Relevant bibliographies by topics / Taiwan – Foreign public opinion, American

Academic literature on the topic 'Taiwan – Foreign public opinion, American'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Taiwan – Foreign public opinion, American"

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Erskine, Kristopher C. "“American Public Diplomacy with Chinese Characteristics: The Genesis of the China Lobby in the United States, and how Missionaries Shifted American Foreign Policy between 1938 and 1941”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 25, no. 1 (March 15, 2018): 33–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02501003.

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The China Lobby in the United States attracted much scholarly attention after 1945, yet it found its footing in the late 1930s and played a critical role in re-shaping American public opinion prior to World War ii. Historians have devoted relatively little time to investigating this earlier period. The overwhelming majority of China’s lobbyists during these early years were American missionaries who the Chinese government often funded and managed. This article examines the role of two of those missionaries—Frank and Harry Price—and their American Committee for Non-Participation in Japanese Aggression. It relies on research in Taiwan, China, and in archives across the United States. The author also has interviewed members of the Price family, as well as former associates of Frank Price in the United States, Taiwan, and China. The evidence this article presents demonstrates that while difficult to quantify, the Price brothers played a crucial role in helping to re-shape American public opinion about China between 1938 and 1941.
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Wu, Chung-li, and Alex Min-Wei Lin. "The Certainty of Uncertainty: Taiwanese Public Opinion on U.S.–Taiwan Relations in the Early Trump Presidency." World Affairs 182, no. 4 (November 11, 2019): 350–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820019885103.

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The election of Donald Trump has injected new uncertainties into the conduct of U.S. foreign affairs in Asia. For Taiwan, regional security is challenging because it must simultaneously deal with an increasingly belligerent China and an America led by the unconventional Trump. Based on public opinion data, this study analyzes how the Taiwanese public perceives the state of U.S.–Taiwan relations, and how certain they are about America’s overall commitment to Taiwan in this era. Results indicate that people in their 20s, pan-Green partisans, and those favoring Taiwan independence perceive U.S.–Taiwan relations to be better under President Trump. Moreover, supporters of the pan-Green coalition and of Taiwan independence, together with the more “ambivalent” respondents, likewise feel more certain about America’s commitment to Taiwan’s security. On the contrary, pan-Blue partisans and Taiwanese citizens with mainland Chinese ethnicity are generally more pessimistic and skeptical about U.S.–Taiwan ties and partnership with Trump in the White House.
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PANG, YANG HUEI. "Helpful Allies, Interfering Neighbours: World opinion and China in the 1950s." Modern Asian Studies 49, no. 1 (September 17, 2014): 204–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000395.

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AbstractIn the aftermath of the Korean War, the People's Republic of China was effectively an international pariah. Accounts of this period in Chinese textbooks emphasize how the Chinese turned this around, either during the Geneva Conference or the Bandung Conference, through deft planning and enterprise. Yet few pay any attention to how such manipulation of world opinion became increasingly difficult for Beijing after that initial success. One outcome of China's public relations campaign meant friendly Afro-Asia leaders voiced their opinions, in alarming numbers, to their Chinese counterparts regarding issues such as Asian security, mainland China's economic development, and the Taiwan problem. Indeed, recently declassified Chinese Foreign Affairs archive documents demonstrate that China tried to marshal such non-Soviet bloc opinions to its advantage during the first Taiwan Strait crisis (1955). Chinese efforts were successful in that there was no lack of volunteers to air dissent with American foreign policy. But these new allies also wished to mediate between the United States and the Republic of China, on the one side, and mainland China on the other. Moreover, such efforts were often at variance with China's domestic and strategic outlook in the region. China thus had to embark upon an active ‘management’ of disparate world opinions, which was an entirely new endeavour. Although China tried to provide a sanitized ‘script’ for its new friends, most had their own ideas. By the time of the second Taiwan Strait crisis (1958), the volume of third party interference had grown. Overwhelmed by such international attention, China responded by openly rejecting unwelcome mediation efforts and demanded outright condemnation of the United States. Thus, ironically, with its growing prominence on the international stage, China found itself unbearably weighted down by the burden of world opinion, a position previously occupied by the United States.
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Lien, Pei-Te. "Transnational Homeland Concerns and Participation in US Politics: A Comparison among Immigrants from China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong." Journal of Chinese Overseas 2, no. 1 (2006): 56–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/179325406788639075.

