Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Taiwan Foreign relations Australia'
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1
Marshall, Helen. "Australian foreign policy and Cambodia : international power, regionalism and domestic politics." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112135.
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The Hawke Labor government came to power in March 1983 committed to playing a more active
role in finding a solution to the Cambodian conflict, improving bilateral relations with Vietnam
and restoring Australian aid. This signalled a departure from the Fraser government's
minimal involvement in the issue, and reflected a closer identification of Australia's interests
with the Asia-Pacific region. As Foreign Minister, Bill Hayden, explained:
The war in Cambodia, in all its many dimensions, is the greatest unresolved source of
tension in Southeast Asia...The future of Australia lies in developing a mature and
balanced set of relationships with its neighbours in Southeast Asia. Indochina is part of that neighbourhood.
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Papadimos, Andrew, and n/a. "Australia, Taiwan and the PRC: Evolving Relations." Griffith University. School of Asian and International Studies, 1994. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20050831.170440.
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In December 1972 the Australian government recognised the government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) at the cost of breaking off all official contacts with Taiwan. Despite the initial shock to Australia-Taiwan relations of derecognition, trade contacts between Australia and Taiwan have continued to flourish, and in recent years, political relations between the two have also been improving. This thesis examines reasons behind the recent improvements in Australia-Taiwan relations and ways in which such improvements have been implemented - given the constraints that Australia has no official contacts with Taiwan. With its main focus as trade, this thesis shows that Taiwan's importance to Australia has been slowly evolving such that Taiwan is at present a more important and reliable trading partner to Australia than is the PRC. Improvements have been occurring in Australia-Taiwan political relations, therefore, primarily as a consequence of Taiwan's growing importanée in the Australian marketplace.
3
Mead, Jonathan, and mikewood@deakin edu au. "The Australia-Indonesia security relationship." Deakin University. School of International and Political Studies, 2004. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20051017.144017.
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Wuryandari, Ganewati. "Human rights in Australian foreign policy, with specific reference to East Timor and Papua." University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2006. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0041.
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[Truncated abstract] This thesis focuses on human rights in Australia’s foreign policy from 1991 to 2004 taking East Timor and Papua as case studies. It encompasses the Paul Keating years (1991 to 1996) as well as John Howard’s three consecutive terms as Prime Minister (from 1996 to 2004). As a consequence of events unfolding in this period of time, the thesis does not consider Australian foreign policy towards East Timor beyond the 1999 referendum that resulted in the separation of East Timor from Indonesia and focuses on Papua until 2004. The primary empirical aim of this thesis is to compare and contrast the two administrations’ approaches and responses to human rights abuses in East Timor and Papua. Drawing upon a variety of theoretical concepts in human rights and foreign policy, this thesis shows that incorporating a concern for human rights in the foreign policy making process is problematic because the promotion of human rights often comes into conflict with other foreign policy objectives . . . The two case studies on human rights abuses in East Timor and Papua reflect the tensions between concepts of realism and idealism in Australian foreign policy. However, the situation of East Timor shows that public pressure is required to balance the disparity of national interest and human rights. The role of public pressure has been largely absent in debates on human rights and foreign policy. While this study focuses on East Timor and Papua as case studies, the discussion of the findings has far reaching implications for Australian foreign policy and international relations, especially concerning the scholarly debate over the place of human rights in foreign policy.
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Chartprasert, Kiattikhun. "Australia and the Kampuchean problem : Thai perspectives." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112144.
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Throughout recorded history, Indochina has experienced conflict, turbulence and violence. One of the first recorded conflicts was in the first century A. D. when the Hung Sisters led a revolt in Northern Vietnam against Chinese domination. Ever since, relations with China have included long periods of peace and stability broken by conflict, invasion and resistance. But it was not until the United States directly participated in Vietnamese affairs following the French withdrawal after the battle of Dien Bien Phu and the Geneva Settlement of 1954 that the region has been the scene of "superpower rivalry". The wars which have engulfed the Indochina states over the past 30 years have brought untold human suffering and misery. When hostilities finally ceased as a result of the communist victories in Indochina in mid 1970s, the world looked forward hopefully to a long period of peace in which the well-being of the people of the region could be advanced and assured. Unfortunately, conflicts and instability have broken out anew.
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Baughen, G. A. K. "The place of New Zealand as a security partner for Australia." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112132.
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Until recent years it was common for commentators on either side of the Tasman to
speak of the congruence of the security outlooks of Australia and New Zealand.
This view was founded not just on geostrategic considerations, or on the formal
alliance dating from 1944, but on a range of perceived similarities between the two
countries, historical, ethnic, cultural, economic, political. It was cemented by a
tradition of intimate military co-operation, and the associated Anzac mythology.
Nevertheless, Australia and New Zealand have never had identical security outlooks,
as has lately become better appreciated. The catalyst has been the policy of the
Lange and Palmer Governments in New Zealand towards nuclear defence, and
specifically towards visits of nuclear armed or powered ships and aircraft in New
Zealand. However, this is only the clearest expression of the dissimilarities between
Australia and New Zealand which have existed as a counterpoint to the trans-
Tasman security relationship. The relationship endures, but its shape is changing as
the two nations develop in sometimes divergent directions.
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Auton, Luke Thomas Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "'A sort of middle of the road policy' : forward defence, alliance politics and the Australian Nuclear Weapons Option, 1953-1973." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. Humanities & Social Sciences, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40319.
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This thesis is about the importance of nuclear weapons to Australian defence and strategic policy in Southeast Asia between 1953 and 1973. It argues that Australia's approach to nuclear issues during this period, and its attitude towards the development and acquisition of nuclear weapons in particular, was aimed exclusively at achieving narrowly defined political objectives. Australia was thus never interested in possessing nuclear weapons, and any moves seemingly taken along these lines were calculated to obtain political concessions - not as part of a 'bid' for their acquirement. This viewpoint sits at odds with the consensus position of several focused studies of Australian nuclear policy published in the past decade. Although in general these studies correctly argue that Australia maintained the 'nuclear weapons option' until the early 1970s, all have misrepresented the motivation for this by contending that the government viewed such weapons in exclusively military terms. The claim that Australia was interested only in the military aspect of nuclear weapons does not pay due attention to the fact that defence planning was based entirely on the provision of conventional forces to Southeast Asia. Accordingly, the military was interested first and foremost with issues arising from extant conventional planning concepts, and the government was chiefly concerned about obtaining allied assurances of support for established plans. The most pressing requirement for Australia therefore was gaining sway over allied countries. However, the Australian government was never in a position to overtly influence more powerful allies against an undertaking that could escalate into limited war, and was similarly incapable of inducing its allies to retain forces in the region in spite of competing pressures. It was for this reason that Australia would seek to manipulate the nuclear weapons option. Indeed, access to such weapons offered Australia the opportunity to achieve greater integration in formulating allied planning, while the threat to manufacture them provided a means of convincing regional partners to maintain a presence in the area. The thesis therefore concludes that Australia carefully presented its options for procuring nuclear weapons to gain influence over its allies in response to strategic developments in Southeast Asia.
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Zhang, Qing. "Management of construction international joint ventures between Australia and Asia." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2000. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/36103/1/36103_Zhang_2000.pdf.
