trade before and after the Second World War I, and the multilateral organisms with emphasis in the General Agreement of Commerce and Tariffs (GATT). The ways of solution of international conflicts are object of the study, as much its historical part, as the current one, having as main focus the Dispute Settlement Body (DSB) of the WTO. As much in the historical part as in the part of the methods of international solution of conflicts, the participation of the developing countries is studied. And, is made studies of cases of the performance of the developing countries in some demands proposal before the DSB. Of this form, the work demonstrated as it was the participation of the developing countries in the development of the international trade and in the DSB of WTO
Com o desenvolvimento do comércio mundial, às discussões em torno das formas de regulação do mesmo e da solução de conflitos entre as nações tornou-se uma constante, neste contexto surge a Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC) Antes de ingressar no estudo da OMC, propriamente dito, e de seus métodos de solução de conflitos, é necessário perquirir a história do desenvolvimento do comércio internacional antes e após a Segunda Guerra Mundial, e os organismos multilaterais criados, com ênfase no Acordo Geral de Comércio e Tarifas (GATT). Os meios de solução de conflitos internacionais são objeto do estudo, tanto sua parte histórica, como a atual, tendo como foco principal o Órgão de Solução de Conflitos (OSC) da OMC. Tanto na parte histórica como na parte dos métodos de solução de conflitos internacional, a participação dos países em desenvolvimento (PED) é objeto de análise. E, são feitos estudos de casos da atuação dos países em desenvolvimento em algumas demandas proposta perante o OSC. Desta forma, o trabalho demonstrou como foi a participação dos PED no desenvolvimento do comércio internacional e no OSC da OMC

The Central African Monetary and Economic Community, known by its French acronym CEMAC (Communauté
Economique et Moné
taire de l&rsquo
Afrique Centrale), is one of the oldest regional economic blocs in the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group of states. Its membership comprises of Cameroon, the Central African Republic, Chad, the Republic of Congo, Equatorial Guinea, and Gabon. It has a population of over 32 million inhabitants in a three million (3 million) square kilometre expanse of land. The changes in the world economy, and especially between the ACP countries, on the one hand, and the European Economic Community-EEC (hereinafter referred to as European Union (EU)), on the other hand, did not leave the CEMAC region unaffected. CEMAC region, like any other regional economic blocs in Africa was faced with the need to readjust in the face of a New International Economic Order (NIEO). The region which had benefited from preferential access to the EU market including financial assistance through the European Development Fund (EDF) had to comply with the rules laid down in the World Trade Organisation (WTO). This eventually led to a shift in the EU trade policy, in order to ensure that its trade preferences to developing countries were compatible to the rules and obligations of the WTO.

Mestrado em Desenvolvimento e Cooperação Internacional
O Sistema de Preferências Generalizadas (SPG) aparece no âmbito do Acordo Geral de Tarifas e Comércio (GATT) nos anos 70, por pressão dos Países em Desenvolvimento (PED), que lutavam por um comércio internacional mais justo e equitativo. De acordo com o princípio de não reciprocidade do GATT, nações com níveis de desenvolvimento diferentes não podem estar sujeitas às mesmas regras globais baseadas no comércio livre e por isso podem ter o direito a proteger certos sectores económicos sob pena de não se industrializarem. A Comunidade Económica Europeia (CEE), e depois União Europeia (UE), foi a primeira região do mundo a criar um SPG unilateral para os PED. Em 2001 concebeu a iniciativa «Tudo menos Armas» (EBA em Inglês) com o objetivo final de integrar os Países Menos Desenvolvidos (PMDs) no comércio internacional. Desta forma, a UE procurava promover uma maior coerência entre as suas políticas de Cooperação para o Desenvolvimento, na área da luta contra a pobreza e mais desenvolvimento sustentável e as suas políticas comerciais. Este trabalho analisa a evolução das trocas comerciais entre os PMDs e a UE durante o período 2001-2016, de modo a aferir o contributo do EBA, para a integração dos PMDs no comércio internacional e de que modo pode ou não ter contribuído para os objetivos da cooperação europeia, de redução da pobreza e desenvolvimento sustentável.
The Generalized System of PReferences (GSP) appears under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) in the 1970s, under the pressure from Developing Countries, which struggled for fairer and more equitable international trade. According to the GATT principle of non-reciprocity, nations with different levels of development cannot be subject to the same global rules based on free trade and therefore they have the right to protect certain economic sectors on pain of not industrializing. The European Economic Comunity, and later the European Union (EU), was the first region in the world to create a unilateral GSP for the developing countries. In 2001 it designed the Everthing but arms Iniciative (EBA), with the ultimate goal of integrating the Least Developed Countries (LDCs) into international trade. In this way, the EU sought to promote greater coherence between its Development Cooperation policies in the area of poverty alleviation and more sustainable development and its trades policies. This paper analyzes the evolution of trade beetween LDCs and the EU over the period 2001-2016 to assess the contribution of EBA to the integration of LDCs into international trade and how it may or may not have contributed to the objectives of European Cooperation, of proverty reduction and sustainable development.
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This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.

