Journal articles: 'Taiwan Foreign relations Australia'

1

Garin, Artyom, and Sophia Pale. "The Place of the Solomon Islands and Kiribati in China's Geopolitical Thinking." South East Asia Actual problems of Development, no. 3 (52) (2021): 234–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-3-3-52-234-253.

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China’s growing influence has affected the South Pacific, where the small developing island states of Oceania re-directed their foreign policies due to Beijing in order to diversify their external relations. It has caused concerns of Australia, the United States, Japan and New Zealand. In 2019 the leaders of Solomon Islands and Kiribati cut diplomatic ties with Taiwan in favor of China, and this raised Beijing's regional influence to a new level and negatively affected Australia's position in its traditional sphere of influence.

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Salem, Saber. "Chinese Foreign Aid to Fiji: Threat or Opportunity." China Report 56, no. 2 (April 29, 2020): 242–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445520916875.

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China’s political, economic and cultural influence is steadily rising in Fiji and the Pacific region as a whole. The Sino–Fiji cooperation deepened at multiple levels after the Fijian military assumed power through a coup d’état and removed the civilian government from power in late 2006. This ‘undemocratic behaviour’ infuriated the two regional powers—Australia and New Zealand who then applied sanctions on Fiji, particularly the military brass, and encouraged their counterparts as well as multilateral aid organisations to ‘punish’ Fiji’s military ‘regime’. The military government in order to derail the impact of sanctions from its traditional donors adopted the ‘Look North Policy’, which was opening cooperation with China and attracting Chinese investment in Fiji. China welcomed the friendship gesture and furnished Fiji with financial assistance. This Chinese friendship was also due to Taiwanese involvement in the region, which was providing aid for diplomatic recognition and support at the UN. The ‘microstates’ hold about 7 per cent of UN votes. Both China and Taiwan need their votes at multilateral organisations and given that these microstates are mostly aid-dependent economies, initiated an era of Chequebook diplomacy, which is basically money for diplomatic recognition in the case of Taiwan or acceptance of One China Policy in the case of China. The microstates have time and again switched between China and Taiwan and played one against the other to get more aid money out of their diplomatic rivalry. The Sino–Taiwan aid competition in the Pacific forced US to make a strong comeback and ensure that China under the pretext of denying Taiwan space in the region actually spies on the US activities in the region. As a result, the US and its regional allies have significantly increased their foreign aid to the island nations in order to coax them to diminish their level of financial dependence on China. So far, they have not been successful enough and China’s aid package has gone far beyond the level US is giving. Today, China is the second largest donor to the region and largest financier to Fiji. Fiji has become the ace in this game as it is the regional hub of the Pacific Island states. Bearing the current high level of aid competition between traditional and emerging donors in mind, it is too early to judge whether Chinese aid will cause more harm to Fiji than benefit or vice versa. It also entirely depends on the Fijian government as to how much it relies on Chinese aid and how clean Chinese are with their soft loans. China has been blamed for not being clear and specific about the terms and conditions of its concessional loans. This vagueness and secrecy that is associated with Chinese aid been a cause for concern, especially among traditional donors.

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Toyoda, Tetsuya, Ekaterina Vaseneva, and Ryo Takahama. "Security Policy Options for Japan in Three Time Frameworks." RUDN Journal of World History 14, no. 4 (December 15, 2022): 410–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2022-14-4-410-426.

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This paper examines security policy options for Japan at the present stage that may be worth considering in the short term, the midterm, and the long term, respectively. Hence, the aim of the paper is to examine foreign policy security options for Japan in the foreseeable future. While providing a comprehensive overview of the Japanese foreign and security policy at the present stage, the article employs the case study methodological framework to analyze Japan’s foreign policy objectives in case of Tokyo’s relations with the most critical partners in the Asia-Pacific Region - namely, the United States, China, Russia, ASEAN, and Taiwan. Examining the origin and further development of the QUAD, the authors highlight the absence of ASEAN members and India’s hesitation to institutionalize the grouping, while analyzing the Russia-Japan relations they focus on common interests in security cooperation, as well on its limitations. As a result, in the short term, the expansion of the Japan-US alliance to the Indo-Pacific region is the most plausible option. However, without involving the ASEAN countries, the Free and Open IndoPacific (FOIP) strategy can only add Australia and India to the existing Japan-US alliance. In the midterm, an alliance with Russia may be, with some serious limitations, geographically a natural option. In the long term, Japan might need to find a proper place in a China-centered order in East Asia. Therefore, the authors conclude that the relative decline of US influence in East Asia is unavoidable in the coming decades, Japan must adjust or even reconsider its security policy.

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4

Brouwer, Gordon de. "Financial Markets, Institutions, and Integration in East Asia." Asian Economic Papers 2, no. 1 (January 2003): 53–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/153535103322022896.