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In recent years, many of South East Asian countries have experienced high
levels of economic growth. Coupled with their sheer population, this has led to
a huge demand for the improvement of infrastructure. The construction
market is growing rapidly in these countries, with governments encouraging
multinational companies to set up joint ventures with the local companies to
bring in advanced construction technology. International Joint Venture (IJV)
as a unique formation of project structure has become one of the most widely
used methods for multinational construction companies to enter into the Asian
market.
Australia is building closer relationships with Asian countries and is playing an
active role in the economy development of Asia Pacific region. Australian
contractors are also trying to gain a foothold in the international construction
market. They have the geographical advantage over their US or European
competitors to target the Asian market. Despite all this, the Australian
construction industry has been slow in accessing the Asian market, and has
experienced many difficulties.
As a result of the increasing interest in joint ventures in the business
environment and the high failure rate of the IJV, the study of IJV is gaining
increasing popularity among researchers. Most of the research has focused
on the motivations to joint venture. For example, past studies have
investigated joint ventures as means of coping with resource limitations and
uncertainty, reduction of risk and/or uncertainty, and expediting entry into a
new geographic or technological market. Another focus of joint venture research has been on joint venture performance and control. However, little
literature is available on how to manage the IJV between Australia and Asian
countries. As more and more Australian companies are forming joint ventures
in Asian developing countries, it is important to investigate the performance of
these joint ventures.
This research project aims at the Australian IJV in Asia. After the analysis of
existing joint venture problems, four areas of joint venture management - joint
venture formation, joint venture partnership and negotiation, joint venture
organisational management and joint venture project management have been
identified as the research concentration. Industry interviews and a
questionnaire survey has been used to collect data. Research findings are
further developed into a theoretical model for Australian IJV management.
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Attard, Bernard. "The Australian High Commissioner's Office : politics and Anglo-Australian relations, 1901-1939." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7ab289a0-0ab1-4a3a-8f26-8bd3c791ee3f.
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The thesis is a history of the office of Australian High Commissioner in London from its creation in 1909 to the eve of the Second World War. It tests the validity of the conventional view that the office was invariably used as a political reward and, prior to the 1930s, marginal to the conduct of Anglo-Australian relations. It sets the office in the context of colonial representation in London since the 1850s, and notes the limits to the position of the High Commissioner created by the Agents- General of the Australian States and the institutions established by the Imperial government for the conduct of Anglo-Dominion relations. The careers of the first five High Commissioners are examined with reference to the principal issues in Anglo- Australian relations during their High Commissionerships, and their roles are analysed in terms of their relations with the Commonwealth government, the British authorities and, to a lesser extent, the Agents-General. The thesis argues that there was always scope for a High Commissioner to play a diplomatic role within Anglo- Australian relations, and that the post also gradually acquired functions in a more general system of inter-imperial consultation which mirrored the wider political development of the Dominions. The Australian government, however, was also hampered by a limited choice of candidates and invariably appointed senior politicians, as exercises in patronage, but also because they were the most eligible representatives. Yet, reflecting underlying values in Australian political culture, legislators were determined to create a non-political High Commissionership. The combination of political appointments and a non-political office, however, meant that High Commissioners often found it difficult to adapt to the demands of their new position and did not enjoy the full confidence of the government.
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Chen, Kaihe, and 陳開和. "Nationalizing society, identity politics, and foreign policy strategies: Taiwan's mainland policy, 1988-2000." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2004. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31245201.
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Chu, Feng-yi. "Duelling identities : dimensions of dual identity in contemporary Taiwan." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e43f0293-9700-434d-b355-8c0ec10b2c5e.
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The core of the thesis is, taking Chinese and Taiwanese identities in the contemporary Taiwanese society as cases, to discover how people perceive, formulate, and interact with identities. The research implements the grounded theory and in-depth interview research method, conducting 108 interviews in different regions of Taiwan from 2010 to 2013. The main argument is that identity in and of itself is merely a generic label, which does not cause emotions or behaviours - people know they are ascribed to certain categories, but they lack of motivations to take actions for the categorical groups. Only those identities articulated with 'emotion- or value-oriented discourses' can gain the capacity of provoking people's feelings and mobilising people to act. My research identifies and gives explicit discussions on two types of emotion-oriented discourses - imagined nostalgia and ethical narrative (which is also a value-oriented discourse), and three kinds of value-oriented discourses. They are: (1) Ethical narrative sets moral values for its audience; (2) cultural hierarchy defines socio-cultural values in society; and (3) political ideology signifies core political values of its audience. By treating identity as emotion- or value- oriented discourse, the thesis challenges traditional stereotypes of Taiwanese and Chinese identities in the society - such as identifying as Taiwanese means desiring independence, or all waishengren group would claim Chinese identity - and offers adequate theories to explain why it is not the case. The thesis emphasises that there is no determinant identity in the society, and it is possible for people to have a certain degree of free will choosing to accept or to reject the operation of an identity. The thesis takes critical views on identity politics, deeming it as a risky, double-edged sword in the contemporary politics, which should be carefully examined and substituted with another ideology capable to achieve political emancipation.
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Imamoto, Shizuka. "Racial Equality Bill Japanese proposal at Paris Peace Conference : diplomatic manoeuvres and reasons for rejection /." Electronic version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/699.
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Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Honours) at Macquarie University.Thesis (MA (Hons))--Macquarie University (Division of Humanities, Dept. of Asian Languages), 2006.
Bibliography: leaves 137-160.
Introduction -- Anglo-Japanese relations and World War One -- Fear of Japan in Australia -- William Morris Hughes -- Japan's proposal and diplomacy at Paris -- Reasons for rejection : a discussion -- Conclusion.
Japan as an ally of Britain, since the signing of Anglo-Japanese Alliance in 1902, entered World War One at British request. During the Great War Japan fought Germany in Asia and afforded protection to Australia. After the conclusion of the War, a peace conference was held at Paris in 1919. As a victorious ally and as one of the Five Great Powers of the day, Japan participated at the Paris Peace Conference, and proposed racial equality to be enshrined in the Covenant of the League of Nations. This Racial Equality Bill, despite the tireless efforts of the Japanese delegates who engaged the representatives of other countries in intense diplomatic negotiations, was rejected. The rejection, a debatable issue ever since, has inspired many explanations including the theory that it was a deliberate Japanese ploy to achieve other goals in the agenda. This thesis has researched the reasons for rejection and contends that the rejection was not due to any one particular reason. Four key factors: a) resolute opposition from Australian Prime Minister Hughes determined to protect White Australia Policy, b) lack of British support, c) lack of US support, and d) lack of support from the British dominions of New Zealand, Canada and South Africa; converged to defeat the Japanese proposal. Japanese inexperience in international diplomacy evident from strategic and tactical mistakes, their weak presentations and communications, and enormous delays in negotiations, at Paris, undermined Japan's position at the conference, but the reasons for rejection of the racial equality proposal were extrinsic.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
xii, 188 leaves
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Fu, I.-chieh. "U.S. arms sales to Taiwan : a critical issue in Sino-American relations." Thesis, Kansas State University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/9837.
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Murphy, T. A. "The Snowy Mountains Engineering Corporation as an instrument of Australian foreign policy." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/130322.
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Australia's foreign policy may be drafted in Canberra, but it is
implemented in the jungles of Java and the bazaars of Dar-es-Salaam,
as well as in the offices and boardrooms in Washington, London or Bonn.
The aim of this sub-thesis is to examine the role of the Snowy
Mountains Engineering Corporation (SMEC) as an instrumentality for the
practical implementation of Australia's foreign policy, particularly in
relation to developing countries, and more specifically in the AsiaPacific
Region. Towards this end a comparison and contrast will be
made of two SMEC overseas projects. As well as covering some specific
details, it is hoped that these two case studies will present SMEC's
overseas operations in microcosm.
