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Journal articles on the topic 'Talmud'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 August 2024

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1

Neusner, Jacob. "How the Talmud works and why the Talmud won." Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 17, no. 1-2 (September 1, 1996): 118–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.69535.

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A single document, the Talmud of Babylonia – that is to say, the Misha, a philosophical law code that reached closure at ca 100 C.E., as read by the Gemara, a commentary to thirty-seven of the sixty-three tractates of that code, compiled in Babylonia, reaching closure by ca 600 C.E. – from ancient times to the present day has served as the medium of instruction for all literate Jews, teaching, by example alone, the craft of clear thinking, compelling argument, correct rhetoric. That craft originated in Athens with Plato’s Socrates for the medium of thought, and with Aristotle for the method of thought, and predominated in the intellectual life of Western civilization thereafter. When we correlate the modes of thought and analysis of the Talmud with the ones of classical philosophy that pertain, we see how the Talmud works, by which I mean, how its framers made connections and drew conclusions, for the Mishnah and Gemara respectively. And when we can explain how the Talmud works, I claim, we may also understand why it exercised the remarkable power that it did for the entire history of Judaism from its closure in the 7th century into our own time. These two questions – how it works, why it won – define the task of this presentation.

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2

Benhamou, Luc. "L’enfant au Talmud." Pardès N°63, no. 2 (2018): 255. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/parde.063.0255.

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3

Smilevitch, Eric. "Interpréter le Talmud." Cahiers philosophiques 145, no. 2 (2016): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/caph.145.0111.

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4

Simon-Shoshan, Moshe. "Talmud as Novel." Poetics Today 40, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 105–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/03335372-7259915.

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5

Gribetz. "An Arabic-Zionist Talmud: Shimon Moyal's At-Talmud." Jewish Social Studies 17, no. 1 (2010): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jewisocistud.17.1.1.

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6

Resnick, Irven. "Peter the Venerable on the Talmud, the Jews, and Islam." Medieval Encounters 24, no. 5-6 (December 3, 2018): 510–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12340029.

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AbstractIt is largely for his attack upon the Talmud that Peter the Venerable’s Adversus Iudeorum inveteratam duritiem stands out. Peter is the first medieval Latin author to name the Talmud as such. Having identified the Talmud as a principal source of Jewish error, Peter condemns its influence upon Jews. In their Talmud, Peter the Venerable insists, Jews even declare that God condemns Christians to Hell “because they do not believe in the Talmud.” Peter views the Talmud not only as a source of error for Jews, however, but also for Muslims. Muḥammad wove the Qurʾān in part, Peter insists, out of the filthy cloth of the Jews’ Talmud. Since he claims that Satan is the ultimate source for Talmudic “lies,” he attributes both the Talmud and the Qurʾān to diabolical agency. This paper examines Peter’s view of the Talmud, then, and its deleterious influence upon both Jews and Muslims.

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7

Lecousy, Amélia. "De Pierre Le Vénérable À Eudes De Châteauroux: La Réception Du Talmud, Entre Hostilité Et Incompréhension." Perichoresis 18, no. 4 (August 1, 2020): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/perc-2020-0019.

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AbstractCet article met en lumière la réception du Talmud parmi les érudits parisiens chrétiens entre 1140, avec la rédaction du Adversus judaeorum de Pierre le Vénérable, et 1248, la condamnation officielle par Eudes de Châteauroux. Avec la création des universités au XIIe siècle, la curiosité intellectuelle et la soif de savoir dirigent les théologiens chrétiens vers des textes non plus uniquement bibliques, mais aussi rabbiniques. Simultanément, la présence de l’Église et son orthodoxie doctrinale se renforcent, avec un désir encore plus fort d’encadrer ses fidèles. Le XIIIe siècle est l’époque d’une série de condamnations de thèses chrétiennes par l’Église pour prévenir la propagation d’erreurs dogmatiques. Avec Pierre le Vénérable, nous voyons pour la première fois un théologien chrétien s’attarder sur les textes talmudiques. Ce n’est véritablement qu’un siècle plus tard que le Talmud se fait connaître par les savants chrétiens, après que Nicolas Donin, juif converti au christianisme, informe Grégoire IX des erreurs blasphématoires à l’encontre de Dieu et du christianisme contenues dans ce livre. Une fois examiné, le Talmud est condamné 1240, puis solennellement en 1248 par l’autorité parisienne, soutenue par des enregistrements méticuleux, intitulés Extractiones de Talmut.