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East Asia has enormous scope to upgrade and integrate its financial markets, covering the spectrum of equity, bond, foreign-exchange, and derivatives markets. Financial markets and institutions in East Asia tend to be narrow and undeveloped, although there are important exceptions. Japan dominates the top tier of the region's markets by virtue of its size, but its markets are not advanced, and many of its private institutions are weak. Although the markets in Australia, Hong Kong SAR, and Singapore are smaller than those of Japan, they are more innovative, market-oriented, and technologically advanced. Markets in Malaysia, South Korea, Taiwan, and Thailand have made substantial progress to varying degrees; but China, Indonesia, and the Philippines have a considerable way to go in developing the information and governance infrastructure that financial markets need to function well. For all these countries, there is a clear role for regional cooperation among policymakers in building capacity in, and links between, financial markets in East Asia, as well as in encouraging stable speculation and the participation of nonresident and institutional investors in domestic financial markets. ASEAN+3 is an important and welcome advance in regional cooperation, but its membership does not span the depth of experience in financial markets and institutions that exists in East Asia.

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5

Forster, Keith. "Australia's Taiwan Policy, 1942–1992. By Gary Klintworth. [Canberra: Australian Foreign Policy Papers, Australian National University, 1993. 150 pp. ISBN 0–7315–1535–8.]." China Quarterly 139 (September 1994): 804–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000043216.

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6

Atkinson, Joel. "Vanuatu in Australia–China–Taiwan relations." Australian Journal of International Affairs 61, no. 3 (September 2007): 351–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357710701531529.

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7

Tow, William T., and Chen-shen Yen. "Australia–Taiwan relations: the evolving geopolitical setting." Australian Journal of International Affairs 61, no. 3 (September 2007): 330–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357710701531511.

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8

Papadimos, Andrew C. "A Comparison of Australia–Taiwan, Australia–PRC relations (1972–1990)." Asian Studies Association of Australia. Review 13, no. 2 (November 1989): 16–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03147538908712607.

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9

Robinson, Thomas W. "America in Taiwan' Post Cold-War Foreign Relations." China Quarterly 148 (December 1996): 1340–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000050657.

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Since losing the mainland to Communist conquest in 1949 (more accurately, since the North Korean invasion of the South in June 1950), Taiwan has become a continuous foreign policy protectorate of the United States. Had it not been for American security protection, Taiwan would long since have come under Beijing's rule. Several causative agents, separately, in combination or sequentially, kept Taiwan out of mainland Chinese hands. These included, initially, the American Seventh Fleet, then generalized American military might in concert with the American-Taiwan Defence Treaty of 1954, thence the three American- Chinese communiques forming the basis of post-1971 relations between the two countries, concomitantly the American Congress's Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 and the accompanying (and subsequent) legislative history, and, throughout, China's inability to overcome, with a high probability of success, active Taiwan military resistance and probable American military support. While the economic and, more recently, political transformation of Taiwan materially strengthened that entity such that its defensibility against attack rose greatly, to say nothing of its overall attractiveness, from the onset of the People's Republic of China it was the American connection that was the sine qua non of Taiwan's quasi-independent existence.

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10

Jung, Dae-Sung. "An Empirical Study on Return Spillovers among Asian foreign exchange markets." Korea International Trade Research Institute 18, no. 5 (October 31, 2022): 345–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.16980/jitc.18.5.202210.345.

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Purpose - This paper analyzes the connectivity of Asian foreign exchange markets using the volatility spillover index of Diebold and Yilmaz (2009/2012). Design/Methodology/Approach - The paper used exchange rate data for 11 Asian countries (Korea, Japan, Hong Kong, Singapore, Malaysia, China, Thailand, Indonesia, Taiwan, the Philippines, and Vietnam) and Australia. The data period is from January 2, 2015, to October 4, 2022. Analysis used the volatility spillover index model of Diebold and Yilmaz (2012). Findings - As a result, it was found that there were return spillovers in the Asian foreign exchange market, and the total volatility transfer is 59.5%. Singapore, Taiwan, Australia, Korea, Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, China, the Philippines, Japan, Vietnam, and Hong Kong have the highest outflow transfer effect in the Asian foreign exchange market, in that order. Singapore, Korea, Australia, Malaysia, Taiwan, Thailand, Indonesia, China, the Philippines, Vietnam, Japan, and Hong Kong have the highest inflow transfer effect, in that order. Singapore, Taiwan, Australia, Korea, Malaysia, and Thailand are the leading markets in the Asian foreign exchange market, while Vietnam, Japan, Hong Kong, China, the Philippines, and Indonesia are dependent markets in the Asian foreign exchange market. As a result of analyzing through a sample moving average analysis, it was found that the outbreak of COVID-19 and the WHO pandemic declaration had the strongest effect on the linkage of the foreign exchange market. Research Implications - This study empirically demonstrates the importance of linkages between markets for investors and policy makers in the foreign exchange market.

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11

Atkinson, Joel. "Development Assistance and Geopolitics in Australia-China-Taiwan Relations." International Studies Review 16, no. 2 (October 19, 2015): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01602001.

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The development assistance programs of Australia, China and Taiwan impact each other’s geopolitical interests in the South Pacific region. This “aid triangle” has recently undergone a significant transformation. Previously, the interests of Australia and China aligned in competing against Taiwan for political influence in the region. However, since 2008, China-Taiwan relations have warmed and their aid contest in the South Pacific has been largely put on hold. This has ameliorated Taiwan’s conflict with Australia, and the two countries have increased their development assistance cooperation. However, China’s role in undermining Australia’s policy towards Fiji, and the global deterioration in China’s relations with a US coalition (including Australia), have potentially increased the competitive aspects of the Sino-Australian side of the triangle.