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Wang, Chian 1955. "The Republic of China's Foreign Policy 1949-1988: Factors Affecting Change in Foreign Policy Behavior." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277809/.
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The Republic of China (ROC) has faced severe foreign policy challenges since its relocation from mainland China to Taiwan, and it has had to modify its position several times as its environment has changed. Its foreign policy since 1949 has gone through three distinct phases of development. A series of diplomatic adversities befell the ROC following its defeat in the United Nations in 1971, which presented the nation with an unprecedented challenge to its survival. These calamitous events for the ROC presented it with a frightening identity crisis: it was isolated in the international community and had become a "pariah" state. This case study examines and analyzes the various changes in the ROC's foreign policy behavior and attempts to determine what has influenced or induced changes in its foreign policy.
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Hoyle, Maxwell Bruce, and mikewood@deakin edu au. "Australia and East Timor: elitism, pragmatism and the national interest." Deakin University, 2000. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20050915.110809.
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For over two decades the issue of East Timor's right to self-determination has been a prickly issue in Australian foreign policy. The invasion by Indonesian forces in 1975 was expected, as Australian policy-makers had been well informed of the events leading up to the punitive action being taken. Indeed, prior discussions involving the future of the territory were held between the Australian Prime Minister and the Indonesian President in 1974. In response to the events unfolding in the territory the Australian Labor Government at the time was presented with two policy options for dealing with the issue. The Department of Defence recommended the recognition of an independent East Timor; whereas the Department of Foreign Affairs proposed that Australia disengage itself as far as possible from the issue. The decision had ramifications for future policy considerations especially with changes in government. With the Department of Foreign Affairs option being the prevailing policy what were the essential ingredients that give explanation for the government's choice?
It is important to note the existence of the continuity and cyclical nature of attitudes by Labor governments toward Indonesia before and after the invasion. To do so requires an analysis of the influence Doc Evatt had in shaping any possible Labor tradition in foreign policy articulation. The support given by Evatt for the decolonisation of the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia) gave rise to the development of a special relationship-so defined. Evidence of the effect Evatt had on future Labor governments may be found in the opinions of Gough Whitlam. In 1975 when he was Prime Minister, Whitlam felt the East Timor issue was merely the finalisation of Indonesia's decolonisation honouring Evatt's long held anti-colonialist tradition existing in the Australian Labor Party. The early predisposition toward Indonesia's cohesiveness surfaced again in the Hawke and Keating Labor governments of later years. It did not vary a great deal with changes in government
The on-going commitment to preserving and strengthening the bilateral relationship meant Indonesia's territorial integrity became the focus of the Australian political elites regional foreign policy determinations. The actions taken by policy-makers served to promote the desire for a stable region ahead of independence claims of the East Timorese. From a realist perspective, the security dilemma for Australian policy-makers was how to best promote regional order and stability in the South East Asian region. The desire for regional cohesiveness and stability continues to drive Australian political elites to promote policies that gives a priority to the territorial integrity of regional states. Indonesia, in spite of its diversity, was only ever thought of as a cohesive unitary state and changes to its construct have rarely been countenanced. Australia's political elite justifications for this stance vacillate between strategic and economic considerations, ideological (anti-colonialism) to one of being a pragmatic response to international politics.
The political elite argues the projection of power into the region is in Australias national interest. The policies from one government to the next necessarily see the national interest as being an apparent fixed feature of foreign policy. The persistent fear of invasion from the north traditionally motivated Australia's political elite to adopt a strategic realist policy that sought to shore up the stability, strength and unity of Indonesia. The national interest was deemed to be at risk if support for East Timorese independence was given. The national interest though can involve more than just the security issue, and the political elite when dealing with East Timor assumed that they were acting in the common good. Questions that need to be addressed include determining what is the national interest in this context? What is the effect of a government invoking the national interest in debates over issues in foreign policy? And, who should participate in the debate? In an effort to answer these questions an analysis of how the ex-foreign affairs mandarin Richard Woolcott defines the national interest becomes crucial.
Clearly, conflict in East Timor did have implications for the national interest. The invasion of East Timor by Indonesia had the potential to damage the relationship, but equally communist successes in 1975 in Indo-China raised Australia's regional security concerns. During the Cold War, the linking of communism to nationalism was driving the decision-making processes of the Australian policy-makers striving to come to grips with the strategic realities of a changing region. Because of this, did the constraints of world politics dominated by Cold War realities combined with domestic political disruption have anything to do with Australia's response?
Certainly, Australia itself was experiencing a constitutional crisis in late 1975. The Senate had blocked supply and the Labor Government did not have the funds to govern. The Governor-General by dismissing the Labor Government finally resolved the impasse. What were the reactions of the two men charged with the responsibility of forming the caretaker government toward Indonesia's military action? And, could the crisis have prevented the Australian government from making a different response to the invasion?
Importantly, and in terms of economic security, did the knowledge of oil and gas deposits thought to exist in the Timor Sea influence Australia's foreign policy? The search for oil and gas requires a stable political environment in which to operate. Therefore for exploration to continue in the Timor Sea Australia must have had a preferred political option and thoughts of with whom they preferred to negotiate. What was the extent of each government's cooperation and intervention in the oil and gas industry and could any involvement have influenced the Australian political elites attitude toward the prospect of an independent East Timor? Australia's subsequent de jure recognition that East Timor was part of Indonesia paved the way for the Timor Gap (Zone of Cooperation) Treaty signing in 1989. The signing underpinned Australia's acceptance of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor.
The outcome of the analysis of the issues that shaped Australia's foreign policy toward East Timor showed that the political elite became locked into an integration model, which was defended by successive governments. Moreover, they formed an almost reflexive defence of Indonesia both at the domestic and international level.
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Hubbard, Christopher. "From ambivalence to activism: Australia and the negotiation of the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2001. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1517.
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This Dissertation presents a study of Australia's involvement in the negotiation and early interpretation of the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), an instrument which remains the most important global nuclear arms control measure in international law. Using data from recently released Australian government documents, the study analyses the process by which Australia was transformed from an ambivalent nuclear sceptic within the Western alliance, into a steadfast global campaigner against the spread of nuclear weapons. It concludes that Australia's urgent search during 1967 and 1968 for coherence in its policy on nuclear weapons acquisition, largely played out within sections of the Australian bureaucracy and political leadership, was not only the catalyst for that transformation, but also an important step in Australia's search for "middle power" status in both a regional and wider sense. The study uses an interdisciplinary theoretical model which asserts the complementary nature of international law and international relations theory in explanations of relations between states. That model proposes that each discipline is capable of enhancing the insights of the other, in order to account - more closely in concert than each does individually - for the rule-following behaviour of nation-states. Beginning in Chapter One with a critique of the NPT and the regime of institutions and understandings which surround it, the study moves, in Chapter Two, to a review of the domestic and international context in which Australia's nuclear weapons policy debate was conducted, while introducing the elements of division within the Australian federal bureaucracy which largely prosecuted that debate. Chapters Three and Four analyse the debate in detail, concluding that its inconclusive result induced Australia's refusal to agree to America's request for immediate accession to the NPT. This, in tum, resulted in Australia exercising, through its recalcitrance, disproportionate influence over the US on the interpretation of the terms of the treaty. Chapter Five moves analysis to the international arena, and the forum of the United Nations General Assembly, in which Australia finally found the limit of America's willingness to accommodate the concerns of a small but significant Western ally located in a region of strategic importance. Chapter Six examines the process by which Australia's influence over the US on the interpretation of the terms of the NPT was translated into guidance to other nuclear threshold states through the Western alliance. It also examines the level of influence exerted by Australia through its bilateral discussions with other states over the terms of the treaty. It concludes that Australia, mainly through the former process, could claim a significant role in the formulation of the world's most important multilateral nuclear convention through its insistence on interpretative clarity. Finally, the study draws general conclusions on the significance of Australia's nuclear weapons debate for its aspirations to "middle power" status. It concludes that its indisputable leadership role, after 1972, in global nuclear disarmament efforts of many kinds, is an example of that status. Its most important theoretical conclusion concerns the demonstrated utility of an interdisciplinary model for the study of relations between states.
