Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Taiwan – Foreign relations – Japan'
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1
Ponniah, Helen. "Malaysia - Japan relations : economic and political implications." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110876.
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Japanese involvement in Malaysia dates back to
the beginning of this century. From the beginning
Japanese interests were predominantly economic in nature
Japan looked upon Malaya as a source of raw materials
and also as a potential market for its finished products
Japan was initially drawn by the rubber industry which
became lucrative in 1910 and the iron ore mines which
were essential for its steel industries. In 1928 iron
ore imports from Malaya accounted for 40 percent of
Japan's total consumption. Japanese cotton goods and
other manufactures were low priced and therefore popular
in Malaysia. However Japanese efforts to make in-roads
on the Malaysian economy were impeded by the British
colonial administration. For example, the British
enacted a Rubber Restriction Act in 1917 which limited
rubber exports to Japan. The British also introduced a
quota system on Japanese manufactured imports in the
late 1930s.
2
Kim, Nam G. (Nam Gyun). "US-Japan Relations during the Korean War." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278651/.
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During the Korean War, US-Japan relations changed dramatically from the occupation status into one of a security partnership in Asia. When North Korea invaded South Korea, Washington perceived Japan as the ultimate target. Washington immediately intervened in the Korean peninsula to protect the South on behalf of Japanese security. Japanese security was the most important objective of American policy regarding the Korean War, a reality to which historians have not given legitimate attention. While fighting in Korea, Washington decided to conclude an early peace treaty with Japan to initiate Japanese rearmament. The issue of Japanese rearmament was a focal point in the Japanese peace negotiation. Washington pressed Japan to rearm rapidly, but Tokyo stubbornly opposed. Under pressure from Washington, the Japanese government established the National Police Reserve and had to expand its military forces during the war. When the Korean War ceased in July 1953, Japanese armed forces numbered about 180,000 men. The Korean War also brought a fundamental change to Japanese economic and diplomatic relations in Asia. With a trade embargo on China following the unexpected Chinese intervention in Korea, Washington wanted to forbid Sino-Japanese trade completely. In addition, Washington pressed Tokyo to recognize the Nationalist regime in Taiwan as the representative government of the whole Chinese people. Japan unsuccessfully resisted both policies. Japan wanted to maintain Sino-Japanese trade and recognize the Chinese Communists. The Korean War brought an economic boom to Japan. As a logistical and service supporter for United States war efforts in Korea, Japan received a substantial amount of military procurement orders from Washington, which supplied dollars, technology, and markets for Japan. The Korean War was an economic opportunity for Japan while it was a military opportunity for the United States. The Korean War was the beginning of a new era of American-Japanese military and economic interdependence. This study is based on both American and Japanese sources--primary and secondary.
3
Liao, Xuanli, and 廖宣力. "Chinese think tanks and China's policy on Japan." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31243368.
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Herrmann, John. "Japan's economic relations with the South Pacific." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/129551.
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The post-World War II decades witnessed one of the most important economic
achievements in recent world history: the rise of Japan as a global economic
power. This served notice of Japan's new status as an actor on the world stage
and ultimately, of its potential to influence developments around the world. In
the South Pacific, Japan's drive to globalise its giant economy over a period of
four decades generated a considerable impact on the economies of Pacific
Islands countries (PICs). In the period leading up to the mid-1970s, relations
between Japan and the South Pacific developed gradually with a continuing
emphasis on economic involvement initially through trade and investment.
That economic relationship expanded rapidly during the 1980s. Japan's intent
for a role beyond a continuing 'economic' emphasis became increasingly
apparent during this period with Overseas Development Assistance (ODA),
because of its strategic value, becoming a significant component in Japanese
involvement. It was the declaration of the Kuranari Doctrine in 1987 that
made clear Japan's motivation for a greater political role. Thus, from an initial
focus on economic activities in the South Pacific, strategic and political
objectives became important considerations for Japan in the growing economic
relationship.
5
Duho, Drapeau Dann. "The parameters of Japan's political economic strategy : impact of national identity, national interests, and role conceptions on Japanese foreign policy (1980-97)." Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28266.
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Research on Japanese current foreign policy suffers from neglect of the influence of domestic factors on Japan's decisions and behaviour in world politics. The question of the nature of Japanese foreign policy needs to go beyond the exogenous cause of state behaviour in international affairs. The object of inquiry of this thesis is the influence of social factors on the orientation of Japan's foreign policy. The central concern is: "how" and "why" Japan behaves as it does in world affairs. This examination addresses the question of the interaction of endogenous and exogenous factors on the foreign economic policy of Japan, and postulates that Japanese national identity, national interests, and role conceptions, are the essence of Japan's defensive attitudes in world affairs on the one hand, and that Japanese behavioural patterns in international relations are in conformity with the ends of Japan's foreign policy: economic security and growth under the Japan-US alliance. Japanese response to US pressure and trade adjustment to the changing framework of the world economy from the 1980s up to the present give a relevant outlook to the defensive character of Japan's foreign policy. For Japanese policy-makers, the stability of Japan's economic performance in the world economy, its pacifist attitude in world affairs, its trade relations with the United States, and its protectorate status as a result of the Japan-US Security Treaty, are beyond question.
6
Anderson, Andrew Richard. "A relationship under strain : the FSX fighter and the Japan-US alliance." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114564.
