Journal articles on the topic 'Syrian students in the United States'
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1
Switky, Bob. "Simulating a Foreign Policy Dilemma: Considering US Humanitarian Intervention." PS: Political Science & Politics 47, no. 03 (June 19, 2014): 682–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096514000833.
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ABSTRACTThe humanitarian impulse in the United States routinely clashes with isolationist sentiment, with appeals to the national interest, and with apathy in and out of government. This class exercise encourages students to explore the contours of the debate over humanitarian intervention with a crisis unfolding in Belagua, a fictitious Latin American country. As the crisis deteriorates, students increasingly feel the tension between wanting to help the at-risk civilian population and avoiding a messy conflict from which the United States could have trouble extracting itself. The project requires students to address key questions about the US role in the Belagua case and to consider what the United States could or should have done in actual situations, such as Rwanda and Syria. Because these crises are likely to occur in the decades to come, this exercise initiates students to the challenges that the United States, as well as the international community, undoubtedly will face.
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Todoran, Corina, and Claudette Peterson. "Should They Stay or Should They Go? How the 2017 U.S. Travel Ban Affects International Doctoral Students." Journal of Studies in International Education 24, no. 4 (July 3, 2019): 440–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1028315319861344.
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In the wake of the U.S. government’s executive orders restricting travel from six Muslim-majority countries (Iran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, and Yemen) in January 2017, we collected data from four focus groups consisting of international doctoral students aiming to provide insight on the following research question: How do international doctoral students make sense of the U.S. political climate on their lived experiences? This article contributes to the literature by discussing a timely issue concerning international students in the United States and points out that the 2017 travel ban has affected not only international doctoral students from those banned countries but has also alarmed students from other countries, who described the climate as stressful, confusing, and hostile. Several students changed their travel plans for conferences or family visits being worried that they might not be able to reenter the United States. Other students feared the immigration rules might suddenly change and affect their visa status. Students also expressed their concerns in regard to job prospects after graduation. This article derives from a larger qualitative study exploring the experiences of international doctoral students in the U.S. academic and cultural settings.
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Rabia, Hazza M. Abu. "Undergraduate Arab International Students' Adjustment to U.S. Universities." International Journal of Higher Education 6, no. 1 (December 7, 2016): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/ijhe.v6n1p131.
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The adjustment process and issues of 16 Arab international students enrolled at two universities in the Northeast of the United States were examined through this qualitative, exploratory study. The participants were from Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Oman, Saudi Arabia, Syria, and United Arab Emirates and had been in the US for 2 to 5 years. In-depth interviews were employed to document and analyze the experiences and challenges of these students on U.S. campuses. One-on-one interviews with the participants revealed multiple factors obstructed Arab international students' academic success and limited their socialization within the context of their postsecondary institution, their host community, and their host nation. Several prevailing themes were discovered among the participants, including culture shock, language barrier, cultural differences, and isolation. While further research is needed, these findings suggest that specific programming and outreach by U.S higher education institutions could be implemented to assist Arab international students' adjustment to the academic and social environment of their host campus.
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Ismail, Mentalla. "Assessing Functional and Comprehensive Health Literacy in a Syrian Refugee Community." ENGAGE! Co-created Knowledge Serving the City 4, no. 2 (November 29, 2022): 24–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.18060/26771.
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Newly resettled refugees have poorly managed acute and chronic health conditions as a result of their migration experience. To add to an already complex experience, poor health literacy complicates effective utilization of healthcare among these communities (Wångdahl et al., 2014). Health literacy has been described in the literature as one of the key determinants of and potential barriers to optimal health (Kickbusch, 2001). Anecdotally, health literacy curricula have been implemented in other low-literacy communities with success. Yet there are very few known structured curricula built into the resettlement experience in the United States (U.S.), and even fewer have been described in the literature.
In collaboration with Closing the Health Gap and Refuge Collaborative, a six-week health literacy curriculum was developed and disseminated in adult Syrian refugee populations within the Greater Cincinnati Area. Using a pre-post intervention design, I aimed to assess the baseline health literacy of newly resettled adult refugees in the Greater Cincinnati Area and evaluate the effectiveness of the health literacy curriculum in improving the functional health literacy of these communities. This pilot study informed the development of a health literacy curriculum aimed at high school refugee students enrolled in Cincinnati Public Schools.
Establishing the effectiveness of such a curriculum has the potential to have far-reaching impacts on other refugee communities undergoing the resettlement experience. Other communities experiencing low health literacy, such as African Americans, may also benefit from a similar curriculum. Most importantly, improved health literacy can indirectly translate into more effective health care utilization and lead to overall better health outcomes for disadvantaged communities.
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Rose-Redwood, CindyAnn, and Reuben Rose-Redwood. "Rethinking the Politics of the International Student Experience in the Age of Trump." Journal of International Students 7, no. 3 (July 1, 2017): I—IX. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jis.v7i3.201.