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AbstractThis study addresses the scholarly debate between assimilation and transnationalism through analyses of public opinion data collected mainly in California and from residents of Chinese descent whose families originated from the Chinese mainland, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and elsewhere in Asia. It explores the empirical relationship between Chinese Americans' concern about the political condition of the ethnic homelands in Asia and their patterns of political participation in the United States. Not all transnational concerns are equal. This study distinguishes between the democratic-oriented and nationalist-oriented transnational political behavior. It also separates voting registration from other types of political participation. A main argument of this study is that the relationship between political assimilation and transnational linkages depends both on the nature of the transnational political concern and on the type of political participation. Transnational political concerns are found to influence the degree of participation in regime-influence (e.g. making campaign contributions) but not system-support (e.g. voting registration) acts. Also, only those homeland concerns that are consistent with US foreign policy interests such as regarding the democratic future of Hong Kong after the 1997 transition are found to have a positive impact on participation.
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Powlick, Philip J., and Andrew Z. Katz. "Defining the American Public Opinion/Foreign Policy Nexus." Mershon International Studies Review 42, no. 1 (May 1998): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/254443.

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Grose, Peter, and John E. Rielly. "American Public Opinion and U.S. Foreign Policy 1987." Foreign Affairs 65, no. 5 (1987): 1105. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043230.

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TOMZ, MICHAEL, and JESSICA L. P. WEEKS. "Public Opinion and Foreign Electoral Intervention." American Political Science Review 114, no. 3 (April 14, 2020): 856–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055420000064.

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Foreign electoral intervention is an increasingly important tool for influencing politics in other countries, yet we know little about when citizens would tolerate or condemn foreign efforts to sway elections. In this article, we use experiments to study American public reactions to revelations of foreign electoral intervention. We find that even modest forms of intervention polarize the public along partisan lines. Americans are more likely to condemn foreign involvement, lose faith in democracy, and seek retaliation when a foreign power sides with the opposition, than when a foreign power aids their own party. At the same time, Americans reject military responses to electoral attacks on the United States, even when their own political party is targeted. Our findings suggest that electoral interference can divide and weaken an adversary without provoking the level of public demand for retaliation typically triggered by conventional military attacks.
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Smith, Gaaddis, and Eugene R. Wittkopf. "Faces of Internationalism: Public Opinion and American Foreign Policy." Foreign Affairs 70, no. 3 (1991): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044851.

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Russett, Bruce, and Eugene R. Wittkopf. "Faces of Internationalism: Public Opinion and American Foreign Policy." Political Science Quarterly 106, no. 3 (1991): 511. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151745.

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HU, Shaohua. "American Public Opinion and Cross-strait Relations." East Asian Policy 11, no. 04 (October 2019): 88–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930519000394.

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Amid the improved official relationship between Washington and Taipei, this article investigates the relationship between American public opinion and cross-strait relations. It introduces different types of surveys and polls related to the issue; examines the causes for the American public’s lack of attention to cross-strait relations; and discusses the interplay between public opinion and foreign policy, especially in the event of an armed conflict along the strait.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Taiwan – Foreign public opinion, American"

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Mouron, Fernando. "Public opinion and foreign policy revisited: a Latin American perspective." Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/101/101131/tde-10042018-143030/.

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This thesis seeks to be a contribution to a broader debate on how public opinion builds up its perceptions on foreign policy and foreign affairs. Its two main objectives are to examine: (a) which are the determinants that explain public opinion knowledge on foreign affairs; and (b) whether public opinion is sensitive to framing effects on this issue. The analysis was done by mixing quantitative methods and survey experiments, while its novelty is that brings unprecedent evidence from Latin America. The main findings of the thesis are two-fold. On the one hand, Latin American public opinion knowledge on foreign affairs is low. In this regard, both traditional individual variables and contextual ones, namely the size of the city, are useful to predict a person\'s knowledge. On the other, public opinion perceptions regarding foreign policy, either presented on a general or specific way, are sensitive to framing effects.
Esta tese procura ser uma contribuição para um debate mais amplo sobre como a opinião pública constrói suas percepções sobre política externa e assuntos internacionais. Os dois principais objetivos são examinar: (a) quais são os determinantes que explicam o conhecimento da opinião pública a respeito de assuntos internacionais; e (b) se a opinião pública é sensível a efeitos de enquadramento sobre esta questão. A análise foi feita misturando métodos quantitativos e pesquisas de opinião pública experimentais, enquanto sua novidade é que traz evidências sem precedentes da América Latina. As principais conclusões da tese são duplas. Por um lado, o conhecimento da opinião pública latino-americana sobre assuntos externos é baixo. A este respeito, tanto as variáveis individuais tradicionais como as contextuais - o tamanho da cidade - são úteis para prever o conhecimento de uma pessoa. Por outro lado, as percepções da opinião pública em relação à política externa, apresentadas de forma geral ou específica, são sensíveis aos efeitos de enquadramento.
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Kohn, Edward P. (Edward Parliament) 1968. "This kindred people : Canadian-American relations and North American Anglo-Saxonism during the Anglo-American rapprochement, 1895-1903." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36625.