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12

Heungho Moon. "Sino-US Relations and the Taiwan Problem: US Foreign Policy toward Taiwan." 중소연구 32, no. 1 (May 2008): 15–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.21196/aprc.32.1.200805.001.

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13

Fahadayna, Adhi Cahya. "The Two Faces of Russia Foreign Policy toward China and Taiwan." Global Focus 1, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.jgf.2021.001.01.5.

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Russia, as one of the key actors in international politics, faces problematic issues in Chinese-Taiwan Relations. As a significant player, Russia reserves a close and stable relationship with China. However, Russia could not avoid Taiwan's significant role in Northeast Asia, especially its role in allying with the West. Taiwan undoubtedly offers a promising prospect for the Russian economy, but political relations with Taiwan could not significantly contribute to Russian FP. In this paper, Russian foreign policy will be examined on both sides, Russian foreign policy toward China and Russian foreign policy toward Taiwan. The purposes of this paper are trying to analyze the Russian foreign policy dilemma toward China-Taiwan relation. The analysis of this paper will focus on President Vladimir Putin as the decision-maker and explore all circumstances that will influence the decision-making process. The level of analysis implemented in this paper is domestic politics that significantly contribute to Russian foreign policy decision-making. This paper will gather secondary data from the news, journal, and book as the primary sources. The paper's outcome is analyzing Russian foreign policy's dilemma and exploring how Russian foreign policy toward current dynamics of China-Taiwan Relations.

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14

Joel Atkinson. "Development Assistance and Geopolitics in Australia-China-Taiwan Relations." Asian International Studies Review 16, no. 2 (December 2015): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.16934/isr.16.2.201512.1.

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15

Pajtinka, Erik. "Between Diplomacy and Paradiplomacy: Taiwan's Foreign Relations in Current Practice." Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics 11, no. 1 (July 31, 2017): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jnmlp-2017-0003.

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AbstractThe study deals with Taiwan’s engagement in international relations from the viewpoint of practical performance of its foreign activities. It is stressed that Taiwan’s foreign activities may be divided by their nature into two basic groups: the official diplomatic activities that Taiwan carries out in relation to those foreign states with which it has established diplomatic relations, and unofficial quasidiplomatic or paradiplomatic activities that Taiwan carries out in relation to the states with which it does not have diplomatic relations. In the study, the diplomatic and quasidiplomatic or paradiplomatic activities of Taiwan are compared, especially with emphasis on their institutional backgrounds, legal regulations, and other conditions for their practical performance. It is concluded that the differences between the diplomatic and paradiplomatic dimensions of Taiwan’s foreign activities are rooted mainly in their formal and protocolar aspects, whereas from the viewpoint of their organization and practical performance, these differences are minimal.

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16

Biedermann, Reinhard. "Reimagining Taiwan? The EUs Foreign Policy and Strategy in Asia." European Foreign Affairs Review 23, Issue 3 (October 1, 2018): 305–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2018028.

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The European Union’s (EU’s) Taiwan policies have been dominated by trade and economic concerns due to the absence of a security profile and China’s insistence on Taiwan belonging to China. This neglect of a political role of the EU in East Asia is often regarded as a central strategic weakness of the EU. With a new government in office in Taiwan since 2016, Cross-Strait relations have worsened; this challenges EU’s ambitions to become a strategic actor in the region. Apart from security and economy, other political aspects of bilateral relations have remained almost unnoticed in the literature. This article addresses EU’s Taiwan policies from a different perspective. Instead of a hierarchic foreign policy exploration with security issues predominating, here, a multidimensional mosaic of EU’s Taiwan relations is analysed breadthways. From this standpoint, one can see that EU’s profile in Taiwan has increased considerably in recent years. These broadened bilateral relations may also support the EU’s wider political and strategic interests in the region altogether. The EU could help Taiwan’s New Southbound Policy align with EU’s Association of Southeast Asian Nations strategy, and thus support a rule-based strategy in the Far East.

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17

McDougall, Derek. "Foreign Policy Studies in Australia." Australian Journal of Politics & History 55, no. 3 (September 2009): 375–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2009.1523a.x.

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18

YUAN, Jingdong. "Australia–China Relations at 50." East Asian Policy 14, no. 02 (April 2022): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000149.

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Australia–China relations are at a turning point 50 years after diplomatic recognition. While the past five decades have witnessed extensive growth in economic exchanges, in recent years, bilateral ties have experienced serious deterioration. Australia’s alliance with the United States, domestic politics—in particular the two major parties’ approaches to foreign policy—and economic interdependence are important variables in Canberra’s approach to China. There will be no exception for the incoming Australian Labor Party government to deal with these.

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19

Shearer, Ivan. "International Legal Relations between Australia and Taiwan: Behind the Façade." Australian Year Book of International Law Online 21, no. 1 (2001): 113–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26660229-021-01-900000008.