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We are living in troubling and uncertain times. Xenophobia is on the rise as right-wing, authoritarian nationalism has witnessed significant electoral gains and the very ideals of democratic inclusiveness and international pluralism are under direct attack. With the election of Donald Trump as President of the United States, the country with the largest share of international students globally is increasingly becoming an unwelcoming place to study abroad. On January 27, 2017, Trump issued an executive order prohibiting entry of citizens from seven Muslim-majority countries(Iran, Iraq, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, and Yemen), and severely restricting the admission of refugees, into the United States. This initial attempt at a “Muslim travel ban” was subsequently blocked by the federal courts, yet the ongoing efforts of the current U.S. administration to discriminate against Muslim travelers at the border have had a chilling effect on international travel more generally
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Zhukovskyi, I. "THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE IDEA OF ARAB NATIONALISM IN THE WORKS OF SATI' AL-HUSRI." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 143 (2019): 14–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2019.143.3.
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The article is dedicated to the influence of Sati’ al-Husri philosophical, political and scientific heritage on the formation of Arab Nationalism and Pan-Arabism movements. The author analyzed main Sati’ al-Husri’s works and noted direct citations and references to his ideology. As a synonym of the European word nation Sati’ al-Husri used Arabic term al-ummah. By this concept he understood common language, culture, believes, state, history and common hopes for the future. His theory of Arab nationalism was formed under the influence of European examples, primarily German and Polish national ideas. He was especially interested in the history of nations divided between several states. Thus, Arabs could claim their national identity without united Arab state. According to Sati’ al-Husri, Arab nation was formed even before the emergence of Islam and the main features of Arab national identity are Arabic language and common history. Even more, Sati’ al-Husri argued that religious ties are weaker than cultural ones, therefore Islam should not be a core of the Arab nationalism. Such approach allowed him to include non-Muslim Arabs into the Arab nation. In accordance with the theory of Sati’ al-Husri, Arab identity should be above personal liberty. Anyone should be ready to sacrifice himself for the benefit of national idea: “Patriotism and nationalism are above all”. Rejecting personal freedom, Sati’ al-Husri proposed to impose the Arab identity by force among Arabs with another identity – Syrian or Libyan etc. There should not be any other identity except of Arabian – as states Sati’ al-Husri. During the reign of Faisal I of Iraq Sati’ al-Husri was holding high offices in the ministry of education. His main goal was to educate patriotic and nationalist feelings among students in purpose of making them faithful to the idea of Arab unity. In conclusions the author states that nationalist ideas of Sati’ al-Husri were authoritarian and manipulative. Despite the long existence of separate Arab states, the idea of Arab unity still remains relevant.
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Al-Badayneh, Diab M., Hasan Y, and Yahya A. "Regional Differences in Arb Countries’ Young Female Radicalization." International Journal of Forensic Sciences 9, no. 2 (2024): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.23880/ijfsc-16000379.
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The research describes current states of radicalization among Arb youth women and investigates the regional differences in the levels of radicalization among young Arab women from 12 Arab states: the Levant, which includes Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria; North Africa, which includes Morocco, Tunisia, Libya, and Algeria; and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), which includes Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Oman, Kuwait, Qatar, and Bahrain. As a sample, 2326 female students in their teen years were selected. Of these, the GCC comprises 1180 (50.7%), North Africa comprises 521 (22.4%), and the Levant comprises 625 (26.9%). We used a scale-appropriate questionnaire. The radicalization scale has a construct validity of (r = 0.73, α = 0.00) with the LSC scale., and the scale has high reliability (α = 0.96, N = 2326, items 44). Researcher founds a substantial impact of regional location on female radicalization in the GCC, North Africa, and Levant countries, as well as on each of the radicalization components individually.
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Sabouni, Ammar, Abdelkader Chaar, Yamama Bdaiwi, Abdulrahman Masrani, Heba Abolaban, Fares Alahdab, Belal Firwana, and Ahmad Al Moujahed. "An online academic writing and publishing skills course: Help Syrians find their voice." Avicenna Journal of Medicine 07, no. 03 (July 2017): 103–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.4103/ajm.ajm_204_16.
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Abstract Purpose: A group of Arab-American physicians and researchers in the United States organized a blended online course in academic writing and publishing in medicine targeting medical students and physicians in war-torn Syria. This was an effort to address one of the reasons behind the poor quantity and quality of scientific research papers in Syria and the Arab region. In this paper, we report on the design, conduct, and outcome of this course and attempt to evaluate its effectiveness. Methods: The educational intervention was a 2-month blended online course. We administered a questionnaire to assess satisfaction and self-reported improvement in knowledge, confidence, and skills of academic writing and publishing. Results: The course succeeded in reaching more than 2588 physicians and medical students from the region; 159 of them completed most of the course. Eighty-three percent of the participants felt that they were confident enough to write an academic paper after the course and 95% felt the learning objectives were achieved with an average student satisfaction of 8.4 out of 10. Conclusion: Physicians in Syria and neighboring countries are in need of training to become an active part of the global scientific community and to document and communicate the crisis their countries are going through from a medical perspective. Low-cost online educational initiatives help respond, at least partially, to those needs.
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Palmer, Jeremy. "Intercultural Competence and Language Variety on Study Abroad Programs: L2 Learners of Arabic." Frontiers: The Interdisciplinary Journal of Study Abroad 22, no. 1 (January 15, 2013): 58–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.36366/frontiers.v22i1.319.