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Lai, Ho Lun Ellen. "The impact of Taiwanese consciousness on cross-strait relations : a constructivist perspective." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2005. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/674.
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Wang, Yu Ting. "The evolution of US thinking on Taiwan issue and China's reunification." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554619.
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Klintworth, Gary. "New Taiwan, New China : Taiwan's changing role in the Asia-Pacific region." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151032.
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Wang, Xueliang 1956. "Taiwan and the Bush administration's Mainland China policy, January 1989-December 1992." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/278339.
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This thesis divides Taiwan's impact on the Bush administration's Mainland China policy into three stages. The first period was from January 1989, when George Bush entered the White House, to June 3, when the Tiananmen Massacre took place in Beijing. The second period was from June 1989 to July 1991. The third period was from July 1991 to the end of 1992. Through examining the Bush administration's Mainland China policy, this thesis argues that Taiwan's impact on the administration's China policy evolved a tract from unimportant to important in the years between 1989 and 1992. It further argues that Taiwan has become an independent factor, whose China policy was not under the control of the United States. Sometimes it undermined American Mainland China policy.
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de, Somer Gregory John Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "The Redefinition of Asia : Australian Foreign Policy and Contemporary Asian Regionalism." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2003. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38666.
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This thesis set out to ascertain the position of recent Australian Governments on the latest instalments of Asian regionalism in the context of an assessment of whether there has been a redefinition of Asia and thus a redefinition of Australia???s engagement with Asia. It will concentrate on the broad themes of politico-strategic and economic engagement. Whilst there has been extensive research and documentation on the Asian economic crisis there has been less work on the issue of a new Asian regionalism and the implications for Australia???s complex and variable engagement with the region. This is the basis for the claim to originality of this thesis, a claim supported by its focus on the practical and policy implications of Australia???s engagement, or lack of it, with regional institutions. The process of regional integration has been extremely slow, thus supporting the conclusion that there is no evidence of a major redefinition of Asia. Efforts at Asian regionalism are meeting obstacles that pose immense challenges. Asian regionalism remains nascent and poorly defined. This reflects the diversity and enormous disparities in cultures, political systems and the levels of economic development and differences over economic philosophies within East Asia. What is discernible is that the regionalism is proceeding more rapidly on financial issues than on trade, and in the security area it is conspicuously absent. This research highlights the fact that the question of Asian engagement remains a sensitive issue in Australia and continues to grow more complex. Australia???s engagement with Asia since 1996 has been variable because of the Howard Government???s broader balance of priorities between global and regional issues, and because of the changing nature of the Asian region. The perception gleaned from sources is that, for the Australian Government, regionalism initiatives are characterised by much discussion but lack substance. Consequently, this appears to have led the Government to the position that exclusion from some manifestations of regionalism is not so important. Australia is excluded from some of the regional architectures being constructed. In its efforts to seek inclusion in ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, Australia is facing the same barriers that have stood in the way of an AFTA-CER agreement. Exclusion would be important if the performance of regional groupings was not so indifferent. Exclusion from ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, however, does not equate to Australia???s exclusion from the region.
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Yu, Tsung-Chi Max. "The impact of US-China relations on Taiwan's military spending (1966-1992)." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2002. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3100/.
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Previous research has shown that Taiwan's military spending is affected either by China's military buildup or the US's military pipeline. This study investigates whether it is also true an ongoing US-China relationship has dynamic effects. Three major findings are obtained from the statistical analyses. First and foremost, the level of US-China conflict has a contemporaneous positive effect on Taiwan's military spending. Second, the analyses also indicate that the volatility of US-China relations has negative effects on Taiwan's military spending. This finding suggests that instability in US-China relations will prompt Taiwan to decrease its military spending due to a higher amount of perceived security on the one hand, and Taiwan wants to avoid further provoking China on the other. Third, analyses indicate that an error correction model fares better than a simple budgetary incremental model in explaining the re-equilibrating effects of GNP growth on Taiwan's military spending. Overall, the results demonstrate the interplay of domestic and international constraints and may help to predict what will be the expected military spending when Taiwan's economy changes. I suggest that Taiwan's military spending is likely to be influenced by US-China relations as well as by foreign investment and domestic economic constraints as long as the United States policy toward the Taiwan problem remains unchanged.
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Berananda, Usana. "Australia's involvement in the Cambodian peace settlement : the Red Book initiative." Thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/145650.
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Dugis, Vinsensio. "Australian-Indonesian relations, a study of political, economic and defence cooperation (1986-1996)." Thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/111279.
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This thesis analyses the relationship between Australia and Indonesia between 1986-1996 and particularly focuses on cooperation in the areas of politics, economics and defence. It is argued that the relationship between Australia and Indonesia has become stronger due to the mutual interests of the two countries.Thesis (M.A.) -- University of Adelaide, Dept. of Politics, 1997
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Munro, Ronald. "The Australia-Korea relationship, 1889-1953." Phd thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151164.
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Scrivener, Richard James. "Australia's relations with Iran and the Australia-US Alliance, 1979-2005." Phd thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/111463.
Full textAbstract:
Australia has been a close ally of the US for over five decades. Strategic alignment with Washington has been, and remains, a central tenet of Australian strategic thinking and the US alliance continues to serve as an ideational framework for the formulation of Australian foreign policy. In contrast, Australia's relations with Iran since the 1979 Iranian Revolution have been at the lower end of the scale of importance, and based principally upon a trade relationship that has been dominated by the export of Australian agricultural commodities. Considered together, these two very different international relationships present an interesting problem, on two levels, for the study of Australian foreign policy.
First, the extreme animosity between Washington and Tehran highlights a particular problem for Australian foreign policy-how to manage a potential clash of interests with a superpower ally. Second, the Australia-Iran relationship has been dominated by trade interests, while Canberra's interests in supporting the US alliance are predominantly strategic. Thus, the foreign policy challenges that have at times arisen because of Australia's relations with Iran in the context of the US alliance reflect the problem of balancing trade and strategic interests in Australian foreign policy.
For most of the period between 1979 and 2005 Australia has managed these two relationships through a policy of non-linkage between strategic and international trade interests. This thesis presents an analytical framework that explains Australian policies of non-linkage in terms of the impact of domestic political dynamics on the foreign policy formulation process. The framework employs the concept of an issue area to analyse how domestic political and economic interests coalesce around specific foreign policy concerns, and demonstrates that the interaction between interests associated with strategic and international trade issue areas has determined whether Australia pursues policies of linkage or non-linkage with respect to its relations with Iran and the US.