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20

KASHINA, Evgenia V. "AUSTRALIA–CHINA RELATIONS: 1930-1937." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 2(55) (2022): 291–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-2-2-55-291-306.

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The article is devoted to the development of relations between the Australian Union and China in the period from 1930 to 1937. The author analyzes changes in migration and economic policy towards China and explores the views of the Australian public on the Japanese expansion in China since 1931, as well as the position of the official authorities on this issue are revealed. The growth of international contradictions in the 30s of the XX century and the degree of independence in making Australian foreign policy from the former metropolis could affect Australian-Chinese relations.

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Kucherenko, Grigory N. "The Taiwan Factor in Cambodian-China Relations." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 2(51) (2021): 220–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-2-2-51-220-231.

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Cambodia has been developing relations with China for decades, now both countries are perceived as stable partners, the kingdom supports Beijing on a number of international issues, including the status of Taiwan, but this state of affairs was not always the case. From its independence until 1997, Cambodia made several attempts to establish relations with Taipei in pursuit of its foreign policy goals. This article examines the specifics of relations between Cambodia and the PRC through the prism of interaction between Cambodia and Taiwan.

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22

Deans, Phil. "Taiwan in Japan's Foreign relations: Informal politics and virtual diplomacy." Journal of Strategic Studies 24, no. 4 (December 2001): 151–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390108437859.

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Deans, Phil. "Taiwan in Japan's foreign relations: informal politics and virtual diplomacy." Journal of Strategic Studies 24, no. 4 (December 1, 2001): 151–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390412331302575.

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24

Arkhipov, V. "Australia: Economy and Foreign Investment." World Economy and International Relations, no. 5 (2008): 82–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2008-5-82-89.

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25

Yahuda, Michael. "The Foreign Relations of Greater China." China Quarterly 136 (December 1993): 687–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000032306.

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Greater China refers in the first instance to the close economic ties of trade, technology transfers and investment that have emerged since the second half of the 1980s linking Taiwan and Hong Kong with the rapid development of southern China. But it also suggests that the economic links are buttressed by familial, social, historical and cultural ties of a peculiarly Chinese kind. These ties and links have developed between different Chinese communities whose political divergences had until recently precluded such a development. Consequently the emergence of Greater China poses new challenges and opportunities to the political identities of its three constituent members and to the conduct of relations between them. Greater China and its possible future trajectory affects and is also affected by the rest of the Asia-Pacific region including the major powers of the United States and Japan as well as those in the immediate vicinity of South-east Asia.

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Lin, Yaotang Peter. "The development of Catholic-State relations: harmony or conflict." Asian Education and Development Studies 9, no. 3 (September 25, 2019): 349–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-10-2018-0160.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to conduct a brief survey on the Catholic Church in Taiwan since its establishment by the Spanish missionaries in 1662 until today on its internal development and external relationship with the government. It is interesting to discover that, mostly, the Church has a harmonious relationship with the government, except a very few cases in which its foreign missionaries following the social teaching of the Church antagonize the government. However, it does not affect the close relationship between the Church and government in Taiwan. Design/methodology/approach It is a qualitative research on archive and books to research on the events of the Catholic Church in Taiwan in the discipline of social sciences. Historical research is in the majority of events. Findings The finding is acceptable because it is one of the few writings on the Catholic Church in Taiwan when writing on the Protestant Churches in Taiwan is flooding. Originality/value This is a ground-breaking work with academic value.

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27

Taylor, Brendan. "Taiwan: What Could, Should and Will Australia Do?" Washington Quarterly 45, no. 3 (July 3, 2022): 131–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0163660x.2022.2126113.

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Garcia Arieta, Alfredo, Craig Simon, Gustavo Mendes Lima Santos, Iván Omar Calderón Lojero, Zulema Rodríguez Martínez, Clare Rodrigues, Sang Aeh Park, et al. "A Survey of the Regulatory Requirements for the Acceptance of Foreign Comparator Products by Participating Regulators and Organizations of the International Generic Drug Regulators Programme." Journal of Pharmacy & Pharmaceutical Sciences 22 (January 1, 2019): 28–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18433/jpps30215.

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The acceptance of foreign comparator products is the most limiting factor for the development and regulatory assessment of generic medicines marketed globally. Bioequivalence studies have to be repeated with the local comparator products of each jurisdiction because it is unknown if the comparators of the different countries are the same product, with the consequent duplication of efforts by regulators and industry alike. The regulatory requirements on the acceptability of foreign comparator products of oral dosage forms differ between countries participating in the Bioequivalence Working Group for Generics of the International Pharmaceutical Regulators Programme. Brazil, Colombia, the European Union member States, Japan, Mexico, South Korea and the United States only accept bioequivalence studies with their local comparator. In contrast, Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Singapore, South Africa, Switzerland and Taiwan accept studies with foreign comparators under certain conditions. Canada limits its use to highly soluble drugs with a wide therapeutic range in immediate release products. Australia requires a comparison of the quantitative composition. In contrast, there are fewer restrictions on the acceptance of foreign comparators in New Zealand, Singapore, South Africa, Switzerland and Taiwan. For the WHO Prequalification of Medicines and for developing generics of the essential medicines the WHO lists comparators from different countries. In conclusion, there is currently no consensus amongst regulators on the acceptability of foreign comparator products.