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At the end of the nineteenth century, English-Canadians and Americans faced each other across the border with old animosities. Many Canadians adhered to familiar ideas of Loyalism, imperialism and anti-Americanism to differentiate the Dominion from the republic. In the United States, on the other hand, lingering notions of anglophobia and "Manifest Destiny" caused Americans to look upon the British colony to the north as a dangerous and unnatural entity. America's rise to world power status and the Anglo-American rapprochement, however, forced Americans and Canadians to adapt to the new international reality. Emphasizing their shared language, civilization, and forms of government, many English-speaking North Americans drew upon Anglo-Saxonism to find common ground. Indeed, Americans and Canadians often referred to each other as members of the same "family" sharing the same "blood," thus differentiating themselves from other races. As many of the events of the rapprochement had a North American context, Americans and English-Canadians often drew upon the common lexicon of Anglo-Saxon rhetoric to undermine the old rivalries and underscore their shared interests. Though the predominance of Anglo-Saxonism at the turn of the century proved short-lived, it left a legacy of Canadian-American goodwill, as both nations accepted their shared destiny on the continent and Canada as a key link in the North Atlantic Triangle.
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Li, Gao Sheng. "Soft power in practice :China's public diplomacy towards America." Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335241.

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Wang, Xiuli. "Winning American hearts and minds : country characteristics, public relations and mass media." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available, full text:, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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Odeh, Rana Kamal. "The Impact of Changing Narratives on American Public Opinion Toward the U.S.-Israel Relationship." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1401818860.

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Dieck, Hélène. "The influence of American public opinion on US military interventions after the Cold War." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014IEPP0014.

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Les études académiques récentes sur l'influence de l'opinion publique sur les interventions militaires dans les démocraties occidentales concluent pour la plupart que l’opposition du public n’a pas empêché le président de faire usage de la force. Ces études se concentrent souvent sur le choix d'intervenir dans un conflit donné et omettent d'analyser les ajustements apportés à l'intervention elle-même du fait de l'opinion publique. Cette étude tente au contraire de montrer qu'on ne peut comprendre l’influence de l'opinion publique si l'on se limite à la décision d'intervenir et n’étudie pas les décisions connexes liées à la conduite et à la réussite d'une intervention: le choix des moyens humains et financiers, les objectifs, la stratégie de communication. La littérature scientifique actuelle omet également de dévoiler la manière dont l'exécutif tente de gérer la contrainte de l'opinion publique et comprendre ainsi quelle est sa véritable marge de manœuvre vis-à-vis de celle-ci. En effet, l’opinion publique et la présidence s’influencent mutuellement : le président est souvent contraint de trouver un compromis entre les objectifs politiques et militaires désirés et ce que le public est prêt à accepter. En incluant l'impact de l'opinion publique sur la mise en œuvre des opérations militaires, cette recherche conclut que le public américain a eu une influence majeure sur le degré d'engagement, les objectifs et la durée des interventions militaires de l'après Guerre froide. Notre étude s’appuie principalement sur des entretiens avec des responsables politiques impliqués dans le processus décisionnel ayant conduit à l’usage de la force après la Guerre froide. Ce processus décisionnel sera analysé à travers cinq études de cas
Recent qualitative studies of the relationship between public opinion and U.S. foreign policy put decisions into the following two categories: the President tends to lead or to follow public opinion; public opinion influences decision-making, constrains the decision, or has no impact. These studies typically research the initial decision to intervene, but fail to examine the subsequent decisions to sustain and win a war: financial and human means, conduct, objectives, duration, and communication. I argue that these elements of a winning strategy are impacted by concerns with public support at home. The impact of public opinion on the decision whether to use force is better understood when analyzing the compromise between the perception of anticipated public opinion and the necessities of a military campaign. Public opinion impacts the strategy, the timing, and length of an intervention, and inversely, those elements impact the anticipated public opinion and ultimately the decision to use force or choose a different course of action. The president can expect to influence public opinion and raise the acceptability of an intervention through various means. As a consequence, there is a back-and-forth process between anticipated public support for a given intervention and the consideration of the use of force. Contrary to the current literature, which tends to conclude that the president enjoys a substantial margin for maneuver, an analysis of post Cold War cases of interventions, limited interventions, and military escalations shows that anticipated public opinion limited the president's margin for maneuver and influenced not only the decision to intervene but also the military strategy and in the end, the result of the intervention. These findings contradict the realist paradigm for which only the structure of the international system matters and domestic politics are irrelevant in the study of international relations
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Lu, Xiao. "American policy and the downfall of the Nationalist China : a survey of major American historical literature of China's civil war." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112040.