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8

Jaffé, Dan. "Jésus dans le Talmud." Pardès 35, no. 2 (2003): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/parde.035.0079.

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9

Touati, Charles. "Rashi commentateur du Talmud." Comptes-rendus des séances de l année - Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres 134, no. 3 (1990): 604–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/crai.1990.14881.

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10

Archiv für katholisches Kirchenrech, Editors. "Übersetzung des Talmud Yerushalmi." Archiv für katholisches Kirchenrecht 165, no. 1 (June 14, 1996): 161–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/2589045x-16501034.

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11

Kovelman, Arkadi. "FARCE IN THE TALMUD." Review of Rabbinic Judaism 5, no. 1 (2002): 86–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700700260052672.

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12

Reuling, Hanneke. "Jesus in the Talmud." Journal for the Study of Judaism 40, no. 1 (2009): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006308x375988.

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13

Schwarzer, Mitchell. "The Architecture of Talmud." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 60, no. 4 (December 1, 2001): 474–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/991731.

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This article analyzes for the first time the architectural implications of the Talmud, a multivolume religious text composed between the second and sixth centuries of the first millennium. The Talmud has extensive commentaries on specifically Jewish structures such as the Sukkah, Eruv, and Mikveh, as well as on everyday buildings and public places used by Jews. Moreover, the Talmud substituted for monumental architecture during the many centuries when the Jewish people had no homeland and were subject to frequent persecutions and exiles. The architecture of Talmud, therefore, can be analyzed in two critical arenas: first, through its numerous and detailed rules and recommendations for the practice of building; and, second, amid its creation of a textual discourse whose form and character is based in large part on the memory of the destroyed Temple and lost homeland.

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14

Muñoz, Pablo. "Jesus in the Talmud." Incarnate Word 1, no. 3 (2007): 579–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/tiw20071344.

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15

Bar-Asher Siegal, Michal, Holger Michael Zellentin, and Daniel H. Weiss. "Talmud and Christianity: Introduction." Jewish Studies Quarterly 25, no. 3 (2018): 219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1628/jsq-2018-0011.

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16

Himmelfarb, Harold S. "Sociology of talmud study." Contemporary Jewry 8, no. 1 (March 1987): 115–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02963469.

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17

Hirsch, Eli. "Identity in the Talmud." Midwest Studies In Philosophy 23, no. 1 (1999): 166–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-4975.00009.

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18

Shapiro, R. "Craniosynostosis in the Talmud." Radiology 172, no. 1 (July 1989): 230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1148/radiology.172.1.2662253.

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19

Koehler, Benedikt. "The Talmud on usury." Economic Affairs 43, no. 3 (October 2023): 423–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ecaf.12599.

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AbstractA ban on usury was endorsed by Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Usury was banned in the Books of Moses, but defined in the Babylonian Talmud as a ‘reward for waiting’. Conceptions of usury in early Christianity and Islam accorded with that of the Talmud. A misrepresentation of the Talmudic conception of usury by Jacob Neusner was refuted by Emil Cohn.

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20

Mayer, Yakov Z. "Writing the Talmud Anew: Shlomo Sirilio's Renaissance Edition of the Jerusalem Talmud." Jewish Quarterly Review 113, no. 3 (June 2023): 368–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jqr.2023.a904504.

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Abstract: Shlomo Sirilio, a resident of sixteenth-century Safed, created a radical adaptation of the Jerusalem Talmud based on its 1523 editio princeps . He sweepingly adapted the talmudic text, expanded it with medieval materials, and added novel material, based on his creative scholarly intuition. This essay describes Sirilio's scholarly conception and distinguishes between the medieval motifs and the innovative Renaissance ideas that shaped his work. It argues that such a creative approach could not have been created in the centers of humanistic culture, but only in the peripheral locale of Safed, where humanistic ideas could be developed without polemical undertones.

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21

Yahalom, Shalem. "‘The Palestinian Talmud Was Not Tampered with by the Pens of Emenders’: Clarifying a Textual Version Rule." Zutot 18, no. 1 (October 6, 2021): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750214-bja10019.