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29

Shepenko, Roman. "Legal Regulation of Tax Relations Complicated by a Foreign Element in Taiwan." Problemy dalnego vostoka, no. 3 (2021): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120015433-7.

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30

Drury, A. Cooper. "Consistent or Ad Hoc: The U.S. Foreign Policy on China-Taiwan Relations." Pacific Focus 16, no. 2 (October 2, 2008): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1976-5118.2001.tb00257.x.

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31

GORE, Lance L. P. "A Watershed Year: Chinese Foreign Policy in 2018." East Asian Policy 11, no. 01 (January 2019): 44–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930519000047.

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The year 2018 is a watershed year in China’s foreign relations, marked by rapid deterioration of the external environment. The trade war with the United States is fought simultaneously at business, geopolitical and ideological levels. The two were in a struggle to redefine their bilateral relations, which also affected China’s dealings with other states, including the two Koreas, Taiwan and Japan. A more cautious foreign policy is expected from China in 2019.

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Parfinenko, Anatoliy. "Tourism between politically divided nations: the role of tourist contacts in the transformation of Taiwan-China relations." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 39 (June 16, 2019): 83–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2019.39.83-91.

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The article is devoted to the study of the features of the impact of tourism on the interaction of split nations. The focus is on the evolution of mobility regimes between China and Taiwan and their impact on the transformation of bilateral relations. The political processes that preceded the development of tourist contacts in the Taiwan Strait have been highlighted, the influence of tourist interaction on the establishment of peace and political stability in the region as well as the integration of China and Taiwan into a single tourist area have been explored. The main stages of the transformation of the foreign policy component of the tourism policy of China and Taiwan are traced. It is argued that China's tourism policy during the last ten years (2008-2018) has been accompanied by the active use of tourist flows as an instrument of economic, cultural and political integration of Taiwan. This was made possible by establishing direct transport links, visa liberalization, and the possibility of individual tourist trips to Taiwan. Such an activity led to the politicization of economic and tourism cooperation with China in Taiwan society, influenced the electoral process that became implicit in the «Sunflower Movement» in 2014. Freedom of travel for Chinese tourists to Taiwan has become a revolutionary transformation not only in the tourism industry on the island, but also a symbol of the transformation of relations between the two shores of the Taiwan Strait. It is concluded that China's tourism policy to create a spatial mobility regime with Taiwan is oriented towards the use of tourism as a global actor of economic and cultural integration, as well as foreign economic and political pressure. Keywords: «divided nations», Taiwan-China relations, tourism, tourism policy.

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de Bruyn, Martyn. "AUKUS and its significance for transatlantic relations." Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations 2 (January 19, 2022): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17427.1.

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The AUKUS agreement between Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States is a major step in formalizing Washington’s commitment to the Indo-Pacific. The announcement surprised the Biden Administration’s European allies and led to an indignant reaction from France, which saw its submarine contract with Australia fall victim of the deal. The AUKUS agreement led to a renewed debate about the soft power nature of European Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) in which the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy called for a strategic compass. This paper analyzes the strategic policy papers of the European Union and the United States on the Indo-Pacific and concludes that their different approaches to peace and security complement each other in important ways.

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SHIRK, SUSAN L. "Changing Media, Changing Foreign Policy in China." Japanese Journal of Political Science 8, no. 1 (March 14, 2007): 43–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109907002472.

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China has undergone a media revolution that has transformed the domestic context for making foreign policy as well as domestic policy. The commercialization of the mass media has changed the way leaders and publics interact in the process of making foreign policy. As they compete with one another, the new media naturally try to appeal to the tastes of their potential audiences. Editors make choices about which stories to cover based on their judgments about which ones will resonate best with audiences. In China today, that means a lot of stories about Japan, Taiwan, and the United States, the topics that are the objects of Chinese popular nationalism. The publicity given these topics makes them domestic political issues because they are potential focal points for elite dis-agreement and mass collective action, and thereby constrains the way China' leaders and diplomats deal with them. Even relatively minor events involving China' relations with Japan, Taiwan, or the United States become big news, and therefore relations with these three governments must be carefully handled by the politicians in the Communist Party Politburo Standing Committee. Because of the Internet, it is impossible for Party censors to screen out news from Japan, Taiwan or the United States that might upset the public. Common knowledge of such news forces officials to react to every slight, no matter how small. Foreign policy makers feel especially constrained by nationalist public opinion when it comes to its diplomacy with Japan. Media marketization and the Internet have helped make Japan China' most emotionally charged international relationship.

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Yeh, Yao-Yuan, and Charles K. S. Wu. "Diversionary Behavior for Weak States: A Case Study of Taiwan." Journal of Asian and African Studies 55, no. 2 (March 2020): 221–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909620905069.