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On the 3rd of March 1990, Japanese Prime Minister Toshiki
Kaifu and President George Bush met in Palm Springs,
California, to discuss ways to ease the strained Japan-US
relationship. They discussed the fate of both the security
alliance and the trade relationship. Central to the
discussion were concerns to reduce the American $49 billion
trade deficit with Japan and plans to reduce the US troop
numbers in Asia by ten percent (from 120,000) or about 5,000
troops in Japan. The trade relationship, currently in a
"showdown" stage, faces considerable friction ahead because
under the Super "301" clause of the 1988 Omnibus trade bill
retaliatory action is required against specified countries
(Japan) if progress is not made towards the importation of
designated products (lumber, satellites, and supercomputers)
by a specified date (June 16, 1990). The Super "301" clause
sets deadlines in an ongoing dispute that has years of "no-results"
precedents. Setting deadlines creates possible
flash points in the Japanese-American relationship.
7
Rong, Xuefei, and 榮雪霏. "China in the Japanese press: a case study of Zhu Rongji's visit to Japan in 2000." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42577500.
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8
Williams, Brad. "Hokkaido-Sakhalin subnational government relations : opportunities and limits of kankyo seibi." Monash University, School of Languages, Cultures and Linguistics, 2003. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/5751.
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9
LEE, Yu Pan. "The security dilemma in Sino-Japanese relations." Digital Commons @ Lingnan University, 2009. https://commons.ln.edu.hk/pol_etd/2.
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Even though economic relations between China and Japan have improved in recent decades, their security relations raise the prospect of clashes due to the perceived incompatibility of their interests, as manifested for example in territorial claims and rivalry for energy resources. This thesis analyzes the two states’ security relations using the “security-dilemma” and “constructivist theories” of international relations.
The security dilemma is a condition in which states’ attempts to increase their own security, out of the mutual fear and suspicion, results a decrease in security for all. The constructivist theories suggest that the identities of actors, social norms, states’ interests and government policies are inter-linked in both domestic and international politics; each component thus shapes and then reshapes others. International relations should not be understood by merely analyzing material capacities.
In order to understand the security relations between China and Japan, it is imperative to investigate the threat perceptions of various actors within both states, including the general public, the political leadership, the military, the academics and other sub-state actors.
By employing the mentioned theories, it is found that the general public in both states are the key sources to consider the other as a security threat. Fear or resentment among states, which might initially be constructed by the behaviors or policies of other actors, would in turn further shape or limit other actors’ perceptions and interests. The public also put constraints on their governments’ freedom to maneuver diplomatically and to adopt policy choices, it thus affects the security relations between states. The thesis concludes that deepening interactions between people in both state and carefully conducted diplomatic behaviors, such as choice of wording in reconciliation actions and joint action by states’ leaders at symbolic occasions or locations etc, can be the key of preventing the security dilemma from escalating. As a result, in the case of Sino-Japanese relations, the security relations cannot be improved by deploying military means.
10
Johnson, Christopher S. "The United States-Japan Security Treaty of 1951: An Essay on the Origins of Postwar Japanese-American Relation." PDXScholar, 1993. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4596.
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The early September day in 1951 that brought the Pacific War to an official end, with the signing of a treaty of peace, concluded as representatives of Japan and the United States signed the Bilateral Security Treaty. The security treaty symbolized new realities of international relations, just as the peace treaty had buried the old. By cementing into place a strategic alliance between the former Pacific antagonists, the treaty represented the great and lasting achievement of postwar American diplomacy in Asia. Nevertheless, the treaty was both the outcome and the perpetuation of a stereotyped and lopsided relationship, now fixed firmly into place, as a Japan diminished by defeat acceded to the necessity of a security embrace with its former conqueror, and the United States enlisted a most valued, albeit a most reluctant ally for the ongoing struggle to meet and defeat the Soviet threat. At the end of the Pacific War such an outcome had been beyond the pale. The security treaty was the product of years of crisis adaptation. Hopes that the U.S. could make China the great power of Asia were dashed by revolution. As cherished verities of U.S. diplomacy fell by the wayside, new truisms, based upon strategic interests inherited from victory in the Pacific and the cold war policy of containment, staunchly rose to assume their place. As a result, U.S. attitudes towards Japan underwent a tortuous reassessment. The initial occupation policies of disarmament and reform were replaced by the urgent need to enlist Japan as a vital cold war asset. However, this reorientation was not easily accomplished. Competing interests within the U.S. Government clashed over the means necessary to insure Japan's security and stability, while also guaranteeing the creation of a reliable ally -- a debate that became ever more heated as the cold war intensified. The Japanese, at great disadvantage, skillfully attempted to negotiate a role for themselves in the postwar world, eager for an alliance, yet fearful of domination. The goal of this thesis is to chart and document the evolution of this policy transformation, in all its twists and odd turns. To accomplish this task I turned to an older tradition of political science, one widely practiced at the dawn of the discipline. To be sure, judicious use was made of many of the theories and methodological approaches prevalent currently. Yet while useful at times, these methods often failed to adequately explain those indeterminate moments of idiosyncratic chance and contingency of events upon which so much, to my mind, the final outcome depended. I turned therefore to a more historical approach. My primary sources became the diplomatic record as revealed in the Foreign Relations of the United States and the memoirs of those who participated in the fashioning of the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty. By the time the security treaty was concluded, the agreement reached was not one of shared joint purpose, but one which defined and gave sanction to diverging national aims that could not, nonetheless, be realized in isolation. The continued U.S. military presence in Japan had been the goal of a policy process ultimately defined in military terms, as the final bastion of cold war containment on the rim of Asia. The Japanese understood the need for security in a volatile world, but not the necessity of providing it for themselves, as the postwar political system slowly organized around emerging economic priorities. It was an odd arrangement, but one which met respective needs and desires. Yet its lack of reciprocity and mutual commitment has ensured through the years the continuation of an ambiguous and uncertain alliance.