This thesis contributes to the study of Australian foreign policy by offering a framework that: 1) organises the plurality of foreign policy interests in the domestic political domain into issue areas, 2) explains the domestic political dynamics that determine the capacity of each issue area to shape the formulation of foreign policy within Cabinet. It contributes to the broader field of Foreign Policy Analysis by demonstrating that the application of issue area analysis provides new perspectives on, and insights into, the relationship between domestic politics and foreign policy.
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Baba, Gurol. "The wavy cross : Australia, Turkey and the US 1945-1975." Phd thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150120.
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Saito, Tadashi. "Trade without diplomatic relations : a comparative study of China-Japan and China-Australia trade relations in the 1960s." Master's thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/128709.
Full textAbstract:
This sub-thesis deals with Sino-Japanese and Sino-Australian trade
relations from 1960 to 1972. During this period, both Japan and Australia
maintained trade ties with China (the People's Republic of China), although
they had broken off diplomatic relations with her.1 The main interest here
is how and why these trade relations were maintained without diplomatic
relations. This, then, is a study of trade relations between states which
have no diplomatic relations.
30
Smith, Robert Hugh 1942. "Policing and Australian security in the South Pacific : with special reference to police education and training programs." 1995. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8608.
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Jia, Wen. "The demise of the 'new diplomacy'? : assertive China & the Australian case." Phd thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149952.
Full textAbstract:
15 years since introducing a kinder, softer, more nuanced approach known as 'new diplomacy' for shorthand, a series of recent assertive acts on the part of China suggest a departure from this approach. This apparent shift is puzzling to scholars of Chinese foreign and security policy, who for some time now have been pointing to the tremendous benefits that China has accrued through its pursuit of its 'new' diplomatic approach, particularly in the Asia-Pacific region. Two broad schools of thought have been identified in this investigation to account for this apparent puzzle. The first 'Strong China' school argues that the departure from the 'new' diplomatic approach is quite a natural and inevitable consequence of China's growing strength and its desire for greater international influence and eventually, hegemony. This school of thinking suggests that the 'new diplomacy' was a temporary adaptive measure adopted for purely instrumental purposes by the Chinese government. It is thus already becoming a thing of the past as China's power grows. An opposing 'Weak China' school suggests that China's assertive behaviour is a reflection not of China's growing strength, but of internal weaknesses that are yet to be overcome. The 'Weak China' school predicts that the departure from the 'new' diplomatic approach is likely to be a temporary phenomenon. As China's power and confidence grows, and as China gains greater exposure to international norms and institutions, a more consistent adherence to the 'new' diplomatic approach seems a more likely outcome. This thesis examines three cases from Australia's recent experience with China's apparent departure from its 'new' diplomatic approach -a novel research contribution in its own right given that none of these cases have been subjected to rigorous scholarly analysis -to argue that the answer to the puzzle outlined above actually lies somewhere between the 'Strong China' and the 'Weak China' schools. On the one hand, it argues that advocates of the 'Strong China' school are correct in asserting that China's apparent departure from its 'new' diplomatic approach has been a direct outcome of its growing power. On the other, they are also incorrect in identifying China's growing power being the underlying cause for that departure. Rather, it argues that China's growing power is actually exacerbating China's internal fragilities in line with what advocates of the 'Weak China' school suggest. However, where supporters of the 'Weak China' school argue that this departure is a temporary phenomenon, this thesis argues that they have underestimated the quite deep and enduring nature of those internal fragilities. As China's power grows, those fragilities will likely be emphasised, not reduced, hence leading to more rather than less assertive behaviour on the part of China. The thesis therefore sides with the 'Strong China' school in arguing that China's recent departure from its 'new' diplomatic approach is more likely to be a lasting one. However, it sides with the 'Weak China' school in emphasising that the departure is a reflection not of China's inherent strength and international ambition, but its growing weaknesses that are being exacerbated by China's continuing rise. Hence, in order to adequately account for China's recent departure from its 'new' diplomatic approach, the thesis concludes that a synthesis of the arguments associated with seemingly opposing 'Strong China' and 'Weak China' schools of thinking is called for.
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Okamoto, Jiro. "Australia's foreign economic policy and ASEAN." Phd thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149958.
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Applegate, Craig John. "The external costs associated with Australia's foreign debts : analysis and measurement." Phd thesis, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/128798.
Full textAbstract:
An important macroeconomic issue in Australia is whether
Australia's foreign debt, particularly that of the private sector,
imposes an external cost on other residents of the country. The
traditional source of an external cost associated with foreign debt
is ruled out in the Australian case as it is found not to have any
monopsony power in the world capital market. However, an
external cost can also come from interaction between private and
public debt.
This interaction could occur in the event of default, in
which the government intervenes with the debt repayment of the
private sector. The possibility of default, although examined in the
literature, has not been explicitly incorporated in the Australian
foreign debt debate. In light of this, a model is developed in which
it is sometimes optimal for the government to intervene in
repayments of private sector foreign debt. The external cost
imposed by the private sector foreign debt takes the form of the
imposition of an ex-ante expected default penalty on other
borrowers within an economy.
In the 1980's, the governments of those countries which
have had problems in repaying their debts and which have also
had large private sector foreign debts, have tended to interfere in
the repayment of those private foreign debts. The scale of
Australia's foreign debt as a proportion of G.N.P. is found to be
roughly comparable to that of Latin America. Between January 1990 and March 1993 , the
Commonwealth of Australia is found to have paid an average of
0.55 percent on its seven-year borrowings in the Eurodollar
market above the rate paid by the I.M.F'/World Bank. This is
interpreted as the default risk premium on Australia's debt. It
appears to be possible that it may be in the interest of the
Australian government to interfere in the foreign debt repayments
of both the public and private sector in the future. The analysis in
chapter seven indicates that it is possible for foreign debt to result
in an external cost in these circumstances.
A time-series analysis for the Australian government
eurodollar debt is carried out for the period 1986 to 1993, when
the Commonwealth's credit-rating was downgraded. The economic
variables identified in the literature, however, were found to be
statistically insignificant in this case. The chosen factors for default
risk premia are those that are considered to be relevant to the two
major theories used in the empirical analysis. These are the
efficient risk-sharing and default-based penalty theories of
sovereign debt. These include exogenous shocks and variables
relating to both the benefit and penalty for default.
Although theory and recent history suggest that such an
external cost exists, in the case of Australia for the period covered,
the determinants of this external cost are difficult to establish.
34
Chapman, Paul (Paul Noel). "The policy implications of Japanese foreign direct investment in Australia." 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phc4662.pdf.