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As a so-called Old China Hand, I would suggest to the new administration that it study with great sincerity of purpose the idea that we "lost" China. It has been a phony idea all along peddled by the China Lobby. Let's drop it. Then and only then can the administration ... begin to evolve and pursue an objective and, we hope, effective policy regarding China.
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Richardson, Erin L. "SANE and the Limited Test Ban Treaty of 1963 mobilizing public opinion to shape U.S. foreign policy /." Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1257556741.

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Agboaye, Ehikioya. "Media Agenda-Building Effect: Analysis of American Public Apartheid Activities, Congressional and Presidential Policies on South Africa, 1976-1988." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331332/.

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The mass media's role in informing the American public is critical to public support for government policies. The media are said to set the national agenda. This view is based on the assumption of selective coverage they give to news items. Media coverage also influences the salience the public attaches to issues. However, media agenda effect has been challenged by Lang and Lang (1983). These scholars, in their media agenda-building theory, argued that the success of media effect on national agenda is dependent on group support. In order to test this theory, time-related data on South Africa crises, media coverage"of South Africa, American public reactions, congressional, and presidential apartheid-related activities, between 1976 and 1988, were analyzed. Congressional anti-apartheid policies were the dependent and others, the independent variables. The theory made analysis of the data amenable to the additive adopted to test for the significance of the interactive variables, indicated that these variables were negatively related to congressional anti-apartheid policies. The additive model was subsequently analyzed. The time series multiple regression analysis was used in analyzing the relationships. Given autocorrelation and multicollinearity problems associated with time series analysis, the Arima (p, d, q) model was used to model the relationships. This model was used to indicate support, or nonsupport, for the time series regression analysis. The result of the additive model indicated that South African political crises were negatively related to congressional anti-apartheid actions. It also showed that the relationship between the American public reactions and congressional anti-apartheid policies was greater in comparison to all other independent variables. The presidential actions taken against South Africa were negatively related to Congress' anti-apartheid actions. Television had the greatest relationship with congressional anti-apartheid actions compared to newspapers and magazines.
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Ni, Young-Chih. "American parents' and Taiwanese parents' perceptions of quality standards for early childhood programs." Virtual Press, 1995. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1001184.

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The purpose of this study was to investigate and compare the perceptions of urban parents of two countries concerning standards of selected criteria of high quality standards of early childhood programs developed by the National Academy of Early Childhood Programs (NAECP).Two hundred and forty nine parents ( U. S. = 129, Taiwan = 120) participated in the study. The effects of country, sex, and educational background were examined.The study was conducted by using the questionnaire survey. The instrument was constructed by the researcher based on the Accreditation Criteria and Procedures of the National Academy of Early Childhood Programs.A three-way.MANOVA on 10 dependent variables with independent factors of country, sex, and educational background was used to test Hypothesis I at the .05 level of significance. The Hypothesis I was rejected.To test Hypothesis II, a Spearman's Rho rank order correlation coefficient was computed using the mean ranks of the 10 criteria. Significance was examined at the .05 level. The Hypothesis II was accepted.These findings leading to the following conclusions:1. American and Taiwanese parents shared the similar perceptions that supported the quality standards developed by the NAECP. Most of the statistically differences that existed between American and Taiwanese parents were the differences of the degree of acceptance of the quality standards.2. The only criterion that caused parents' selections to lean toward negative responses was the staffing standards.3. Whenever there was a statistically significant difference between American and Taiwanese parents, the Taiwanese parents were always agreed more than the American parents.4. Regardless of factors of sex and educational background, both American and Taiwanese parents shared similar values in that they ranked health-and-safety and teacher-child interactions as the first or second important factors.5. Regardless of the factors of sex and educational background, both American and Taiwanese parents shared the same values in that they ranked administration and evaluations as the two least important factors when selecting an early childhood program for their children.
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Books on the topic "Taiwan – Foreign public opinion, American"