11
Traylor, John Christopher 1960. "American business and United States foreign economic policy in East Asia, 1953-1960." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/276538.
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The Eisenhower Administration sought to create a large role for U.S. multinational corporations, who could provide a significant amount of the capital needed for trade expansion and industrial growth. This policy became known as "trade not aid." The trade not aid policy reflected both the fiscal conservatism and ideological beliefs of the Eisenhower Administration. By 1957 Eisenhower shifted to a policy of trade and aid. This study examines three foreign economic policies in the context of American-East Asian relations. It focused primarily on Japan, since that country served as the center of the American regional "workshop economy" concept in Asia. Tracing the development of the trade/aid program, this thesis then compares and contrasts governmental policies with business activity and opinion during the 1950s. It concludes that the foreign economic policy of the Eisenhower Administration contained serious flaws, served the needs of only a few countries in the region, and was weighted heavily toward a military support role rather than economic development. (Abstract shortened with permission of author.)
12
Imamoto, Shizuka. "Racial Equality Bill Japanese proposal at Paris Peace Conference : diplomatic manoeuvres and reasons for rejection /." Electronic version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/699.
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Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Honours) at Macquarie University.Thesis (MA (Hons))--Macquarie University (Division of Humanities, Dept. of Asian Languages), 2006.
Bibliography: leaves 137-160.
Introduction -- Anglo-Japanese relations and World War One -- Fear of Japan in Australia -- William Morris Hughes -- Japan's proposal and diplomacy at Paris -- Reasons for rejection : a discussion -- Conclusion.
Japan as an ally of Britain, since the signing of Anglo-Japanese Alliance in 1902, entered World War One at British request. During the Great War Japan fought Germany in Asia and afforded protection to Australia. After the conclusion of the War, a peace conference was held at Paris in 1919. As a victorious ally and as one of the Five Great Powers of the day, Japan participated at the Paris Peace Conference, and proposed racial equality to be enshrined in the Covenant of the League of Nations. This Racial Equality Bill, despite the tireless efforts of the Japanese delegates who engaged the representatives of other countries in intense diplomatic negotiations, was rejected. The rejection, a debatable issue ever since, has inspired many explanations including the theory that it was a deliberate Japanese ploy to achieve other goals in the agenda. This thesis has researched the reasons for rejection and contends that the rejection was not due to any one particular reason. Four key factors: a) resolute opposition from Australian Prime Minister Hughes determined to protect White Australia Policy, b) lack of British support, c) lack of US support, and d) lack of support from the British dominions of New Zealand, Canada and South Africa; converged to defeat the Japanese proposal. Japanese inexperience in international diplomacy evident from strategic and tactical mistakes, their weak presentations and communications, and enormous delays in negotiations, at Paris, undermined Japan's position at the conference, but the reasons for rejection of the racial equality proposal were extrinsic.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
xii, 188 leaves
13
Kuhrt, Natasha Clara. "Russian policy towards China and Japan in the El'tsin era, 1991-1997." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.364795.
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Katahara, Eiichi. "The U.S.-Japan security relationship, 1975-1985 : a Japanese perspective." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112048.
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Japan and the United States, two bitter wartime
enemies, have become two of the closest and perhaps most
important allies in the world today. Given the
dissimilarities between the two countries, the U.S.-Japan
alliance is, indeed, a remarkable achievement. In spite of
the marked differences in culture, tradition, language and
ethnicity, the two countries share a basic similarity in
that they are now industrial democracies, embracing
democratic values and a free economy. Although the post-war U .S .-Japanese relationship can be
viewed as a remarkable success, diverging national interests
and differing perceptions have troubled the relationship
from time to time. These create an ever-present potential
for mishandling and misunderstanding, as were the textile
dispute in 1969-71 and the "Nixon shocks" of 1971. Although
Japan has been the cornerstone of the U.S. strategy of
forward deployment in the Asia-Pacific region, recent
U .S .-Japanese relations have been strained by chronic
economic friction and U.S. demands for an increased Japanese
defence effort. This paper deals with the strategic aspects of the
current U .S .-Japanese relationship. It focusses on the
period from 1975 to the present because since the late
1970s, the U . S .-Japanese security relationship has entered a new phase. Recent trends indicate that Japan seems to be
increasingly integrated into the U.S. global alliance
system. Some indications of this are joint defence planning,
military technology cooperation and joint military
exercises. But questions which need to be answered remain.
Is Japan really prepared to meet the U.S. demands? What are
the implications of the deepening military ties between the
U.S. and Japan for the security of Japanese interests, or
for the stability of the Asia-Pacific region? How can a more
stable U,S.-Japanese security relationship be developed?