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The issue of intercultural competence among students of Arabic has not received much attention in academic literature. The ability to comfortably thrive in more than one culture and language is certainly of importance for students in this age of global contact, exchange, and even strife. At a time of wars and frequent misunderstandings, cultural and linguistic tolerance and understanding between the Arab world and the West is paramount. Fortunately, more and more American students are signing up to study Arabic. Enrollments in Arabic at institutions of higher education in the United States increased 126% - more than any other language - between 2002 and 2006 (Furman, Goldberg, & Lusin, 2007). In order to understand Arabic language and culture well, it is generally accepted that students should spend time abroad in an Arabic-speaking country. The benefits of study abroad have long been praised (Carroll, 1967; Kinginger & Farrell, 2004; Berg et al., 2008). Contradictorily, however, there are not many American students who choose to study abroad in the Arab world each year (Gutierrez et al., 2009).
This paper presents the results of a research project that queried over 90 research participants who spent time on study abroad programs in the Arab world. These research participants completed an online questionnaire about their cultural and linguistic experiences abroad. This paper reports results pertaining to research participant difficulty in performing certain social and linguistic functions while abroad using an adapted instrument to measure acculturation from Ward & Kennedy (1999). The research participants were also asked about the amount of interaction in which they engaged with host nationals. Finally, research participants were asked about their use of Arabic language varieties. Results show that research participants were able to perform the social and linguistic functions with greater ease at the end of their study abroad programs. Results also showed that students who had exposure to spoken colloquial Arabic before arrival felt more acculturated at the beginning of their programs. Interestingly, research participants who interacted more with host nationals tended to speak more colloquial Arabic than the more formal variety. In addition, research participants in Egypt, Syria, and Jordan (to a lesser degree) had a greater desire to speak colloquial Arabic than those in Morocco and Yemen.
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Newman, Brian. "Who Supports Syrians? The Relative Importance of Religion, Partisanship, and Partisan News." PS: Political Science & Politics 51, no. 4 (May 15, 2018): 775–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096518000562.
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ABSTRACTWho supports allowing Syrian refugees into the United States? As a candidate, Donald Trump clearly opposed doing so. In contrast, religious leaders across the broad spectrum of religious traditions in the United States have drawn on sacred texts to call their people to action in response to the Syrian refugee crisis. Many explicitly ask the government to resettle Syrian refugees in the United States. Thus, many Republicans may have experienced cross-cutting pressures. Analyses of three surveys from 2015 and 2016 found that party identification, ideology, support for Trump, partisan-news consumption, religious-service attendance, age, and education predicted support for bringing Syrian refugees to the United States. Overall, the partisan and ideological variables were far more predictive of attitudes than religious variables. These results raise important questions about refugee politics and contexts in which religious forces conflict with partisan and ideological forces.
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Almontaser, Esmihan, and Steven L. Baumann. "The Syrian Refugee Crisis." Nursing Science Quarterly 30, no. 2 (March 24, 2017): 168–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0894318417693307.
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The civil war in Syria that began in 2011 has displaced millions of Syrians of all ages. While the number that have arrived in the United States is small in comparison to many other countries, it is important that nurses and other healthcare workers here understand that many of them have faced considerable trauma and endured stresses. Most of them are Muslims. Muslims in the United States and elsewhere represent a heterogeneous group of people with a long intellectual and cultural history. Islamic cultural patterns do pose unique barriers to a primarily Anglo-Saxon medical system that medical practitioners need to consider in order to avoid misunderstanding and provide culturally sensitive care. The authors discuss the Syrian refugee crisis and the experience of being a Muslim or Arab American patient in U.S. healthcare settings.
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Atari-Khan, Rawan, Anna Hope Covington, Lawrence H. Gerstein, Huda al Herz, Betsy R. Varner, Casey Brasfield, Bryan Shurigar, et al. "Concepts of Resilience Among Trauma-Exposed Syrian Refugees." Counseling Psychologist 49, no. 2 (January 7, 2021): 233–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011000020970522.
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Syrian refugees comprise the largest population of internally displaced people in the world, with about 18,000 Syrian refugees resettled in the United States from 2011 to 2016. Although many of these individuals experience trauma that can lead to different mental health problems, most are quite resilient. This qualitative study explores themes of resilience in Syrian refugees, and how these themes differ from Western ideas of resilience. Eight in-depth, semi-structured interviews were conducted with Syrian adults in the United States. Questions focused on three experiences: preflight, flight, and postflight. Interviews were conducted in Arabic with a bilingual translator. Thematic analysis was used to identify concepts of resilience. Themes that emerged included: life in Syria outside of conflict, life in Syria during war, seeking refuge, life in the United States, hardships and challenges, systemic failure, comparison between cultures, health and well-being, external sources of resilience, and internal sources of resilience. We discuss research and counseling implications of these results.
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MOHAMMADI, Azam. "A Comparative Comparison of the U.S. and Russian Foreign Policy and their Behavior Patterns in the Syrian Crisis." Journal in Humanities 9, no. 2 (February 18, 2021): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31578/hum.v9i2.423.