International trade ties the world together and is hypothetically fair and equal. In reality, it is highly asymmetrical and poses a significant challenge for developing countries. A massive sea change occurred in the international trade regime during the Uruguay Round of negotiations of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) from 1986 to 1994. Developing countries as a whole began to embrace liberal trade policies which seemed to be the only alternative to failing import substitution industrialization (ISI). An historical comparative account describing and explaining this transformation of developing countries’ attitudes toward the GATT is used in this dissertation to provide an alternative explanation for the transition of developing countries from having little interest in the Uruguay Round of GATT negotiations to sharply changing course and adopting neo-liberal policies which supported the conclusion of the Round. Three theoretical approaches seek to explain why this change occurred, including: liberal trade theory (economic reforms), dependency theory (external forces) and constructivism (the role epistemic communities). The Uruguay Round negotiations were dynamic and heavily influenced by two power-house developing economies, India and Brazil, who were initially opposed to the Round itself. Kenya found itself in a starkly different situation with minimal ability to participate or influence negotiations. These three countries constitute the study’s illustrative case studies. As negotiations progressed, India and Brazil changed course and agreed to the Round’s ‘single-undertaking’ and the ‘inequitable Grand Bargain’ between the developed and developing economies. This subsequently led to other developing countries following suit through a powerful demonstration effect in a trade-off between the inclusion of trade in services and intellectual property for reforms in agriculture and textiles & clothing. While economic reforms began to occur and attitudes began to change during the Uruguay Round itself, assessing developing countries during the Round found that no single theoretical approach can explain developing countries’ transformation; rather each had their own trajectory for their economic reforms. A multi-dimensional conclusion provides the most comprehensive account of this transformation of the global trade regime.

Magister Legum - LLM
The provisions of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT 1994) generally give favourable consideration to developing and least developed countries.1 Firstly, at the core of these provisions is the principle of special and differential treatment of these countries. As such developing countries are to meet their obligations under the WTO agreements as and when the special needs of their economies permit. The GATT 1994 provisions exempt least developed countries from participating in the obligations under the WTO agreements until such a time that they attain a reasonable level of development.Secondly, the Ministerial Meeting in Doha in November 2001 adopted a development agenda (that described capacity building activities as “core elements of the development dimension of the multilateral trading system”) and called for more co-ordinated delivery of trade related technical assistance and capacity building.2 In this regard, developed members of the WTO have committed to provide technical assistance to developing and least developed members in order to build their capacity to participate effectively under the WTO.The reality of the situation on the ground is that developing and least developed countries still face a lot of challenges which hinder their full participation and realization of the benefits under the multilateral trading system. It must be appreciated, at the same time that developing countries like China and India have been active and influential in the multilateral trading system, and additionally, their economies have and are experiencing overt growth. What lessons does Africa need to learn from China and India?This study examines the causes of the poor performance of Sub Saharan Africa’s developing and Least Developed Countries in the multilateral trading system. In this regard, examples are drawn from two countries, namely, Kenya and Zambia.Further, the study examines the initiatives the WTO provides to enhance the trade capacity of its developing and least developed members. In addition, the study examines African trade capacity building initiatives such the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) and the African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF) Initiatives, as well as the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) Initiative in order to establish how these initiatives can assist in enhancing the trade capacity of developing and least developed countries.The study further examines the role of regional trade integration in enhancing the trade capacity building of developing and least developed countries. In this case, examples are drawn from the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) and the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa-Developing Countries (COMESA). In this regard, the study concludes that fully-fledged regional integration has the potential to promote economic growth and industrial development in Africa.The study also demonstrates the importance of the participation of governments and the private sector in improving a country’s participation in the multilateral trading system. This study particularly takes key interest in the crucial role of the public-private partnerships in enhancing competitive forces and competitiveness necessary to maximize trade opportunities, which in turn produces economic development.It is observed and concluded in this study that sustainably financed technical assistance and capacity building programmes have important roles to play in so far as integration of Sub Saharan Africa into the global trading system is concerned; and that developing countries in general and LDCs in particular are to be provided with enhanced Trade-Related Technical Assistance (TRTA) and capacity building to increase their effective participation in the negotiations, to facilitate their implementation of GATT/WTO rules and to enable them adjust and diversify their economies.