15
Ducke, Isa. "Status as a factor in Japanese foreign policy making toward Korea." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2000. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.326232.
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Hachem, Daniel R. (Daniel Raymond). "A Study on U.S. Japanese Foreign Trade." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278155/.
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This research presents an in depth discussion and analysis on U.S. Japanese foreign trade. It is divided into two parts. The first hypothesis states that the appreciation of the dollar in the early eighties is positively correlated with the U.S. trade deficit, especially with Japan. The second hypothesis states that Friedrich Von Hayek's Theory of Social Order applies to the development of capitalism in that country. This can also be divided into two parts, a) this generation of Japanese consumes, saves, and invests differently than previous generations, and b) Japanese consumption and investment patterns follow U.S. consumption and investment patterns with a lag.
17
Culp, Rhonda Phillips. "Competition in services : an examination of US multinational companies in Japan's service sector." Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/28632.
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King, Amy Sarah. "Imperialism, industrialisation and war : the role of ideas in China's Japan policy, 1949-1965." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:69862b37-49c2-456d-be1d-23759948a920.
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This thesis is a study of the People’s Republic of China’s foreign economic policy towards Japan between 1949 and 1965. In particular, the thesis explores Chinese policy-makers’ ideas about Japan in the wake of the War of Resistance against Japan (1937-1945), and considers how those ideas shaped China’s foreign economic policy towards Japan between 1949 and 1965. To do so, the thesis employs a four-part ideas framework that examines Chinese policy-makers’ background, foreground, cognitive and normative ideas about Japan, and shows how the interaction between these four different idea types shaped China’s Japan policy between 1949 and 1965. Furthermore, the thesis draws on over 200 recently declassified Chinese-language archival records from the Chinese Foreign Ministry, as well as additional Chinese, Japanese, US and British archival sources. It argues that China’s experience of Japanese imperialism, industrialisation and war during the first half of the twentieth century deeply shaped Chinese ideas about Japan after 1949, though in ways that at first seem counterintuitive. Although Japan had waged a brutal war against China, Chinese policy-makers viewed Japan as an important source of industrial goods, technology and expertise, and a symbol of a modern, industrialised nation-state. However, China’s experience of Japanese imperialism and militaristic aggression often made it difficult to justify the policy of ‘trading with the enemy’. Ultimately, the thesis argues that China sought to expand economic ties with Japan after 1949 because Chinese policy-makers believed that doing so would assist China in becoming a modern and industrialised state, one that was strong enough to withstand foreign imperialism and restore its central position in the international system. Chinese conceptions of Japan thus help to explain how Japan became China’s largest trade partner by 1965, despite the bitter legacy of the War of Resistance and the Cold War divide between the two countries after 1949.
19
Sato, Atsuko. "A Study of Japan's Foreign Policy Behavior: The Discrepancy between Japan's Foreign Policy and Its Voting Behavior in the United Nations General Assembly." PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4787.
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Japan has maintained a low profile in its diplomacy since the end of World War II, relying heavily on the United States for its security and prosperity. The cold war structure allowed Japan to maintain its passive foreign policy behavior. By the end of 1980s, West-East confrontations largely ended and global issues such as arms control, environmental problem, human rights, economic development, and ethnic conflicts became the main international concerns. It was expected that in this changed world environment, Japan as an economic power, would take on a more active international role. Yet Japan has not shown any significant political initiative despite of its willingness to contribute to international peace and prosperity. The primary purpose of this thesis is to identify the underlying factors that have kept Japan from being a strong voice and taking initiatives in world affairs. This study presents Japan's official guidelines on global issues as its foreign policy. The guidelines indicate that Japanese foreign policy is too general and broad; it aims at cooperation with everybody. Japan's foreign-policy behavior is represented by its voting behavior in the United Nations General Assembly. Inasmuch as it has adopted a U.N.-centered diplomacy, I believe that Japan's voting in the U.N. delineates its foreign-policy behavior. A statistical method of factor analysis I apply in this study delineates Japan's stance and voting cohesion issue by issue. The voting maps reveal Japan's ambivalent stance on most of the issues. Japan's voting pattern often does not follow its idealistic guidelines. The study further inquires into the discrepancy between Japan's foreign policy and its foreign-policy behavior. The main reasons seem to stem from its dependent security relations with the United States, the close economic ties with Asian countries and the oil-producing Middle East states, and historical constraints in relations with Asia. In addition, Japan's ambiguous foreign policy guidelines are themselves a factor which creates the discrepancy. These factors prevent Japan from independently reacting to international incidents. Yet given its financial and technological advances, Japan could play a leading role within the framework of international organizations, especially on global environmental issues.
20
Nukumi, Tetsuro. "Political Economy of Industrial Keiretsu Groups in Japan and their Impact on Foreign Trade with the United States." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278301/.