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The Syrian crisis has been one of the most critical developments in the international system since 2011, involving most international and regional actors. This crisis has undoubtedly been one of the most important arenas of confrontation between great powers such as the United States and Russia. This article examines the United States and Russia's behavioral patterns and policies in the Syrian crisis since 2011. It is hypothesized that Syria has strategic and vital interests for the United States and Russia. Therefore, a new arena has been created for competition between these two and other allies. The findings show that U.S. foreign policy in the Syrian crisis is based in its interests and other allies' interests, but pursuing unilateral policies and direct military intervention has been hampered by a number of international issues. Thus, they have to deal mainly with the developments in Syria indirectly. On the other hand, the situation is different for the Russians, and they have a maximum presence in Syria by forming alliances with actors such as Iran. They believe that the fall of the Assad government seriously endangers their interests, and therefore they try to prevent Opponents of the Assad government from gaining power in various ways.Keywords: Foreign Policy, Middle East, Syrian Crisis, United States, Russia
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Stopher, Lynn, Kourtney Kinsel, Aaron Rothbaum, and Susi Foerschler. "Legal Obligations, Obstacles and Alternative Theories to Admission of Syrian Refugees in the United States." AmeriQuests 12, no. 2 (February 19, 2017): 251. http://dx.doi.org/10.15695/amqst.v12i2.4337.
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This paper addresses the historical development and current context of the United States’ obligation to Syrian refugees. Part I discusses the historical context of the domestic approach to accepting refugees and displaced persons. Part II addresses the role of domestic courts in enforcing international obligations to accept refugees. Part III reflects additional obstacles facing Syrians who seek legal protection in the United States. Part IV provides commentary on an alternative to admission, Syrian safe zones.
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Blackwell, Stephen. "Britain, the United States and the Syrian crisis, 1957." Diplomacy & Statecraft 11, no. 3 (November 2000): 139–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592290008406174.
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Ogunnowo, Oluwaseyi Emmanuel, and Felix Chidozie. "International Law and Humanitarian Intervention in the Syrian Civil War: The Role of the United States." SAGE Open 10, no. 2 (April 2020): 215824402091953. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244020919533.
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This article interrogates the legality of American interventions in the Syrian conflict. The Syrian civil war stands as one of the most controversial conflicts of the 21st century, owing to the mass destruction of lives and properties and the multiplicity of interventions which have created numerous strands of the conflict. The United States as one of the intervening powers has shown support for the rebel forces geared at toppling the Assad government. The research adopts the qualitative method and utilizes the case study research design. The research makes use of secondary data as derived from academic journals, books, book chapters, newspapers, and so on and analyzes these data through the use of thematic analysis. The findings of the study reveal that the interventions of the United States are not legal. The study also finds that the United States possesses certain strategic interests in the Syrian conflict which it aims to achieve.
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Marchese, Nathaniel. "Syrian Revolution and Its Impact on US Foreign Policy." Open Journal for Studies in History 7, no. 1 (April 19, 2024): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.ojsh.0701.01001m.
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This article offers a comprehensive examination of the Syrian Revolution (2011-present) and its profound impact on United States foreign policy. Specifically, this study delves into the military and economic involvement of the United States in the conflict, analyzing the responses of both President Barack Obama and President Donald Trump to the evolving crisis in Syria. Furthermore, the article critically compares and contrasts the implications and consequences of the Syrian Revolution to other post-9/11 conflicts, shedding light on the unique dynamics of this particular uprising. Through an extensive review of academic literature, policy reports, and primary sources, this study highlights the multifaceted nature of US engagement in the Syrian Revolution. It explores the strategic motivations behind the United States’ military intervention, including its objectives to counter terrorism, protect regional allies, and address the humanitarian crisis. Moreover, the economic aspects of US involvement, such as sanctions and aid, are analyzed to provide a holistic understanding of the United States’ role in shaping the trajectory of the Syrian Revolution. This article also presents a comparative analysis of the responses of President Obama and President Trump to the Syrian crisis, unveiling distinct shifts in US foreign policy approaches. It explores the diplomatic, military, and humanitarian strategies pursued by the two administrations and assesses their effectiveness in resolving the conflict and advancing US national interests. Finally, this study offers a nuanced comparison of the impact and ramifications of the Syrian Revolution in relation to other post-9/11 conflicts. By drawing on contextual factors, geopolitical considerations, and regional dynamics, it elucidates the unique challenges and opportunities that the Syrian Revolution has presented to US foreign policy. The findings of this article contribute to the scholarly understanding of the Syrian Revolution and its underlying implications for US foreign policy. They also offer policymakers and analysts valuable insights into the complex interplay between domestic and international factors shaping US responses to conflicts in the Middle East and beyond.
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Badri, Malik. "Psychological Reflections on Ismail al-Faruqi’s Life and Contributions." American Journal of Islam and Society 31, no. 2 (April 1, 2014): 145–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v31i2.1052.