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Wai guo ren kan Taiwan zheng zhi. Taibei Shi: Dong cha chu ban she, 1986.

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1958-, Shi Zhiyu, ed. Si ceng xiang di: Tian'anmen shi jian hou zai Meiguo yu Taiwan de Zhongguo yin xiang. Taibei: Guo li Taiwan da xue zheng zhi xue xi Zhongguo da lu ji liang an guan xi jiao xue yu yan jiu zhong xin, 2009.

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China and Taiwan in Central America: Engaging foreign publics in diplomacy. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.

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Taiwan Chūgoku Nihon: Taiwan o meguru shomondai to Nihonjin no Chūgoku ninshiki. Tōkyō: Keiseisha, 1999.

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Public opinion and American foreign policy. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2004.

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Public opinion and American foreign policy. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1996.

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editor, Wang Chengmian, ed. Chuan jiao shi bi xia de da lu yu Taiwan. Taoyuan Xian: Zhong yang da xue chu ban zhong xin, 2014.

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Sadik, Giray. American image in Turkey: U.S. foreign policy dimensions. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2009.

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Ambivalent allies: Myth and reality in the Australian-American relationship. Ringwood, Vic., Australia: Penguin Books, 1988.

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Muravchik, Joshua. Perceptions of Israel in the American media: Summary of a conference. New York, N.Y: Institute on American Jewish-Israeli Relations, American Jewish Committee, 1985.

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Book chapters on the topic "Taiwan – Foreign public opinion, American"

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Oliva, Mara. "Challenge Two: The First Taiwan Crisis of 1954–1955." In Eisenhower and American Public Opinion on China, 117–53. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76195-4_5.

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Holsti, Ole R. "American Public Opinion and Foreign Policy after September 11: The Iraq War." In Public Participation in Foreign Policy, 41–78. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230367180_3.

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Parmar, Inderjeet. "The Role of the CFR in the Mobilisation of American Public Opinion." In Think Tanks and Power in Foreign Policy, 135–65. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230000780_6.

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Holsti, Ole R. "American Public Opinion on Foreign Policy, Pre- and Post-September 11." In Striking First, 149–65. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-08576-4_11.

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Everts, Philip, and Pierangelo Isernia. "Partners Apart? The Foreign Policy Attitudes of the American and European Publics." In Public Opinion, Transatlantic Relations and the Use of Force, 63–108. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137315755_3.

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"Power to the people? American public opinion and the Vietnam war." In The US Public and American Foreign Policy, 57–72. Routledge, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203849279-11.

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"American Public Opinion and Foreign Policy: Did the September 11 Attacks Change Everything?" In American Foreign Policy in a Globalized World, 149–80. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203957264-11.

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Lucas, Scott. "When Public Opinion Does Not Shape Foreign Policy." In US Presidential Elections and Foreign Policy, 105–27. University Press of Kentucky, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813169057.003.0006.

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President Eisenhower easily swept to victory in 1956, defeating Adlai Stevenson, whom he had also beaten in 1952, despite crises and wars that had suddenly flared in Hungary and Egypt. When the events of 1956 are examined through public and private records, the president’s response to these crises appears to confirm his claim that he would not allow policy making to be hostage to the wishes of the public. Instead, he made clear time and again that he would proceed with what he thought was the “right” course for US interests, irrespective of the American public’s reaction to the policy or to his reelection campaign. At the same time, he was ready to invoke public opinion in the United States and throughout the world to try and bend other statesmen to his will.
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"From coast defense to embalmed beef: the influence of the press and public opinion on McKinley’s policymaking during the Spanish–American war." In The US Public and American Foreign Policy, 29–41. Routledge, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203849279-9.

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"American foreign policy and public opinion in a new era: Eleven propositions." In War and Ideas, 177–205. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315881102-16.

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