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The postwar transformation of the international environment has caused economic issues to become a main source of contention among industrial states. The trade imbalance between Japan and its trading partners became a major source of conflict. Reciprocity of access and opening the market of Japan became the main point of debate and the major issue affecting relations between Japan and the United States. While the distinction between the domain of domestic and international politics increasingly is blurred, different domestic political economies create bilateral political and economic conflict. The structure and politics of intercorporate groups or vertical keiretsu are a major feature of Japan's industrial structure and political economy. This case study examines how vertical keiretsu in the automobile and home electric appliance industries affect the Japanese political economy and international trade. A political economy approach focuses on the political context of economic phenomena by analyzing both political and economic variables. Case studies of keiretsu were used in order to gain an understanding of Japan's political economy. A number of propositions or assumptions about the political economy and the dynamics of keiretsu were examined in these studies. It was found that vertical keiretsu influences the industrial sector, trade, and foreign policies in Japan. Japan's industrial policies cannot fully be understood without taking keiretsu into consideration. Scholars have not yet fully considered vertical keiretsu as major actors in the Japanese political process. Their political influence on industrial policies has largely been overlooked. Vertical keiretsu in the automobile and home electric appliance industries were found in the case studies to have been shaping industrial policies since the early post war years. Findings about the nature of Japan's political economy help to explain the conflictive bilateral relationships between Japan and the United States. The findings also show that understanding political economies of nations is increasingly important as the world economy grows and greater trade interaction is imminent.
21
Kalicki, Konrad. "Acting like a state : the politics of foreign labor admission in Japan and Taiwan." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/54281.
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Torikai, Kumiko Machida. "Diplomatic interpreters in post-World War II Japan : voices of the invisible presence in foreign relations." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2006. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/378842/.
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Clements, John Patrick. "The Northern Territories dispute between Japan and the Soviet Union: from rivalry to rapprochement." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/41976.
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Funaiole, Matthew. "History and hierarchy : the foreign policy evolution of modern Japan." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/5843.
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This thesis examines the foreign policy evolution of Japan from the time of its modernization during the mid-nineteenth century though the present. It is argued that infringements upon Japanese sovereignty and geopolitical vulnerabilities have conditioned Japanese leaders towards power seeking policy objectives. The core variables of statehood, namely power and sovereignty, and the perception of state elites are traced over this broad time period to provide a historical foundation for framing contemporary analyses of Japanese foreign policy. To facilitate this research, a unique framework that accounts for both the foreign policy preferences of Japanese leaders and the external constraints of the international system is developed. Neoclassical realist understandings of self-help and relative power distributions form the basis of the presented analysis, while constructivism offers crucial insights into ideational factors that influence state elites. Social Identity Theory, a social psychology theory that examines group behavior, is integrated to conceptualize the available policy options. Surveying Japanese foreign policy through this framework clarifies the seemingly irreconcilable shifts in Japan's foreign policy history and clearly delineates between political groups that embody distinct policy strategies and norms. Consequently, the main contribution of this thesis lies in the development of a theoretical framework that is uniquely positioned to identify historical trends in foreign policy. Owing to the numerous shifts in modern Japan's foreign policy history, this research identifies and examines three distinguishable Japanese “states”: Meiji Japan (1868 - 1912), Imperial Japan (1912 - 1945), and postwar Japan (1945 - present).
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Bowers, Tammy A. "Foreign aid and the national interest : the cases of the United States and Japan." FIU Digital Commons, 1996. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1751.
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Developed countries give foreign assistance for many reasons, one of which is the protection of national interests. Foreign aid gives a donor country leverage in international relations and is used as a tool of foreign policy. The United States and Japan are the two largest aid donors in the world. Each of these countries exert influence over specific regions through foreign assistance. Although the national interests of each country are different, both use foreign aid to protect these interests. This thesis discusses the means by which the United States and Japan use foreign aid in foreign policy. It looks specifically at U.S. food aid to Central America and Japanese aid to Asia.
26
Steverson, Pugh Tiana. "Giving to Get: A Neorealist Explanation of Japan’s Foreign Aid Program." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2259.
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Many countries use aid as a political tool, but Japan is unique in that foreign aid is one of its most important foreign policy tools. Drawing from literature on donor motivations for aid-giving, this paper argues that the neo-realist view of aid-giving offers the best explanation for why Japan provides aid. More specifically, Japan’s aid-giving is motivated by its pursuit of economic and strategic goals. This underlying motive for aid-giving necessarily impacts how Japan provides aid and how it uses aid to respond to human rights violations in recipient countries.
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Bowers, Romy Joanna. "B.H. Chamberlain, Lafcadio Hearn, and the Aoki-Kimberley treaty of 1894 : assessments of the end of extraterritoriality by two English interpreters of Meiji Japan." Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26722.
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Basil Hall Chamberlain and Lafcadio Hearn were two of the best known western interpreters of Meiji Japan. In their correspondence as well as published writings, they commented on the conclusion of the Aoki-Kimberley treaty of 1894 and the subsequent end of the "unequal treaties" and the treaty port system in Japan. Chamberlain, a resident in Tokyo for over two decades, was most concerned with the fate of foreigners in Japan who would be adversely affected by the end of extraterritoriality and the favourable commercial privileges which they had enjoyed since 1858. He was critical of the jingoism of the nationalistic reaction which developed during the course of treaty negotiations. Hearn, in contrast, praised this national or "racial" spirit and credited it with Japan's success at the negotiation table. Partial to ideas of racial difference and conflict, Hearn viewed the new treaty as evidence of the resurgence of an oriental race against the forces of western imperialism.
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Van, Wyk Heste. "Human security as an influence on Japan’s contemporary Africa policy: principles, patterns and implications." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2054.