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Perhaps I am one of the few persons who can contemplate deeply upon thepsychosocial factors that shaped Ismail al-Faruqi’s life and helped transformhim into a great Muslim thinker. First, as a psychologist, I could clearly seefrom his career, as well as from his matchless linguistic ability and long personaldiscussions with him, that he was a highly intelligent and creative personwith a rare gift for perceiving a holistic picture of seemingly unrelatedaspects. Second, I am now an old man who lived in Lebanon and Jordan fromthe early 1950s until the late 1960s, interrupted only by the two years I spentin England pursuing my doctorate. I earned my BA and MA at the AmericanUniversity of Beirut (AUB) and then taught there after obtaining my doctorate.I am therefore well acquainted with the culture of Lebanon, Syria, andJordan, as well as with AUB’s academic and social life, during those years.Al-Faruqi joined AUB at an early age and was greatly influenced by what ithad to offer.Third, I was privileged to have long discussions and friendly talks withhim during my visits to the United States and his visit to Saudi Arabia. I firstmet him in Indianapolis in 1976 at the international annual conference organizedby the Muslim Students Association (MSA) and the Association of MuslimSocial Scientists (AMSS). We had long academic discussions onIslamization and the future of Islamic psychology. It was his idea that Muslimpsychologists in North America should form a psychology branch within theAMSS. I spent three months in Indianapolis, sharing the same house with therenowned scholar Taha Jabir al-Alwani. During these months I was asked to ...
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Tretyak, Sergey S. "The role of Turkey in the Syrian conflict: An analysis of the works of Russian scholars." Izvestiya of Saratov University. Sociology. Politology 21, no. 4 (November 22, 2021): 464–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2021-21-4-464-471.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of thematic frames within the Russian scholarly publications on Turkey’s participation in the Syrian conflict. The author highlights the following thematic blocks: the historical nature of Syrian-Turkish relations, the “Kurdish factor” of Turkish policy in the Syrian conflict, Russian-Turkish relations, relations between Turkey and the United States.
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Tsibikov, Viktor A. "The american factor in the activities of the modern syrian political opposition." USA & Canada Economics – Politics – Culture, no. 10 (December 15, 2023): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s2686673023100048.
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The difficult situation in Syria creates conditions for maintaining the activity of the political opposition, whose activities are considered in the context of its coordination by the leading states (Russia, the United States, Turkey and Qatar), ensuring their own national interests. As the participants of the Syrian political process come to a compromise, the opposition forces under their control will reduce their activity and political influence. Washington's national interests preclude reaching agreements with other interested states, primarily on the issue of the political status of territories uncontrolled by Damascus. It is predicted that with the loss of the protectorate of the patron states, the current main Syrian opposition movements will direct the vector of cooperation towards the United States or cease to exist.
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Mzayek, May. "Liminal Identity: Reconstruction of Syrian Identity in Trump's America." Practicing Anthropology 41, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 20–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/0888-4552.41.1.20.
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Abstract During November of 2016, the Electoral College elected Donald Trump as President of the United States of America. The following spring, I conducted research with Syrian refugees in Austin, Texas. Using liminality, or the space of uncertainty, I examined identity loss and change with Syrian refugees and within myself. As an immigrant from Syria, my identity was always an issue growing up in the United States, especially as my family struggled for years to attain citizenship. Trump's election evoked my past feelings of uncertainty regarding personhood. Understanding the political context and the challenges of resettlement, I conducted my thesis research in Austin, Texas, with Syrian refugees in order to examine changes in their identities. Their continued feelings of identity loss and change fortified their existence in a space I am very familiar with—liminality.
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Reibman, Max. "THE CASE OF WILLIAM YALE: CAIRO’S SYRIANS AND THE ARAB ORIGINS OF AMERICAN INFLUENCE IN THE POST-OTTOMAN MIDDLE EAST, 1917–19." International Journal of Middle East Studies 46, no. 4 (October 9, 2014): 681–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743814001019.
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AbstractThis article explores the American role in the Syrian political scene in Cairo toward the end of World War I and in its immediate aftermath. It challenges the absence of the United States and of American actors as primary players in much of the historical writing on the Middle East in this period. It illuminates a neglected episode of regional American diplomacy, argues that the United States was not relegated to the periphery in local debates surrounding the dismemberment of Ottoman Syria, and emphasizes the broader uncertainties that characterized the competition for Mandate territories in the Middle East prior to 1920. In doing so, it takes a close look at the long-forgotten reports of William Yale, the U.S. State Department's “Special Agent” in Cairo in late 1917, and situates them within evolving trends in Syrian-Arab politics. Yale, who surfaced in Egypt after serving with Standard Oil in Palestine, was the key Arabic-speaking American “on the spot” and proved to be an astute if imperfect observer of the diversity of Syrian national sentiment. A survey of his reports allows for a new perspective on Cairo's Syrians and their pragmatic and ideological turn toward the United States as World War I unfolded. Alienated from Britain and France, they looked increasingly to the United States, and the appeal of a postwar American trusteeship over Syria gained currency among émigré intellectuals and aspiring powerbrokers.
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Arabi, Mohammad, and AbdulGhani Sankri-Tarbichi. "The metrics of Syrian physicians′ brain drain to the United States." Avicenna Journal of Medicine 2, no. 1 (2012): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.4103/2231-0770.94802.