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This paper explores the mechanisms and circumstances under which leaders in weak states adopt diversionary behavior to deal with domestic problems. We examine the case of Taiwan to see if its President, Tsai Ingwen, has adopted diversionary behavior from 2016 to the present. We found that, unlike great powers, weak-state leaders often resort to non-force tactics such as blaming foreign opponents, but the emergence of diversionary behavior is conditional on the stability of their relationship with a major power. In the case of Taiwan, Tsai adopted a more confrontational foreign policy toward China only when USA–Taiwan relations had become more stable and more favorable toward Taiwan. Future work could continue to explore the circumstances and tools unique to weak states’ diversionary behavior.

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Wu, Chung-li, and Alex Min-Wei Lin. "The Certainty of Uncertainty: Taiwanese Public Opinion on U.S.–Taiwan Relations in the Early Trump Presidency." World Affairs 182, no. 4 (November 11, 2019): 350–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820019885103.

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The election of Donald Trump has injected new uncertainties into the conduct of U.S. foreign affairs in Asia. For Taiwan, regional security is challenging because it must simultaneously deal with an increasingly belligerent China and an America led by the unconventional Trump. Based on public opinion data, this study analyzes how the Taiwanese public perceives the state of U.S.–Taiwan relations, and how certain they are about America’s overall commitment to Taiwan in this era. Results indicate that people in their 20s, pan-Green partisans, and those favoring Taiwan independence perceive U.S.–Taiwan relations to be better under President Trump. Moreover, supporters of the pan-Green coalition and of Taiwan independence, together with the more “ambivalent” respondents, likewise feel more certain about America’s commitment to Taiwan’s security. On the contrary, pan-Blue partisans and Taiwanese citizens with mainland Chinese ethnicity are generally more pessimistic and skeptical about U.S.–Taiwan ties and partnership with Trump in the White House.

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Korwa, Johni Robert Verianto. "The China-Australia Free Trade Agreement (ChAFTA): its implications for Australia-United States relations." Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional 15, no. 1 (July 1, 2019): 41–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/jihi.v15i1.2981.41-53.

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Australia is currently faced with a strategic and economic dilemma regarding its interactions with China and the United States (US). On the one hand, it should maintain and strengthen its strategic relations with the US as an ally in order to contain a rising China. On the other hand, Australia should ensure its economic growth by strengthening trade relations with China. This paper aims to examine the implications of the new China-Australia Free Trade Agreement (ChAFTA) for the ANZUS strategic alliance. Through Qualitative Approach, this article analyzes the issues with the use of realist and liberal perspectives in international relations. By assessing two previous events involving the triangular Australia-US-China relationship (the case of the Taiwan conflict, and the US development of a National Missile Defense system), this paper concludes that ChAFTA may tend to undermine the ANZUS alliance. Three reasons for this conclusion are identified: a fundamental shift in the way Australia perceives China; ChAFTA offers more benefits to Australia than the Australia-US Free Trade Agreement (AUSFTA); and finally Australia may consider ChAFTA as being more in its national interests in the international system than the ANZUS alliance.

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Stepanov, Alexey. "The Significance of Taiwan in the Modern US Military Policy towards China." Russia and America in the 21st Century, S (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760023925-4.

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The article is devoted to the US policy towards Taiwan in the context of the US-China confrontation. The attention is focused on the US-Taiwan relations under the Biden administration. At the beginning of the analysis, the political and legal foundations of the US policy towards Taipei are described, such as the Three Communiqués, the "Six guarantees" and the Taiwan Relations Act. This is followed by an analysis of the developments in bilateral relations that took place during the tenure of Joseph Biden, in particular N. Pelosi’s visit to the island. The article also considers the state of affairs in the field of military assistance to Taiwan at the present stage. The author gives prognosis in regard to the US allies and partners, primarily Japan and Australia, reaction to a possible conflict in the Taiwan Strait. The article concludes with an assumption regarding China's attitude towards a possible invasion and a forecast for the development of the situation.

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Leksyutina, Ya V. "Strategy and Tactics of Taiwan’s Foreign Policy Against the Background of Aggravated Tensions with China." Journal of International Analytics 13, no. 4 (January 12, 2023): 76–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2022-13-4-76-93.

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Currently, more than seven decades after its emergence in 1949, the Taiwan issue has not lost its relevance, but, instead, against the backdrop of growing U.S.–China tensions, is becoming especially acute. The PRC, which has already built up an impressive financial and economic might and a powerful military, is focused on achieving the so-called second “centennial goal” by 2049, which includes, among other things, the return of Taiwan to Beijing’s control. The return to power in Taiwan in 2016 of the Democratic Progressive Party, which stands on the positions of Taiwan’s movement towards independence, led to an almost complete “zeroing” of all the achievements as the results of the normalization of Sino-Taiwan relations in 2008–2016, dispelled hopes for a peaceful solution to the Taiwan problem and caused another round of aggravation of tension in the Taiwan Strait. The purpose of this article is to characterize the strategy and tactics of Taiwan’s foreign policy in 2016–2022, when the Tsai Ing-wen administration, which rejected the “one state, two systems” formula of unification, was under strong pressure from Beijing. In its relations with the PRC conducting the “steadfast diplomacy”, the Tsai Ing-wen administration has been taking eﬀorts to promote a narrative in the world discourse that emphasizes the geopolitical, economic, technological, and ideological significance of Taiwan and its autonomous existence from mainland China for the world community and, first of all, its liberal-democratic part. Continuously losing its “diplomatic allies” due to Beijing’s intensified activities in limiting Taiwan’s international space since 2016, the Taiwan administration purposefully builds up and actively uses such advantages as developed democracy, technological power, and competitive, innovative, open economy in order to attract new like-minded partners for close cooperation.