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Thesis MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007.The end of the Cold War, marked by the shift from a bipolar to multipolar security order, prompted a significant change in Japan’s relations with Africa. New political and economic challenges, which are accelerated by the process of globalisation, have forced Japan to adjust its foreign policies accordingly- especially in the African context. The primary goal of this study is to analyse how the concept of human security has influenced Japan’s foreign policy towards Africa since 1998. This research question focuses on Official Development Assistance (ODA) and peacekeeping through the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations in Africa. The methodological nature of this study is qualitative. Secondary sources are mainly used. This study makes use of the two contending theoretical perspectives in the security paradigm, namely Neo- Realism and the Human Security Approach. An important part of the analysis is Japan’s middlepowership and why it has chosen human security as its niche diplomacy in the new security order. The findings of this study suggest that the reasons for this are, firstly that Japan has had to justify its continuing ODA cuts to Africa over the last decade, as well as its pacifist stance on peacekeeping, which sees it refraining from directly intervening in conflict situations. Other key findings of this study are that Japan’s motives for providing ODA to Africa prior to 1989 were mainly economic in nature and that diplomatic relations were limited. What also emerged from this study is that Japan’s most prominent foreign policy goals include a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council, establishing itself as a prominent global player both in political and economic realms, and securing favourable relations with states whose resources are vital to its expanding economy. Japan’s more recent relations with Africa can also be characterised by its multilateral approach, particularly through organisations such as the United Nations and the African Union. Important initiatives such as the Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD) have also played an important role in promoting African development. However, its future success will depend on coordinating TICAD and The New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) policies, with human security as a common goal. The implications of the findings of this study are that Japan will have to formulate a more coherent foreign policy on security, especially towards Africa. Secondly, since Japan is no longer the ODA giant that it used to be, it will have to find new ways of defining its relationship with Africa, particularly in terms of TICAD and the G8. Future research could expand the analysis to an investigation of Japan’s ODA disbursements to all Africa countries. Additional attention should also be given to Japan’s foreign policy in terms of peacebuilding, and how the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) is formulating these policies. Lastly, more research can be conducted on human security in general, and other aspects of it that are promoted through Japan’s foreign policy.
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Walter, Jason Michael. "Determinants of Bilateral Trade between the United States and Japan." Thesis, North Dakota State University, 2010. https://hdl.handle.net/10365/29311.
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The objective of this study is to evaluate the effects of macroeconomic policy variables on bilateral trade between the United States and Japan. An auto-regressive distributed lag model is developed to estimate the effects of government economic policies on four commodity groups: agriculture; materials and chemicals; machinery and transport equipment; and manufactured goods. Results indicate that monetary policy significantly affects U. S. and Japanese imports of manufactured goods and transport equipment. The results also show that changes in government expenditure have a significant long-run effect on U.S. imports of manufactured goods and Japanese imports of materials and chemicals, while the long-run
effects of income and exchange rates are significant for most commodity groups.
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Tzeng, Jerry Y. "China's gender imbalance and its implications on China-Japan and China-Taiwan security relations." Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/10706.
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The purpose of this thesis is to investigate how China's gender imbalance could affect East Asian security with respect to China-Japan relations and China-Taiwan relations. The research result is ambiguous in that China's excess males may or may not force the Chinese government to adopt a more aggressive foreign policy stance with Japan and Taiwan. On the one hand, the Chinese government has been relatively calm in its dealings with Japan and Taiwan despite the rise of Chinese nationalism. The Chinese government actively contains anti-social behaviors associated with excess males without seriously affecting bilateral relations with Japan or Taiwan. On the other hand, appealing to nationalistic fervor in order to strengthen regime legitimacy could force the Chinese government to be more belligerent. Inaction by the Chinese government in response to Japanese or Taiwanese provocation could compel many in China to engage in mass uprising against the state, thus threatening the regime's power. This thesis also provides possible options to mitigate the social and political tensions presented by these excess males and to prevent potential regional instability. Options such as war, public works projects, foreign marriage tax, population control, testosterone reduction, state-sponsored matchmaking service, and UN peacekeeping are explored.
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Deans, Phil. "Japan-Taiwan relations, 1972-1992 : virtual diplomacy and the separation of politics and economics." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.267898.
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Ito, Yukari. "Identity, Ideology, and Cinema: Making Sense of Japan's Foreign and Security Policies in the 1950s and 2000s." FIU Digital Commons, 2015. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1835.
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Japan is an important ally of the United States–the world’s third biggest economy, and one of the regional great powers in Asia. Making sense of Japan’s foreign and security policies is crucial for the future of peace and stability in Northeast Asia, where the possible sources of conflict such as territorial disputes or the disputes over Japan’s war legacy issues are observed.
This dissertation explored Japan’s foreign and security policies based on Japan’s identities and unconscious ideologies. It employed an analysis of selected Japanese films from the late 1940s to the late 1950s, as well as from the late 1990s to the mid-2000s. The analysis demonstrated that Japan’s foreign and security policies could be understood in terms of a broader social narrative that was visible in Japanese popular cultural products, including films and literatures. Narratives of Japanese families from the patriarch’s point of view, for example, had constantly shaped Japan’s foreign and security policies. As a result, the world was ordered hierarchically in the eyes of the Japan Self. In the 1950s, Japan tenaciously constructed close but asymmetrical security relations with the U.S. in which Japan willingly subjugated itself to the U.S. In the 2000s, Japan again constructed close relations with the U.S. by doing its best to support American responses to the 9/11 terrorist attacks by mobilizing Japan’s SDFs in the way Japan had never done in the past.