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Godfried, Nathan, and Bonnie F. Saunders. "The United States and Arab Nationalism: The Syrian Case, 1953-1960." Journal of American History 83, no. 3 (December 1996): 1085. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2945775.
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Kraidy, Marwan M. "Star Academy as Arab Political Satire." International Journal of Middle East Studies 40, no. 3 (August 2008): 369–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808080938.
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The previous excerpt is taken from a column by Syrian journalist Hakam al-Baba, published in the London-based Pan-Arab newspaper al-Quds al-ʿArabi. Al-Baba, a middle-aged Syrian journalist known for his biting sarcasm, has written some of the most perceptive critiques of Syrian and Arab media, including a famous 2005 article in the Syrian daily Tishreen, in which he relates his experience of harassment by the mukhābarāt. In the excerpted column, al-Baba uses the raging Pan-Arab controversies over reality TV for a critique of Arab political dependence on the United States.
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Mzayek, May. "Understanding waiting and wellbeing through liminal experiences of Syrian refugees." Migration Letters 16, no. 3 (July 1, 2019): 369–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v16i3.640.
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Using the anthropological concept of liminality, this paper describes an ethnographic study examining the wellbeing of Syrian refugees as they recount narratives of forced displacement and resettlement. The author observed 37 Syrian participants who had been relocated to Austin, Texas, United States, and interviewed 15 Syrian participants about their migration experiences. Through observation, interviews, and field notes, the author examines the refugees’ ideas of wellbeing during periods of peace, war and displacement, and resettlement. Throughout the displacement journey, Syrian refugees implemented resilience tactics to escape instances of waiting in order to reach their desired destination—resettlement.
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BOTHWELL, BEAU. "“For Thee America! For Thee Syria?”: Alexander Maloof, Orientalist Music, and the Politics of the Syrian Mahjar." Journal of the Society for American Music 14, no. 4 (November 2020): 383–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752196320000310.
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AbstractIn 1894 Syrian émigré Alexander Maloof arrived in the United States to join the thriving community in New York's “Syrian Quarter.” Working first as a music instructor and pianist, Maloof found success as a bandleader, composer, arranger, and publisher, integrating Arabic and US popular music and light classical styles. He wrote and edited Arabic-language piano songbooks for the Arabophone communities in the United States, and ran the Maloof Records label, the “Oriental” division of the Gennett Company's “race records” enterprise. Drawing on Arabic-language discourse from around the Syrian mahjar (diaspora), this article uses Maloof's output to demonstrate music's role in the vibrant and contested political conversations taking place in Arabic around the world, from the homelands around Beirut and Damascus, to the initial Syrian settlements in Cairo and Paris, to the American colonies in Sao Paulo, Buenos Aires and New York. Concluding with a discussion of the 1919 “American Maid” (composed under a pseudonym), I argue that a thorough understanding of the history of Orientalist popular music in the Americas requires a decentering of European American audiences in order to examine those questions animating the New York mahjar, most centrally the political fate of greater Syria.
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Khidhir, Zainaddin Mawlood. "Theoretical Analysis of the U.S. Foreign Policy Towards Kurds in Syria After 2011." Journal of University of Raparin 9, no. 5 (December 29, 2022): 53–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(9).no(5).paper3.
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The United States' new foreign policy, which includes abandoning America's Kurdish friends and a new strategy on how the US should execute military interventions, as well as the "America First" ethos, has triggered a humanitarian and military catastrophe for Syrian Kurds. Despite the prevalence of study on American strategy in Syria and towards Syrian Kurds, there is a noticeable lack of comprehensive research explaining and evaluating the growing connections. This paper argues that deciphering these patterns necessitates a deep understanding of regional politics and a thorough engagement with the vast IR research. In this context, it is essential to look at the nature, limitations, and constraints of the Kurdish-US relationship, which is the Kurds' most powerful ally. For the present study, a theoretical framework is chosen to analyse US foreign policy comprehensively. This is a qualitative research report based on a case study. The case for this paper is the United States' foreign policy toward Syrian Kurds, as seen through several international theories, particularly realism and liberalism. The suggested study aims to explain why the US overlooked Syrian Kurds at the start of the Syrian crisis, why the US worked with and backed Syrian Kurds or SDF till 2019, and why the US abandoned or deserted the Syrian Kurds after a foreign policy shift. To sum up, scholarly reports show mixed results, with some claiming that the US decision to abandon Syrian Kurds was well-informed. In contrast, others suggest that if the decision is made without caution, it will do more harm than good to America's long-term ally, who played a critical role in the fight against the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria.
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Mamedov, Ruslan Sh. "Eastern Mediterranean and the Syrian issue in the foreign policy priorities of Russia and the United States." Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 24, no. 1 (March 21, 2024): 88–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2024-24-1-88-97.