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Abstract This article will demonstrate that Nahmanides’s statement regarding the unamended Palestinian Talmud relates to the sources cited in that work. The advantage of the Palestinian Talmud stemmed from the neglect suffered by that work which enabled it to escape the hegemony of the Babylonian Talmud whose textual versions were imposed on all other Oral Torah works. Of course, it also stemmed from the proximity of the Palestinian Talmud in both time and place to the Mishnah and Tosefta. This advantage lent great significance to the exegesis of these sources in the Palestinian Talmud.

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22

Brodsky, David. "Lo que nos enseña Kalá Rabati sobre la redacción del Talmud." Miscelánea de Estudios Árabes y Hebraicos. Sección Hebreo 65 (December 28, 2016): 33–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.30827/meahhebreo.v65i0.935.

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Kalá Rabati es un texto rabínico amoraíta (c. 350–400 de nuestra era) poco conocido con una estrecha relación con el Talmud de Babilonia. Hay pasajes en Kalá Rabati que tienen paralelos en el Talmud con ciertas variantes que exponen el proceso editorial de ambos textos. Además, la manera en que el Talmud se redactó es un enigma para los estudios talmúdicos. Hasta ahora, este análisis ha sido tautológico: se descifra cómo se redactó el Talmud por medio de datos que provienen exclusivamente del Talmud mismo. Este estudio demuestra que Kalá Rabati nos ayuda a descubrir el proceso de edición del Talmud, señalando el importante papel que los transmisores desempeñaron en la redacción de algunos pasajes, constituyendo a veces la voz anónima del mismo.

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23

Yasin, Agus, and Ahmad Faizin Soleh. "Etika Talmud Babylonia terhadap Non-Yahudi." Journal on Education 5, no. 3 (February 22, 2023): 10364–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.31004/joe.v5i3.1934.

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Talmud is the primary cripture of Jewish, and majority of Jewish take Talmud as way of life than torah as second scripture of Jewish. Talmud has devide two parts; Jerussalem and Babylonian Talmud. But now, majority of Jewish use Babylonian Talmud because it was more complete and easier to understand. The teachings on Talmud have teached about ethics in social life, civil right, politics, and criminal laws. But these teachings are very disadvantageous for non-Jewish. And also the teachings have denied ten commandement in the torah as the sripture. Therefore, based on the teaching of Ethics on Babylonian Talmud toward non-Jewish, the writer want to discuss what is the basic foundation of ethical verses on Babylonian Talmud, and the impact and the influence of those teachings. And so the teaching which is dangerous for non-Jewish have coused damage and violence in the life of non-Jewish and life in the world. And the damage and the violence which ware made Israel, come from the teaching on Babylonian Talmud and the teaching of ethics in cosial life, civil right, politics, and criminal laws have already been applied in their daily activities right now. This is the underlying reason for non-Jewish and jewish who hold in torah (antisemitism) to ignore the existence and cannot recognized as scripture. This study uses a descriptive qualitative research method with a data analysis approach from the main sources and books related to the Talmud and its teachings. Through this writing, the author finds a conflict between the teachings in the Talmud and the 10 commandments that have been taught in the Torah, and the formation of ethics in each of these teachings.

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24

Maune, Alexander. "The Talmud and corporate citizenship." Environmental Economics 7, no. 2 (June 3, 2016): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ee.07(2).2016.5.

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The Talmud is without doubt the most prominent text of rabbinic Judaism`s traditional literature which is replete with precepts that deal with corporate citizenship. Thus the Talmud can be used as a starting point for those who are interested in establishing financially successful companies. This article is based on a literature review of related journal articles and the Talmud. Some of the issues discussed in this article include: Talmud and ecology, caring for the environment, corporate charity, employer-employee relationship, honest weights and measures, community prosperity, buyer-seller relationship, transparency, honesty in business, fraud and theft, and corporate citizenship in the contemporary world. The author concludes that sustainable financial success is guaranteed through corporate citizenship. This article is of benefit to the academia, corporate citizenship advocates and the business community at large

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25

Segal, Aliza, and Zvi Bekerman. "What is Taught in Talmud Class: Is it Class or is it Talmud?" Journal of Jewish Education 75, no. 1 (March 9, 2009): 19–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15244110802654583.