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CHIANG, Min-Hua. "China’s Economic Relations with Japan, South Korea and Taiwan Sustained by Persistent Technological Gaps." East Asian Policy 11, no. 02 (April 2019): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930519000138.

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Japan, South Korea and Taiwan are China’s leading sources of imports, a result of China’s efforts to attract foreign direct investment (FDI) to develop its high-technology industry in the 1990s and beyond. Foreign firms in China have relied on importing key components and capital equipment from their home countries. Despite its industrial upgrading in recent years, China continues to run an increasingly large trade deficit with the three economies due to its lack of key technology.

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Godovanyuk, K. A. "The Factor of Australia in British Foreign Policy." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S4 (September 2022): S308—S314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622100070.

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Abstract The Australian component of UK foreign policy in the context of the changing world order is outlined. It is highlighted that, in a value and ideological sense and due to the common Anglo-Saxon identity, London assigns Canberra a key role in the coalition of like-minded countries (“network of liberty”); in geostrategic terms, it perceives Australia as a platform to expand the UK influence in the Indo-Pacific. At present, the “special” partnership between the two countries is underpinned by a number of new agreements, including a “historical” trade deal aimed at strengthening economic ties and in-depth political, diplomatic, and defense cooperation, based on a new military alliance, AUKUS. At the same time, the traditional pragmatism inherent in the foreign policy of Australia, which positions itself as a reliable international actor, is being replaced by increasing military–political and economic dependence, which plays into the hands of London. Coming closer with Australia also allows Britain to present itself as the key extraregional player in the system of anti-Chinese alliances in the Indo-Pacific, with Washington and Canberra in the forefront.

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Share, Michael. "The Bear Yawns? Russian and Soviet Relations with Macao." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 16, no. 1 (March 15, 2006): 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s135618630500564x.

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AbstractFrom the late nineteenth century until the hand-over of Macao to Chinese rule about one hundred years later, Russia and the Soviet Union demonstrated discernible, though far from overwhelming, interest in the tiny Portuguese territory of Macao. Their activities and involvement in the enclave served as an interesting contrast and coda to their more extensive dealings with the larger entities of British Hong Kong and even more problematic Taiwan. Both Tsarist Russia and the Soviet Union had definite policies towards both Hong Kong and Taiwan; though policy emphasis altered dramatically over time, especially towards Hong Kong, both regimes sought to expand their trade with, and activities in, those territories. Soviet and Russian policies toward Macao were in some ways less consistent, circumscribed by the relative insignificance of the territory, and also for several decades from the 1920s onward by the implacable long-term hostility of the fascist Portuguese government toward Soviet Communism. Even so, the fact that first Russian and then Soviet foreign policymakers assigned some importance to Macao is amply demonstrated by the Foreign Ministry Archive, which contains nearly thirty files of varying size spanning the period from 1910 to 1987.

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Vietrynskyi, I. "Australian Foreign Policy during the World War II." Problems of World History, no. 18 (November 8, 2022): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-3.

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The article is related to the establishment of Australian foreign policy tradition and becoming of Australia as a subject of international relations. The significant role of the dominions during First World War Great and their help for Great Britain victory, intensified their struggle for independence. As the result of long-term efforts, dominions reached the proclamation of the Balfour Declaration in 1926 by London, which was later confirmed by the Statute of Westminster (1931), which established the authority for dominions for an independent foreign policy. The development of Australian foreign policy before and during World War II was analyzed. The evolution of the relations of the Australia and Great Britain in the context of the events of the World War II is traced, in particular the peculiarities of the allied relations of the two countries. There is shown the regional dimension of the World War II within the Asia-Pacific region, in the context of Australia and the United States actions against Japanese aggression. There are analyzed the peculiarities of external threats effect on the transformation of the Australian foreign policy strategy, in particular in the national security sphere. The main threat for Australia in that period become Japanise aggressive and expansionist policy in the Asia-Pacific region. A lot of Australian soldiers and military equipment were sent to Great Britain to support traditional allie. But in actual strategic situation in Europe there were great doubts that British troops and the navy would be able to effectively help Australians in case of an attack by Japan. Politics of national security and defense of Australia in the context of its participation in World War II is considered. In the conditions of real threat of Japanese invasion, as well as the lack of sure to receive necessary support from Great Britain, the Australian government start to find a military alliance with the USA. There were identified the key implications of World War II for Australian socio-economic system.

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Lee-Koo, Katrina. "Pro-Gender Foreign Policy by Stealth: Navigating Global and Domestic Politics in Australian Foreign Policy Making." Foreign Policy Analysis 16, no. 2 (March 6, 2020): 236–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fpa/orz029.