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Russian and foreign specialists continue to maintain their research interest in the Eastern Mediterranean, both in view of the energy potential of the region as well as unresolved security issues. This article considers the role of global powers – Russia and the United States – in the Eastern Mediterranean from the point of view of the theory of the regional securitycomplex. An attempt was made to determine the interests and priorities of Moscow and Washington on the basis of an analysis of the doctrinal approaches of both states in the identified subcomplex. Approaches of the two states to the Syrian issue were analyzed as well. The subordination of the “Syrian portfolio” to other policy issues of Russia and the United States is shown, as well as global powers’ policy evolution towards this key crisis for world politics. Despite the strategic desire to stabilize the region and exit from regional conflicts, Russia and the United States retain interests that will require their presence, albeit limited. The article indicates the influence of the states of other sub-complexes of the Middle East regional security, primarily the Persian Gulf, on the Levant and, more broadly, the mesoregion of the Eastern Mediterranean, as well as the growing weight of regional powers in general.
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Darawsheh, Wesam B., Megan Bewernitz, Sawsan Tabbaa, and Michael Justiss. "Factors Shaping Occupational Injustice among Resettled Syrian Refugees in the United States." Occupational Therapy International 2022 (June 20, 2022): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2022/2846896.
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Background. There have been a limited number of studies that have focused on factors which shape the experiences of resettlement and occupational injustice among refugee populations. Purpose. To explore the factors that shape the living difficulties of Syrian refugees who were lawfully admitted into the United States and ways whereby they might interfere with shaping occupational injustice. Method. Mixed methodologies were incorporated. The living difficulty scale for refugees (LDSR) was disseminated. Semistructured interviews were conducted, and fieldnotes were collected as sources of qualitative data. Results. 254 participants (mean age 36.2 ± 9.6 yrs; 159 females and 95 males) completed the survey, and nine of them participated in the semistructured interviews. Age ( p < 0.01 ), region ( p < 0.001 ), and time in the United States ( p < 0.05 ) had significant effects on the experiences of the participants, but not gender ( p = 0.308 ). Occupational injustice is an outcome of an interaction between interpersonal and contextual factors. Practice Implications. Occupational therapists need to assume a vital role in maximizing opportunities of engagement in meaningful occupations for Syrian refugees to counteract occupational injustice and difficulties associated with resettlement.
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Kurtzer, Daniel C. "Levant Affairs: Reaching for the Heights: The Inside Story of a Secret Attempt to Reach a Syrian-Israeli Peace, by Frederic C. Hof (book review)." Middle East Journal 76, no. 3 (December 1, 2022): 417–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/76.3.306.
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Zab Un Nisa, Gul e Zahra, and Syed Waqas Ali Bokhari. "The Syrian Peace Process: How Syria Can attain Perpetual Peace?" Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review V, no. III (September 30, 2020): 78–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2020(v-iii).09.
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The Civil wars only can end by the total victory of one party against the other or through the table-talks. The progress about the political settlement of the Syrian crisis has stalled, and the Syrian regime did not show preparedness to accompanying its opponents. The regime cannot provoke directly with turkey and United States to asserts its influence in the north and eastern part of Syria. There is no political peace process to bring the fruits to date. As laid out under the United Nations Security Council UNSC in pursuance of 2254 resolution, the Geneva process has stuck. The mediation process under the United Nations is centrally focusing on establishing the legally bounded committee with the equal presentation of all stakeholders in this legal body or committee, significantly the regime, the opposition and the civil society inside Syria. The resolution was passed totally in December 2015, the said resolution drawn on four steps to ensuring the long-lasting resolution of the Syrian conflict.
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Gold, Steven J. "International Students in the United States." Society 53, no. 5 (August 24, 2016): 523–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12115-016-0060-2.
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Bolliger, Monika. "Writing Syrian History While Propagating Arab Nationalism." Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 3, no. 2 (September 1, 2011): 96–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2011.030206.
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This article argues that Syrian history textbooks promote the formation of Syrian national identity, although their explicit objective is to propagate Arab nationalism. Their authors' attempt to construct the history of an imagined Arab nation encompassing the whole of the Arab world in fact tells the story of different nation-states. Syrian students are therefore confronted with rival geographical spheres of national imagination. Changes in the new textbooks under Bashar al-Asad reveal increased Syrian patriotism, a will to comply with globalization, and attempts to maintain Arab nationalism.
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Gowayed, Heba. "Diverging by Gender: Syrian Refugees’ Divisions of Labor and Formation of Human Capital in the United States." Gender & Society 33, no. 2 (January 2, 2019): 251–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891243218819753.
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In this article, I examine how Syrian refugee men and women shifted their household divisions of labor in their initial years of resettlement in the United States. I combine and extend relational approaches from gender theory and economic sociology to examine how men’s and women’s behaviors shifted, the resources engendered by behavioral shifts, and how they interpreted and compensated for new behaviors and resources. I show that shifts in Syrian household divisions of labor occurred at the intersection of inequalities in social policies, labor markets, and households. As a result of limited social assistance, the refugee families needed to earn an income within months of their arrival. The Syrian men entered the labor market, in keeping with a breadwinning expectation for their labor, but could only access menial jobs that limited their time and opportunity to learn English. Women, meanwhile, did not enter the labor market full-time and could attend English classes. By observing this divergence in men’s and women’s language learning, I theorize human capital as a gendered outcome of household divisions of labor.