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26

Dal Bo, Federico. "Hebrew and Aramaic Terms in the Extractiones de Talmud. The Term “Yeshivah” in the Thirteenth-Century Latin Translation of the Talmud." Journal of Transcultural Medieval Studies 5, no. 2 (November 1, 2018): 241–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jtms-2018-0020.

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Abstract Translation is hardly an exceptional event. On the contrary, it is quite common and reflects the necessity of communication despite the obvious multiplicity of human languages. Therefore, it has often exhibited a practical and prescriptive nature – as a discourse characterised by instructions to translators about how, what and why to translate. In the present article, I will pay special attention to the treatment of Hebrew and Aramaic terms in the thirteenth-century Latin translation of the Talmud – better known as Extractiones de Talmud (‘Excerpts from the Talmud’). This translation is a large anthology from the Babylonian Talmud that was compiled by Christian authorities in consequence of the famous Paris process of 1240, when the Jewish convert Nicholas Donin confronted the prominent Rabbi Yehiel of Paris regarding the allegedly blasphemous, anti-Christian nature of the Talmud. This large anthology frequently emphasises linguistic difference and abounds in providing details about specific terms from Talmudic literature. Yet the Extractiones appear to neglect the complex nature of the Talmud. They never mention that the Talmud is bilingual – as it collects Hebrew and Aramaic texts – while emphasising that in it the Jews still employ the so-called ‘Holy Tongue’. I will argue that the Extractiones’ emphasis on Hebrew has both ideological and practical purposes. On the one hand, the notion that Hebrew abounds in the Talmud resonates well with the Christian expectation that Judaism is still bound to the “hebraica veritas” (‘Hebrew truth’). On the other hand, an unexperienced Christian reader might have found it difficult to come to terms with the linguistically and historically complex nature of the Talmud. Therefore, the focus on Hebrew may have been the result of an oversimplification for the readers’ sake. The case will be proven on account of one central example: the translation of the Hebrew term “yeshivah”. I will show that the treatment of this term illustrates how the Latin translator of the Talmud intended to emphasise the cultural difference between Jews and Christians, without abandoning the practical need of offering some form of cultural adaptation.

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27

Reiner, Avraham (Rami). "Textual Variants and Textual Criticism in the Works of Rabbenu Tam: Between Theory and Practice." AJS Review 44, no. 1 (April 2020): 149–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009419000928.

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Rabbi Jacob ben Meir, better known as Rabbenu Tam (1100–1171), is famous for his radical interpretations of the Talmud and his influence in matters of Halakhah. Less well known is his abiding interest in the textual transmission of the Talmud and its manuscripts. Rabbenu Tam was well aware of the redactional layers within the Talmud, and in many instances, claimed that certain sentences were a later addition to the Talmud inserted by students and copyists over the generations. As a result, Rabbenu Tam did not hesitate to challenge the binding legal authority of those accretions. The introduction to Rabbenu Tam's Sefer ha-yashar argues that the received text of the Babylonian Talmud was corrupt and that the text had been influenced by glosses suggested by Rashi and other sages. In his opinion, textual corrections ought to be raised in the context of commentaries and not inserted within the Talmud itself. This article will describe the relationship between the principles proposed in the introduction to Sefer ha-yashar and Rabbenu Tam's actual engagement with the talmudic text in his exegesis.

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28

Hadas-Lebel, Mireille. "La femme dans le Talmud." Pardès 43, no. 2 (2007): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/parde.043.0129.

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29

Bartholomew, Jennifer. "Find it in the Talmud." Theological Librarianship 8, no. 2 (September 16, 2015): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31046/tl.v8i2.405.

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30

Lecercle, Jean-Jacques. "Lewis Carroll and the Talmud." SubStance 22, no. 2/3 (1993): 204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3685281.

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31

Maune, Alexander. "Corporate citizenship and the Talmud." Corporate Ownership and Control 13, no. 1 (2015): 1108–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv13i1c9p12.

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The Talmud is without doubt the most prominent text of rabbinic Judaism`s traditional literature which is replete with precepts that deal with corporate citizenship. Thus the Talmud can be used as a starting point for those who are interested in establishing financially successful companies. This article is based on a literature review of related journal articles and the Talmud. Some of the issues discussed in this article include: caring for the environment, corporate charity, employer-employee relationship, honest weights and measures, community prosperity, buyer-seller relationship, transparency, honesty in business, fraud and theft, and corporate citizenship in the contemporary world. The author concludes that sustainable financial success is guaranteed through corporate citizenship. This article is of benefit to both the academia and the business community at large.