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Abstract As a middle-power nation, Australia promotes its global effectiveness, in part, through the adoption of international norms. Among those that it has more recently embraced has been pro-gender norms. The inclusion—for the first time—of gender equality considerations into overarching strategic doctrines, and the development of stand-alone gender strategies demonstrates this. While this is not without its shortcomings and contradictions, it is evidence that Australia is allowing feminist design to underpin areas of its foreign policy. However, unlike other states, this is not publicly emphasized. In fact, it is as if these policies were developed by stealth. This article examines the depth of Australia's commitment to pro-gender norms in foreign policy. It argues that there is a genuine embrace of pro-gender norms, but the masculinist cultures of Australia's politics limit the capacity for it to be publicly debated and celebrated.

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Garin, A. A. "The China Factor in Australia – United States Cooperation." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 2 (47) (2020): 186–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-2-2-47-186-198.

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Since the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Commonwealth of Australia and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1972, the status of their trade ties have reached an unprecedented level. Nowadays PRC is the main trade destination for Australia. Growing trade interdependence on China is increasingly affecting Canberra’s foreign policy, which needs to maintain a balance between China as the main trading partner and the United States as the main ally, which is the major pillar of support for Australia's foreign policy and defence capacity.

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Cabestan, Jean-Pierre. "Taiwan: An Internal Affair! How China’s Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy Interact on the Taiwan Issue?" East Asia 26, no. 1 (November 30, 2008): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12140-008-9063-y.

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Copper, John F. "Taiwan’s Informal Diplomacy and Propaganda. By Gary D. Rawnsley. New York: St. Martin’s, 2000. 182p. $65.00." American Political Science Review 95, no. 1 (March 2001): 263–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401882010.

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This book assesses how Taiwan, the nation officially known as the Republic of China but called "Taiwan Province" in the People's Republic of China, uses propaganda to pursue foreign policy objectives, attain its national interests, and, even more than that, survive.

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Whiting, Allen S. "Chinese Nationalism and Foreign Policy After Deng." China Quarterly 142 (June 1995): 295–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000034950.

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As the Deng era approaches its end, concern abroad, particularly in East Asia, focuses on how the People's Republic of China (PRC) will cope with territorial disputes with Japan, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei and India, and the continued quest for Taiwan. Meanwhile Chinese military modernization steadily increases the People's Liberation Army (PLA) air and sea power projection. The question arises: might a beleaguered post-Deng leadership seek to strengthen its legitimacy through exploitation of Chinese nationalism and if so, how would this manifest itself in foreign relations?

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Koshovyi, Serhii. "Model of Cooperation between Taiwan and Visegrad Countries: Lessons for Ukraine." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXI (2020): 668–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2020-33.

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The article highlights issues and trends of the relations between the Visegrad Group countries (Poland, Slovakia, Czech Republic, Hungary, hereinafter – V4) and the Republic of China on Taiwan. The preconditions and prospects for the development of relationships in the post-coronavirus world are analysed. The main ways of bilateral economic cooperation, investment activity, and cooperation in the humanitarian sphere are identified. It is stated in the article that the abovementioned states heavily rely on pragmatic instruments of partnership in foreign policy and foreign economic activity, while the Taiwanese practice is characterised by a more balanced approach. Particular attention is also paid to the analysis of direct investment of Taiwanese companies in Central and Eastern Europe. It is argued that the experience of the Visegrad Four countries in the successful trade and economic cooperation with Taiwan can potentially contribute to the modernisation of Ukraine. What is implied herein is that relations with Taiwan should be developed in such areas as economy, investment, trade, tourism, culture, education, science, interpersonal contacts, etc., which will provide Ukrainian products with new markets. An important step may be establishing working contacts among representatives of Ukrainian and Taiwanese agencies responsible for relevant portfolios. The author emphasises that the experience of the Visegrad Four countries in forging cooperation with Taiwan and attracting foreign direct investment into their economies is useful and instructive for Ukraine. Poland, Slovakia, and Hungary are Ukraine’s immediate European neighbours, and this aspect alone necessitates a more in-depth examination of the matter of a possible economic interaction between Ukraine and Taiwan. Keywords: Ukraine, Visegrad Four countries, the Indo-Pacific geopolitical area, regional cooperation.

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RUSMAN, Paul. "The Netherlands selling submarines to Taiwan: how to judge government action?" Journal of European Integration History 25, no. 1 (2019): 111–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2019-1-111.

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The Dutch sale of major weapons to Taiwan in 1980 ran counter to the Netherlands’ recent recognition of the People’s Republic of China as the sole representative of China. This led to a rupture of diplomatic relations, an outcome seemingly unexpected in spite of the Dutch Foreign Ministry’s strong opposition to the deal. A few years later a new government composed of the same parties turned down a follow-up order. Why did the Dutch government sail so close to the wind and what made it change course? Such questions are tackled using approaches from international relations theory, such as politico-military strategy, good judgment in foreign policy, and (international) political economy. Yet in this case the analyst cannot be satisfied with easy explanations. Might not a fruitful angle be to consider the Netherlands as a highly competent but small state, driven by the high stakes involved to explore to the limit what little manoeuvring room it had vis-a-vis China?

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Journal articles on the topic 'Taiwan Foreign relations Australia'

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