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Kuan, Hung-chang. "Taiwan in cross-Strait relations, 1987-2004." Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/3309.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation investigates Taiwan's role in the twists and turns in its relationship with China from 1987 to 2004. It employs the methods of both case studies and the VAR (vector autoregression) time-series analysis to assess the impact of the following four factors on Taiwan's actions toward China: (1) the democratic transition in Taiwan, (2) Taiwan's electoral politics, (3) cross-Strait economic exchanges, and (4) U.S. Taiwan Policy. The research conclusions are as follows. First, President Lee Teng-hui's rational calculation in the late 1980s guided him to launch domestic political reforms while continuing former President Chiang Chingkuo's liberalization of Taiwan's China policy. Consequently, Taiwan's democratic transition was accompanied by the appearance of a peaceful policy toward China. Second, in order to win votes from the electorate, which increasingly embraced a Taiwanese identity after the mid-1990s, Taiwanese politicians tended to launch aggressive electoral campaigns against China. Accordingly, domestic elections turned out to be a conducive factor for Taiwan's conflictual actions toward China. Third, politicians' electoral consideration also overrode Taiwanese businessmen's preference for crossStrait stability. As a result, cross-Strait economic interdependence was unable to restrain Taiwan from taking aggressive policies toward China. Fourth, because Taiwanese politicians tended not to give in to U.S. pressures during Taiwan's elections, the U.S. could not successfully stop Taiwan's provocative actions toward China as elections neared in Taiwan. It was only when Taiwanese leaders sought to strengthen U.S.-Taiwan relations after election seasons ended that the U.S. could induce Taiwan to act cooperatively toward China.text
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Henry, Adam. "Manufacturing Australian foreign policy 1950 - 1966." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150822.
Full textAbstract:
The transition from the liberal foreign policy approach of the Chifley Labor Government to the more strident anti-communism of the conservative Menzies Government after 1949 is a significant event in 20th Century Australian history. During the period 1950-1966 the Menzies Government faced a range of challenges such as relations with the USA, responses to the USSR and China and the question of Indonesia and decolonisation in post-war Southeast Asia. In response the Menzies Government developed new foreign policies, encouraged a particular style of diplomacy and helped to establish a new Cold War attitude towards Australian international affairs. In the 1950s, the Cold War, the United Nations (UN) and the establishment of new overseas diplomatic missions (particularly in Asia) placed growing administrative and bureaucratic demands on the machinery of Australian diplomacy. From the mid 1950s the Department of External Affairs (DEA) was restructured in order to meet such demands. This process allowed the Department to establish what were considered to be the defining characteristics and attitudes of a new professional Australian diplomacy. The selection and training of new diplomatic recruits is one such area in which this occurred. This period saw growing interest from politicians, diplomats and academics for developing new types of foreign policy analysis about communism in South East Asia, or the Cold War in general. While some networks between politics, bureaucracy and academia linked to foreign policy analysis had existed in the 1930s and 1940s, from the 1950s new and more powerful relationships were being established. Various academics, many from the Australian Institute of International Affairs (AlIA) and the Australian National University (ANU) forged close and ongoing contacts with the DEA. The relationships between small groups of key individuals and institutions ultimately wielded significant influence on issues such as the Cold War and Australian foreign policy debates. By the 1960s this small foreign policy network had built a vital relationship with the Ford Foundation of New York. This relationship certainly helped to define dominant attitudes towards Australian foreign policy debates. The ANU, AIIA, DEA and Ford Foundation network established a style of foreign policy analysis that was openly (or at least cautiously) sympathetic to the policies of Canberra and Washington often accepting the official justifications at face value.
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Welshe, Gillian. "Joint US-Australian defence facilities : some implications for Australian defence policy." Thesis, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144284.
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Dungey, Mardi. "International influences on the Australian economy." Phd thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/146002.
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Hackforth-Jones, Simary. "The ALP's foreign policy towards Indonesia 1983-1996 : cooperating for peace?" Master's thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151221.
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Tothill, F. D. "South African-Australian diplomatic relations 1945-1961." Thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/16217.
Full textAbstract:
This is the first study of official relations between South Africa and Australia as
conducted through resident High Commissions or Embassies. It reaches the conclusion
that, though neither country loomed large on the other's scale of priorities, the relationship
was at the outset perceived to be of greater value to Australia than to South Africa.
It was initiated by the Australian government in 1945 as was the airlink which
connected the two countries in 1952. Then flown by propeller-driven aircraft, the air
route led to the expansion of Australian territory when the United Kingdom transferred
to Australia sovereignty over the Cocos (Keeling) Islands in the Indian Ocean, eight
hours flying time from Perth and an essential refuelling stop en route to Southern Afnca.
The first Australian High Commissioner, Sir George Knowles, arrived in South
Africa in August 1946. The Smuts government did not attach much value to the relationship.
Pleading shortage of staff, and to the embarrassment of the Australian government,
it had not reciprocated with its own appointment by the time of its fall in May
1948. On assuming office the following month the new Prime Minister, Dr Malan
responded positively to an Australian reminder about the lack of a South African High
Commissioner. Dr P.R. Viljoen was appointed to the position and arrived in Canberra
in June 1949. The relationship lacked substance and for relatively lengthy periods in
the 1950s the High Commissioner's post was left vacant on both sides.
The Australian government had proposed the establishment of relations on
grounds inter alia that members of the British Commonwealth should be informed
about each other's attitudes, policies and problems in the work of the United Nations.
Yet it was the United Nations, particularly its composition, which subjected the relationship
to its greatest strains.
In focusing on the role and functions of individual diplomats the study throws
light on what the profession or occupation of diplomacy encompassed at the time. Also
canvassed is the development of the South African and Australian Departments of
External Affairs from their beginnings to the early 1960s.D. Litt et Phil. (History)
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Bray, Barbara (Barbara Dorothee). "Chinese-Australian relations from 1969 to 1983, with special emphasis on the role played by the two major Australian parties." 1988. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phb8266.pdf.
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Kamada, Mayumi. "Private economic diplomacy in Australia-Japan relations : the role of business cooperation committees." Phd thesis, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/128304.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis examines the functions of the AustraliaJapan
Business Cooperation Committee (AJBCC) and the
Japan-Australia Business Cooperation Committee (JABCC) in ·
the context of mechanisms used by the business
communi ties in both countries to expand communication
with foreign countries. It also evaluates the role of
the committees in the development of Australia-Japan
relations.
The concept of private economic diplomacy is used to
explain how the significance of each committee in its own
domestic environment reflected the importance of the
other country as a trading partner. How each committee
functioned as an instrument of private economic diplomacy
was influenced by the structure of business
representation in each country. In particular, the
characteristics of the individuals who took the
ini tiative in establishing the committees and the peak
business organisations that provided administrative
backup for the committees tended to determine the limits
of committee activities.
The two committees made different inputs into their
own business communi ties. The AJBCC made an important
impact on the development of Australia's private economic
diplomacy by introducing the concept of an organised,
cross-sectoral approach to foreign countries. fvlany
similar commi ttees wi th other countries were later
established modelled on the AJBCC. Involvement of these committees in Australia's foreign policy formulation and
implementation, however, was limited, mainly because of
the service-orientated nature of their umbrella
organisations. The AJBCC established more formalised
operations and contacts with its own government than the
JABCC.
The inauguration of the JABCC was significant step
in the evolution of Japan's private economic diplomacy,
because it represented the establishment of a permanent
channel of communication with a foreign country.
Throughout its history, the JABCC continued to raise
issues at joint meetings with the AJBCC, which strongly
reflected the basic goals of Japan's private economic
diplomacy at the time. The domestic impact of the JABCC,
however, was relatively minor. Compared with other
business cooperation committees in Japan, less emphasis
was given to domestic political functions in the
operation of the JABCC.
Both committees' activities centred on holding joint
meetings, which provided a
channel between the two
legitimate communication
countries and important
opportuni ties for business leaders to extend their
personal contacts. The two committees also acted as a
medium of communication between the Australian and
Japanese governments. As time went by this channel
became relatively less significant.