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32

Jacobs, Louis. "Humanism in Talmud and Midrash." Journal of Jewish Studies 46, no. 1-2 (July 1, 1995): 322–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/1824/jjs-1995.

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33

Hubner, Manu Marcus. "Rabi Akiva, Segundo o Talmud." Vértices, no. 21 (September 24, 2019): 16–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2179-5894.i21p16-46.

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Rabi Akiva, nascido no primeiro século da Era Comum, foi um homem de origem muito humilde que se tornou um grande erudito, professor da maioria dos grandes sábios da geração seguinte e cuja esfera de influência se estende da legislação até a ética e a teologia judaicas. Foi capturado, aprisionado e finalmente torturado até a morte pelos romanos. Esse martírio inspira poemas e é um marco na história judaica, estando presente no imaginário histórico do povo judeu por quase dezenove séculos.

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34

White, Richard. "Einleitung in Talmud und Midrasch." Journal of Jewish Studies 36, no. 1 (April 1, 1985): 121–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/1196/jjs-1985.

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35

Westreich, M. "Liver Disease in the Talmud." Journal of Clinical Gastroenterology 12, no. 1 (February 1990): 57–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00004836-199002000-00015.

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36

Aumann, Robert J. "Risk aversion in the Talmud." Economic Theory 21, no. 2-3 (March 1, 2003): 233–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00199-002-0304-9.

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37

Dolgopolski, Sergey. "Who Thinks in the Talmud?" Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy 20, no. 1 (2012): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/147728512x629790.

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38

Alexander, P. S. "3 Enoch and The Talmud." Journal for the Study of Judaism 18, no. 1 (August 30, 1987): 40–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/00472212-018-01-05.

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39

Westreich, Melvyn, and Samuel Segal. "Cleft Lip in the Talmud." Annals of Plastic Surgery 45, no. 3 (September 2000): 229–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00000637-200045030-00001.

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40

Kaplan, Laura Duhan. "Talmud, Totality, and Jewish Pluralism." Philosophy in the Contemporary World 7, no. 1 (2000): 47–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/pcw2000718.

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41

Boyarin, Daniel. "The Talmud meets church history." diacritics 28, no. 2 (1998): 52–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dia.1998.0011.

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42

Wewers, Gerd A. "Die Erforschung des Talmud Yerushalmi." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 37, no. 4 (1985): 322–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007385x00031.

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43

Gershman Paley, Marlene. "Psychoanalytic teachings of the talmud." American Journal of Psychoanalysis 53, no. 3 (September 1993): 247–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01248335.

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44

Wacholder, Ben Zion. "The Mind of the Talmud: An Intellectual History of the Talmud (review)." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 11, no. 3 (1993): 116–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.1993.0064.

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45

Wolf, Sarah. "‘From Where Are These Words?’ The Reception of the Bible in the Babylonian Talmud." Journal of the Bible and its Reception 9, no. 2 (November 1, 2022): 227–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbr-2021-0032.

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Abstract This article addresses the paradox of the Bible’s reception in the Babylonian Talmud: that despite the Bible’s centrality to many of the discussions and stories in the Talmud, the Talmud ultimately recontextualizes the Bible by creating a new version of the Jewish study canon. It argues that this paradox cannot be understood without recognizing that there are essentially two different concepts of the Bible held by the late rabbis; that is, a material Bible and a memorized Bible. The Bible makes an appearance in the Talmud as a physical object or set of objects, composed of words on parchment, and consisting of a specific collection of works, which are accorded special status. However, the Bible as a memorized study text plays a different role in Talmudic hermeneutics, in which the redactors of the Talmud present the Bible in atomized form as one of many sources that are all subject to the same type of discussion and interpretation. By analyzing the complexity of the Bible’s role in the Talmud, this article stakes a middle ground between the argument that the Talmud and other works of rabbinic literature are in some fundamental sense part of a continuous line of revision and commentary that dates back to the earliest forms of inner-biblical exegesis; and, on the other hand, the position that the rabbis either are uninterested in or represent an active rupture from modes of reading the Bible.