The concepts of identity and unconscious ideology are helpful in understanding how Japan’s own understanding of self, of others, and of the world have shaped its own behaviors. These concepts also enable Japan to reevaluate its own behaviors reflexively, which departs from existing alternative approaches. This study provided a critical analytical explanation of the dynamics at work in Japan’s sense of identity, particularly with regard to its foreign and security policies.
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Chen, Kaihe, and 陳開和. "Nationalizing society, identity politics, and foreign policy strategies: Taiwan's mainland policy, 1988-2000." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2004. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31245201.
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Pattinson, Brett. "An examination of the factors constraining Japan's capability for contributing to the international order in the post-cold-war era." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112064.
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The cold war which dominated the foreign policies of most of the world's
industrialised nations has ended. Japan, as an economic superpower, one of the
three economic poles of the post-cold-war world, with a huge interest in its stability
and prosperity, has a foreign policy approach inappropriate to a country of such
regional and global prominence.
In the first major foreign policy crisis of the new world order, the Gulf Crisis of 1990-
1991, Japan was immobilised by deficiencies in its political system, a lack of
appreciation among its leaders and populace of where its national interests lay,
and the peculiar constraints of its“national Constitution.
This sub-thesis explores the way in which Japan's capability to contribute to the
new world order is constrained by its political structure, national strategy,
constitutional limits, and regional conditions.
Chapter One examines the way in which Japan's political structure constrains the
country's capability for contributing to the new world order by producing a diffusion
of power, a diffusion of responsibility for policy development and implementation,
and an absence of competition for power on the basis of policy difference.
Chapter Two examines the way in which Japan is hindered from contributing to
international order by its pursuit of short term economic goals at the expense of
bringing to its dealings with the external world a well-defined sense of national
interest.
Chapter Three examines the limitations that the Peace Constitution places on
Japan by excluding a security role from its international contributions.
Chapter Four examines the factors constraining Japan from greater involvement in
the increasingly interdependent Asia-Pacific region.
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Chu, Feng-yi. "Duelling identities : dimensions of dual identity in contemporary Taiwan." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e43f0293-9700-434d-b355-8c0ec10b2c5e.
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The core of the thesis is, taking Chinese and Taiwanese identities in the contemporary Taiwanese society as cases, to discover how people perceive, formulate, and interact with identities. The research implements the grounded theory and in-depth interview research method, conducting 108 interviews in different regions of Taiwan from 2010 to 2013. The main argument is that identity in and of itself is merely a generic label, which does not cause emotions or behaviours - people know they are ascribed to certain categories, but they lack of motivations to take actions for the categorical groups. Only those identities articulated with 'emotion- or value-oriented discourses' can gain the capacity of provoking people's feelings and mobilising people to act. My research identifies and gives explicit discussions on two types of emotion-oriented discourses - imagined nostalgia and ethical narrative (which is also a value-oriented discourse), and three kinds of value-oriented discourses. They are: (1) Ethical narrative sets moral values for its audience; (2) cultural hierarchy defines socio-cultural values in society; and (3) political ideology signifies core political values of its audience. By treating identity as emotion- or value- oriented discourse, the thesis challenges traditional stereotypes of Taiwanese and Chinese identities in the society - such as identifying as Taiwanese means desiring independence, or all waishengren group would claim Chinese identity - and offers adequate theories to explain why it is not the case. The thesis emphasises that there is no determinant identity in the society, and it is possible for people to have a certain degree of free will choosing to accept or to reject the operation of an identity. The thesis takes critical views on identity politics, deeming it as a risky, double-edged sword in the contemporary politics, which should be carefully examined and substituted with another ideology capable to achieve political emancipation.
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Matthews, Aaron Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "Japan's approach to missile defence cooperation from 1993 to 2003 : examining the structure of cooperation to determine the relative influence of key security objectives." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. Humanities & Social Sciences, 2007. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40520.
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The intent of this study is to assess the role of fundamental Japanese security policy objectives in driving the significant shifts in Japan???s approach towards missile defence cooperation with the United States from 1993 to 2003. In studying the relative influence of the objectives that guided Japan???s approach towards missile defence cooperation, this thesis seeks to address a gap in the literature. A debate has occurred over the direction of Japanese security policy that is based on widely different assumptions on the importance attached to various fundamental security objectives. At the same time, Japan???s approach to missile defence has been the subject of considerable analysis that identified the crucial importance of the issue for the attainment of these fundamental security policy objectives. But no linkage has been established between these two levels of analysis. In particular, there has been an absence of assessments of what Japan???s decisions on missile defence cooperation indicate about the relative influence of the various objectives. This thesis developed an analytical framework to enable such an assessment by examining the structure of missile defence cooperation undertaken. Japan possessed a range of options in the level and type of involvement in missile defence cooperation. That involvement would determine the eventual type of benefits and costs incurred against the affected objectives. Cooperation agreed to (or rejected) over the ten year period thereby provides a means to determine the influence of key objectives on Japan???s approach, and in particular those objectives that restrained involvement. The thesis finds that a clear hierarchy existed in the influence of the various objectives on Japan???s approach with changes in their influence explaining the evolution of Japan???s commitment. The desire to strengthen the alliance, weakening domestic political constraints, and disregard of China???s opposition provide the key explanations. These findings not only point towards the respective strengths and weaknesses of the various approaches employed to explain Japanese security policy, but they also suggest the value of greater attention to the state???s ability to overcome domestic constraints in determining policy in order to fully understand the broader transformation of Japanese security policy.