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Sablok, Gitika. "Employee voice in foreign owned multinational enterprises in Australia." Thesis, 2014. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/25678/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis sets out to examine the use and character of employee voice practices in foreign owned multinational enterprises operating in Australia. It specifically focuses on the impact of union presence and a strategic human resource management approach on the employee voice practices. To address the research questions a quantitative research method was adopted utilising a questionnaire. This was conducted through face to face interviews with the HR managers of a sample of 171 foreign owned multinational enterprises operating in Australia. To examine the character of employee voice practices, frequencies and cross tabulations were conducted. Logistic regression analysis was carried out to determine the influence of a union presence and strategic human resource management approach on employee voice practices. The findings provide a comprehensive snapshot of the current character and influences of employee voice approaches adopted by multinational enterprises in the Australian context. This thesis demonstrates that foreign owned multinational enterprises are high-level users of the full range of direct employee voice mechanisms with the exceptions of use of employee suggestion schemes. Indirect methods such as trade union recognition and the use of joint consultation committees across all sites were not utilised to the same extent. It was also found that trade union presence and a strategic human resource management approach; greenfield site and country of origin affect the employee voice approach adopted. High trade union presence is associated with an indirect employee voice approach. A low trade union presence is associated with a direct or a minimalist approach to employee voice. A strategic human resource management approach is associated with both direct and dualistic approaches to employee voice. Implications can be drawn for theory and management practice.
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HUANG, PEI-HSIN, and 黃姵心. "The Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Judgments in Taiwan, China, and Australia." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/gw2k24.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立中正大學
法律學系碩士在職專班
107
This thesis is focus on legislation and practice in the perspectives of foreign judgments recognition and enforcement in Taiwan, China, and Australia; discussing the requirements for recognition and enforcement, analysis of those grounds to reject a foreign judgment, and distinguish and compare these 3 different legal systems. Meanwhile the motivation background of this dissertation came from a dispute relating to one of author’s work experiences in international transaction arising out of these 3 countries. The conditions of recognition and enforcement of foreign judgments are the core of the legal system, those which are been examined by courts and relevant authorities on foreign judgments. Only when providing the conditions clearly in legislation， can ensure each country’s judicial sovereignty away from infringement and avoid inappropriate consequences caused by the uncertainty of law. On that basis that the foreign court must have a proper jurisdiction with international sense and competency, the foreign judgment must be a final judgment on the merit，adequate defense should have been provided to the defender and the public policy exception shall not be offended. We would exam those requirements in details in these three nations and compare the differences in between. Also, it would mention how China recognize and enforce judgments from Taiwan, Hong and Macau, and how does it process reversely.
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"The economic interaction between mainland China and Taiwan: its nature and consequences." Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1993. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5887812.
Full textAbstract:
by Lau Chun Fai.Thesis (MPhil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1993.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 112-115).
Chapter CHAPTER 1. --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1
Chapter CHAPTER 2. --- TRADE CONNECTIONS ACROSS THE STRAIT
Chapter 2.1 --- Overview --- p.5
Chapter 2.2 --- Indirect exports from Taiwan to the Mainland via Hong Kong --- p.10
Chapter 2.3 --- Indirect exports from the Mainland to Taiwan via Hong Kong --- p.11
Chapter 2.4 --- Hong Kong's transshipment of Taiwan origin to the Mainland --- p.14
Chapter 2.5 --- Hong Kong's transshipments of the Mainland origin to Taiwan --- p.22
Chapter 2.6 --- Comparison between transshipment and re-export --- p.26
Chapter CHAPTER 3. --- THE ECONOMICS OF TRADE BETWEEN MAINLAND AND TAIWAN
Chapter 3.1 --- Overview --- p.33
Chapter 3.2 --- Comparative advantage of Taiwan and the Mainland --- p.34
Chapter 3.3 --- The revealed comparative advantage as from the trade between Taiwan and the Mainland --- p.38
Chapter 3.4 --- Some paradoxes --- p.45
Chapter 3.5 --- Potential trade pattern --- p.49
Chapter 3.6 --- Trade diversion potential --- p.52
Chapter CHAPTER 4. --- CONSEQUENCES ON DOMESTIC PRODUCTIONS
Chapter 4.1 --- Overview --- p.56
Chapter 4.2 --- Evaluating industrial impacts: the methodology --- p.57
Chapter 4.3 --- Data source --- p.62
Chapter 4.4 --- Industrial impacts upon Mainland China --- p.65
Chapter 4.5 --- Industrial impacts upon Taiwan --- p.72
Chapter 4.6 --- Policy evaluation --- p.84
Chapter CHAPTER 5. --- CONCLUSION --- p.88
APPENDICES --- p.91
REFERENCE --- p.112
46
Davies, Martyn J. "The roots and policies of the Republic of China-on-Taiwan's foreign policy of pragmatic diplomacy, 1988-1996." Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/21754.
Full textAbstract:
A thesis submitted to the department of international relations, Faculty of Arts, University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa, for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. February 1998.The rationale of this study is 10 examine the Republic of China (ROC)-on-Taiwan':; foreign policy of "pragmatic diplomacy". The thesis is designed to contribute to the understanding of the developm ent and progression of the ROC-on- Taiwan's foreign policy development, from that of authoritarian to democratic state. This is to be viewed in the context of the international environment in which the ROC government has had to operate - one of growing political isolation. The foreign policy of pragmatic diplomacy had both domestic and international origins - domestic in the domain of Taiwan's internal political development and internatiorul in the realm of Taiwan's international political pariah status. The principal objective of this doctoral thesis is to trace pragmatic diplomacy's political roots, examine its policies, and assess its prospects. Pragmatic diplomacy was officially adopted as a foreign policy by the ROC following the appointment of Lee Teng-hui as president in January 1988. However, rather than marking a distinct change in policy, pragmatic diplomacy was a continuance of the foreign policy track which had been started by Chiang Ching-kuo who had assumed the presidential office from his father Chiang Kai-shek in April 1975. The increasing international isolation of the ROC required a radical foreign policv response from Taipei. The ROC's expulsion from the United Nations in 1971 and subsequent incremental diplomatic de-recognition by its poll 'ical allies necessitated policy reform by the KMT government. This was not forthcoming .inder Chiang Kai-shek, Signs of pragmatism in policy-making began to arise under tile Chiang Ching-kuo administration. This trend continued and was formalised under Lee Teng-hui, Pragmatic diplomacy was designated as an official foreign policy under the Lee Tenghui presidency. Providing an historical background to pragmatic diplomacy, this study will pursue Taiwan's foreign policy progression and account for its development since 1949. The primary focus of the study is, however, on the period 1988 to 1996, from the official beginning of pragmatic diplomacy to the end of the process of democratic transition with the ROC-on- Taiwan's first direct presidential election in 1996. This was the "honeymoon" period of Taiwan's move away from an authoritarian system of government. It was during this eight-year period that Taipei's foreign policy underwent a dramatic shift in focus, one which cast off the restrictions placed upon it by domestic authoritarian politics to one which became accountable to the populace under the island's democratic transformation. For the purposes of this study, the fcreign policy of the ROC will be examined from 1949 with the removal of the ROC's seat of government from the mainland to Taipei, Taiwan. This came as a direct result of the defeat of Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalist Kuomintang (KMT) forces to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in the Chinese civil war. Following its expulsion from the mainland by the Chinese Communists, the island of Taiwan became the refuge of the ROC government under the control of the KMT. The post World War II legal status of Taiwan had previously been set out in the November 1943 Cairo Declaraticn which stated that "all territories Japan had stolen from the Chinese, such as Maner.aria, Formosa [Taiwan}, and the Pescadores, shall be returned to the Republic of China. " In July 1945, the heads of government of the United States (US), Great Britain, and the ROC further declared in the Potsdam Declaration that "the terms of the Cairo Declaration shall be carried out. "This was later adhered 10 by the Soviet Union, France, and Japan. Shortly thereafter, Chinese troops occupied Taiwan with the territory being declared a province of China. In 1949, the government of the ROC was moved from Nanking to Taipei! while the CCP created a new regime, the People's Republic of China (PRe), in Beijing.' The result was two rival governments both claiming to be the sale legal representative of the Chinese state, each wanting to reunify the country in its own image. Since the claim to legitimacy was mutual, the "one China principle" whereby each claimed to be the rightful and legal representative of the state of China, was paramount in the internal and international politics of each regime. This was of particular importance to the ROC which was the apparent weaker regime having been exiled to Taiwan, losing the vast majority of its territory, population, and resources in the process. Beijing and Taipei held steadfast to the doctrine of a single Chinese state and as such refused to recognise each others' political existence. Thus the Chinese civil war did not end in 1949 with the expulsion of the KMT from the mainland - it merely continued from a distance. After withdrawing to Taiwan, Chiang Kai-shek proclaimed that one day he would, "counterattack and recover the mainland ." 