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46

Breuer, Yochanan. "The Babylonian Aramaic in Tractate Karetot According to MS Oxford." Aramaic Studies 5, no. 1 (2007): 1–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/147783507x231912.

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Abstract This article describes the Aramaic of Tractate Karetot of the Babylonian Talmud according to MS Oxford Bodl. heb. b. 1. Tractate Karetot is one of the tractates which exhibit a special kind of Babylonian Aramaic. The first part of the article contains a description of this kind of Aramaic, with an attempt to define its unique features and their origin. MS Oxford Bodl. heb. b. 1 is the oldest dated manuscript of the Babylonian Talmud (BT) to have reached us. The second part of the article describes the features found in this manuscript which are different from the type of Aramaic known from the printed editions of the Babylonian Talmud. This is the first comprehensive description of a manuscript of the Babylonian Talmud outside the Yemenite manuscripts.

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47

Balberg, Mira, and Yair Lipshitz. ""This Is Not the National Theatre, Here We Study Talmud": Performing the Talmud in the Television Show Shenayim oḥazin." Prooftexts 40, no. 3 (2024): 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/ptx.00001.

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Abstract: The article examines the Israeli Educational Television series Shenayim oḥazin , which aired in 1984–85 and was meant to aid the instruction of Talmud in junior high school. This article approaches the series from a dramaturgical and performative viewpoint and analyzes how its creators dramatized and staged the Talmud—both its content and its form—and thereby captured, channeled, and adapted some of the performative features intrinsic to the Talmud. It argues that, while the Talmud and the televisual medium may seem fundamentally opposed, the dramaturgical and spatial choices that were made as the Talmud was conceived for broadcasting purposes accentuate rather than attenuate some of the Talmud's unique discursive traits. The article begins with a general overview of the show's plotline and premise, explaining the different modes of dramatization employed in the show as it engages with talmudic content. It then discusses how the show spatializes the sugya—that it maps the different layers or components of talmudic texts unto different physical spaces, while also allowing those spaces to infiltrate each other. The third part of the article offers a close reading of one episode of the show, which thematizes performativity and theatricality in the study of Talmud in a uniquely overt way. By way of conclusion, we discuss Shenayim oḥazin as presenting a productive tension between two kinds of drama, "a drama of ideas" and "a drama of actions," thereby reflecting a similar tension within the talmudic texts.

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Gafni, Chanan. "Orthodoxy and Talmudic Criticism? On Misleading Attributions in the Talmud." Zutot 13, no. 1 (March 11, 2016): 70–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750214-12341282.

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Critical approaches to the Talmud flourished among liberal elements in nineteenth-century Jewry. Scholars whose aim was to introduce further alterations to Jewish law found backing for their agenda in their scientific treatment of the Talmud, emphasizing the dynamic transmission of this central Jewish tradition. However, describing the emergence of Talmud criticism without considering the contribution of traditional writers would be misleading. Orthodox scholars did occasionally arrive at and elaborate on critical insights, at times precisely in order to defend their conservative views. An instructive example of this phenomenon comes from the writings of a leading opponent of Wissenschaft des Judentums, Yitzhak Isaac Halevy (1847–1917). In one of his apologetic discussions, Halevy introduced a revolutionary principle, according to which the Talmud would often attribute an original phrase by an Amora to that same Amora in other halakhic contexts.

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Gribetz, Jonathan Marc. "The PLO's Defense of the Talmud." AJS Review 42, no. 2 (November 2018): 293–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009418000521.

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In 1970, the PLO Research Center in Beirut published a book that challenged what it considered to be common Arab misconceptions and prejudices concerning the Talmud. In analyzing this book, this article poses three questions. The first concerns motivation: What led the PLO's think tank to engage a researcher with the task of learning and writing about the Talmud? Second is the question of sources: How did the PLO researcher find his information and what does the presence of these sources on the PLO Research Center library's bookshelf tell us about the world of PLO intellectuals in late 1960s Beirut? Finally, what can be learned from the conclusions the researcher drew about the relationship between the Talmud and Zionism and between Judaism and Jewish nationalism? The article concludes with a reflection on the continuing debate over the place of antisemitism in the PLO.

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Goldman, Edward A., H. L. Strack, G. Stemberger, and Markus Bockmuehl. "Introduction to the Talmud and Midrash." Journal of the American Oriental Society 116, no. 1 (January 1996): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/606396.

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