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Fu, I.-chieh. "U.S. arms sales to Taiwan : a critical issue in Sino-American relations." Thesis, Kansas State University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/9837.
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Sewell, William Shaw. "Japanese imperialism and civic construction in Manchuria, Changchun, 1905--1945." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ48709.pdf.
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Hara, Kimie. "Japan-USSR/Russia foreign policy decision making during the post war era : the "Northern Territories" problem and the summit meetings in Moscow and Tokyo." Phd thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144251.
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Suzuki, Shogo. "China, Japan, and the Janus-faced European International Society." Phd thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/146497.
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Patton, Meredith Anne. "'Japan' and international relations : beginning a conversation." Phd thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/148118.
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Leitch, Richard D. "The limits of a global partnership Japan's foreign relations in the post cold war world /." 1995. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/36269784.html.
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Take, Reiko. "Autonomy under hegemony in Japanese foreign policy : an irresolvable contradiction?" Phd thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/146694.
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Douglas, Megan. "Japanese perceptions of APEC." Thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/143814.
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Hirano, Chalinee. "Japan's Southeast Asian policy in the post-cold war era." Master's thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144411.
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Saito, Tadashi. "Trade without diplomatic relations : a comparative study of China-Japan and China-Australia trade relations in the 1960s." Master's thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/128709.
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This sub-thesis deals with Sino-Japanese and Sino-Australian trade
relations from 1960 to 1972. During this period, both Japan and Australia
maintained trade ties with China (the People's Republic of China), although
they had broken off diplomatic relations with her.1 The main interest here
is how and why these trade relations were maintained without diplomatic
relations. This, then, is a study of trade relations between states which
have no diplomatic relations.
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Wada, Yukako. "The Japan-Republic of Korea normalisation process : Japanese perspectives." Thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144290.
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Monyae, Lennon. "China and Japan in Africa: the case of FOCAC and TIDAL." Thesis, 2017. https://hdl.handle.net/10539/24530.
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Research report submitted towards the award of Master of Arts Department of International Relations University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2017This dissertation investigates FOCAC and TICAD contributions towards development on the African continent. The research explains the architecture of the latter conference diplomacy institutions. Japan and China are argued to be competing through evidence from the different fields that give foreign assistance to. Jospeh Nye’s soft power as theoretical framework will guide the research’s understanding of Chinese and Japanese engagements in African development. The research found that FOCAC outweighed TICAD in financial contributions however TICAD through JICA had more grassroots level contributions. China was seen to be focused on bilateral relations aimed at supporting state-led companies in big infrastructure development. Japan is argued to be more engaging with external actors while supporting African development and in addition, showed more support for the African Union’s policies. China has ‘win-win’ and Japan has ‘partnership’ both in line with African Pan -African ideals. Africans are lacking policy and guidelines in dealing with foreign partners and argued to organise themselves and respond to Japanese and Chinese interests collectively. Agenda 2063 that mentions external partners as a source of funding for development is not enough to use a policy. African development policies are seen to have failed previously due to unfulfilled promises from external partners. The research argues that African people should take FOCAC and TICAD as learning spaces and take a leadership role in their own development.
XL2018
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Wang, Q. Ken. "Achieving political influence in Asia changes in Japan's foreign policy toward China and U.S.-Japanese relations, 1972-1992 /." 1993. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/30791588.html.
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Pei-Win, Shiao, and 蕭佩文. "The Industrialization and Foreign workers Problems in Taiwan and Japan." Thesis, 1996. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/86897835540287689905.
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碩士淡江大學
日本研究所
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The labor markets of Taiwan and Japan have undergone a dramatic restructuring in recent years. In the late 1980s when the two countries experienced economic booms,this restructuring escalated labor shortages into serious problems . In response to this situation , both governments seeked to explore the domestic potential work force. At the same time , they adopted different foreign labor policies to supplement the domestic supply. In this text,by bringing up various labor theories and cultural differences, the author examines the causes of labor shortages and the problems arouse from the employment of foreign workers in the two countries. The author hopes that this study will be of help to the authorities concerned in future decision-making. This text is divided into four sections.In section one, related theories including the movement of foreign workers in the international markets , behavior changes of foreign workers and the impact of foreign workers on the domestic labor market are discussed . The problems of labor shortages and foreign labor policies of Taiwan and Japan are addressed in section two and three respectively . These include topics on the background and current predicament of labor shortages, the opinions from various interest parties on the issue of employing foreign workers, and the contents and restrictions of foreign labor policies. In section 4 , foreign labor policies adopted by the two governments are elaborated and compared taking into consideration of racial differentiation of foreign labors , interactions of individual nation and foreign workers , and interests and conflicts between enterprises and foreign workers.