3 This position formed the rhetorical mainstay of the ROC's polic. for the following three decades. Almost five decades later, this ideal has not been realised and the ROC is still rooted on Taiwan. Since this time, the ROC's reunification policy toward the PRC has shifted from one of military confrontation to one which stresses peaceful political reunification under Sun Yat-sen's ideology of the "Three Principles of the People"." The ROC's policy has become far less hostile over time. The tempering of ROC policy has coincided with Taiwan's economic development, industrial modernisation, and programme of political reform and democratisation. All of these factors have contributed to this change and will be emphasised in this study as having impacted upon Taiwan's foreign policy progression. A moot point of contention which requires clarification is the term "foreign policy" in the case of the ROC. Due to both the ROC and PRC's strict adherence to the one China principle, each side has, and still continues to, regard its policy toward the other as being domestic rather than foreign in nature. This creates difficulties in deh.ung Taipei's policy vis-a-vis the mainland. According to Wilkenfeld, foreign policy can be defined as, " ...those official actions which sovereign states initiate for the purpose 0/ altering or creaung a condition outside their territorial-sovereign boundaries ." 5 Accepting this definition, two questions are raised: firstly, what is the sovereign status of Taiwan?; and secondly, if sovereign, how far, both politically and physically, does the ROC's sovereignty extend? These thematic issues are central to the thesis. Suffice to say at this introductory stage, it is argued that the ROC's mainland (i.e. the PRe) policy was indeed a foreign and not a domestic policy. Since 1949, Taiwan has been ruled by a separate and distinct governmental authority controlled by the KMT. During this half-century period, Taiwan has possessed a different political, economic, and social structure to that which has existed on the mainland under CCP control. Therefore, in reality, and despite its own prior claims to the contrary, the ROC has operated as a distinct dejacto independent entity. Taiwan's policy toward the mainland was thus, to all intents and purposes, «foreign policy. This study will consider it as such.
GR2017
47
MacCallion, Gregory John. "Defining human and national security in military interventions : Australia and Canada in Somalia and Afghanistan." Phd thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/155775.
Full textAbstract:
Since the introduction of the concept of human security in 1994, debates have raged regarding the definition and applicability of the concept. Proponents of human security have sought to define the concept so that it may be utilised, whereas critics of human security have argued that the concept is too broad and amorphous to be adopted or utilised by states in international relations. This thesis examines two states; Australia, which has never utilised the term, 'human security,' in its declaratory policies; and Canada, a state that, for a time, was one of the most vocal proponents of the concept in its foreign policy statements. The research examines the two countries' military interventions in Somalia (1992-1995 - prior to the introduction of human security as a concept) and Afghanistan (2001-2013 - after the concept's introduction) to establish if, and to what extent, human security featured in and/or shaped their missions. Drawing upon an analysis of Australia's and Canada's declaratory policies and implementation approaches for each mission, this thesis presents a unique analytical framework that assesses the degree of norm internalisation of human security by the two states. It argues that human security is both co-opted and adapted by states in military interventions when the limitation of traditional national security approaches is recognised and when such actions are in alignment with national values. This thesis finds that the core concept of human security can be, and has been, operationalised at the implementation level, regardless of whether the state has a clearly defined declaratory policy of human security or not. Further, states now perceive the core concept of human security as a necessary condition for mission success in military interventions; military security, alone, is no longer enough. The thesis concludes with the argument that, for states, the concept of human security works better in practice (implementation) than it does in theory (declaratory policies). Indeed, when it comes to incorporating the fundamental elements of human security in military interventions, this thesis argues, it is the practices of human security that drives, and helps create, policies based on human security.
48
Najjarine, Karim, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College, and School of Humanities. "Australian diplomacy towards Indonesia 1965-1972 : an examination from the Australian archival record." 2005. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/12424.
Full textAbstract:
Australia’s relationship with Indonesia has been a topic in diplomatic, academic, defence and intelligence circles in Australia for over fifty years. Australian diplomacy towards Indonesia in the period from the attempted coup in October 1965 until the fall of the Liberal – Country Party coalition in 1972, remains relatively overlooked by Australian researchers. There is virtually no research of this period drawn from Australian archival sources. This thesis seeks to rectify this gap in our knowledge. The study suggests that Australian diplomacy towards Indonesia from 1965 to 1972 was dominated by a fear which contradicted Australian intelligence and defence assessments of Indonesia’s threat potential to Australia. This study will examine how this fear contributed to, and was also reinforced by, a lack of a clear working definition of what constituted ‘security’ in an Australian context. It bred a sense of insecurity and vulnerability by which Australian policy makers departed from a course of rationality. This is reflected in Australian relations with the New Order Government which were dominated by strategic concerns. Although Australia desired an informal closeness to the New Order Government, Jakarta’s increasing repression exposed Australia to international and domestic opprobrium with regard to the more salient abuses of the New Order Government.Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
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Connery, David. "The characteristics of Australian policymaking in national security crises (with special reference to East Timor, 1999)." Phd thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/109599.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation identifies the consistent and variable characteristics of crisis
policymaking in Australia, and identifies the reasons why characteristics may change.
Importantly, this dissertation is about policymaking processes, not judgments about the
success, morality or effectiveness of Australian policies.
The analysis is conducted through three main stages. The first involves identifying
characteristics for national security policymaking through an examination of the literature
of foreign and defence policy. The second stage refines these into characteristics of crisis
policymaking through an examination of three crises for Australian policymakers and a
study of the emergence of the modern crisis policymaking system. These tentative
characteristics of crisis policymaking, which are organised using the Australian Policy
Cycle, are tested through a case study of the East Tim or Crisis of 1999.
The final stage involves reducing a list of twenty-two characteristics into an essential
group of five. These five include recognising the centrality of the national security
executive; the collegial nature of crisis policymaking; the relative importance of external
over domestic actors; the closed and secretive nature of the process; and the complicated
and complex nature of implementation. The dissertation also identifies political preference
and the contingent nature of crises as the main factors driving change in this system.
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Davies, Martyn J. "South Africa's relations with the PRC and the ROC 1949 to 1995: the question of diplomatic recognition." Thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/21755.
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