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Faisol, Yufni, Syofyan Hadi, and Reflinaldi Reflinaldi. "Idiulūjiyyah wasāʼil al-iʽlām al-jamāhīriyyah al-Indūnisiyyah ʽibar al-internet fi naql akhbār aş-şirāʽ as-siyāsī fī asy-syarq al-awsaţ." Heritage of Nusantara: International Journal of Religious Literature and Heritage 10, no. 1 (May 31, 2021): 137–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31291/hn.v10i1.604.
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This study aims to explore the forms of information reproduction in online mass media, with specific issues on Middle East conflicts. The present study adopts a qualitative descriptive model. The data were collected from the news reports on the Syrian conflicts by some leading online news platforms such as Republika, Kompas and Tempo. The data were taken from January to October 2018 and were analyzed using the qualitative analysis stages of the Miles and Huberman model. The research findings indicate that each mass media has differences in reproducing Middle East conflict information, in terms of their data source and point of view of news reporting. Republika tends to take the opposition's point of view to the Syrian government so that it puts the United States and its allies as its main subject. On the contrary, Kompas departed from the point of view of sympathy for the Syrian government and its allies, jeopardizing the United States and its allies in reporting. The third media, Tempo, takes the point of view of narrating events chronologically and focuses a lot on humanitarian issues in the news they deliver.
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Subkhi, Syukron, and Harmiyati Harmiyati. "PERAN UNHCR (UNITED NATIONS HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR REFUGEES) DALAM MENANGANI MASALAH PENGUNGSI SURIAH DI YUNANI (2014 – 2019)." Paradigma: Jurnal Masalah Sosial, Politik, dan Kebijakan 24, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 523. http://dx.doi.org/10.31315/paradigma.v24i1.5027.
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The internal conflict in Syria took place since March 23, 2011. The anti-government period held a large demonstration in Daraa, Syria. This demonstration started the internal conflict between the Syrian Government and the opposition. The opposition group is a community movement demanding the resignation of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. The role of the UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) is needed to provide protection, and effective long-term solutions for Syrian refugees in Greece. Greece is the only gateway for Syrian refugees to enter European territory, after the Balkan countries and several other European countries shut down to accept refugees. Based on this background, this research found one problem formulation, namely how the role of UNHCR in dealing with Syrian refugees in Greece. In general, UNHCR has played a role in dealing with Syrian refugees in Greece, UNHCR carried out its role as; Instrument, by enforcing the 1951 UN Convention on refugees to member states; Arena, organizes various meetings and conferences to solve refugee problems; and Independent Actors namely meeting basic needs, clothing, food and shelter as well as refugee supervision. The role of UNHCR which can be seen to be very significant in overcoming the problem of Syrian refugees in Greece is as an independent actor which from the year of UNHCR's involvement directly in the field, provided an increase in the quality of life for Syrian refugees. While the UNHCR's obstacle was in upholding UNHCR member countries' compliance with the 1951 UN Convention.
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CORTEN, OLIVIER. "The ‘Unwilling or Unable’ Test: Has it Been, and Could it be, Accepted?" Leiden Journal of International Law 29, no. 3 (June 22, 2016): 777–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156516000315.
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AbstractOn 23 September 2014, the United States of America sent a letter to the Security Council justifying the launch of an air campaign against the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) on Syrian territory. In this letter, the US referred to a formula that appeared a few years ago in certain scholarly writings: the ‘unwilling or unable’ test. The aim of this article is to show that this test has not been accepted by the international community of states as a whole in the Syrian case. It is also to stress that such an acceptance would lead to a radical transformation of thejus contra bellumregime, one that a large majority of states is probably not ready to accept.
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Fahrenthold, Stacy D. "Former Ottomans in the ranks: pro-Entente military recruitment among Syrians in the Americas, 1916–18." Journal of Global History 11, no. 1 (February 8, 2016): 88–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022815000364.
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AbstractFor half a million ‘Syrian’ Ottoman subjects living outside the empire, the First World War initiated a massive political rift with Istanbul. Beginning in 1916, Syrian and Lebanese emigrants from both North and South America sought to enlist, recruit, and conscript immigrant men into the militaries of the Entente. Employing press items, correspondence, and memoirs written by émigré recruiters during the war, this article reconstructs the transnational networks that facilitated the voluntary enlistment of an estimated 10,000 Syrian emigrants into the armies of the Entente, particularly the United States Army after 1917. As Ottoman nationals, many Syrian recruits used this as a practical means of obtaining American citizenship and shedding their legal ties to Istanbul. Émigré recruiters folded their military service into broader goals for ‘Syrian’ and ‘Lebanese’ national liberation under the auspices of American political support.
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Schulte, Ann C., Susan S. Osborne, and William P. Erchul. "Special education in the United States: effective special education: a United States dilemma." Educational and Child Psychology 15, no. 1 (1998): 84–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.53841/bpsecp.1998.15.1.84.
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This article offers an overview of special education legislation and a description of how special education services are typically provided in the U. S. Research regarding special education efficacy is reviewed, with an emphasis on interventions designed to improve the academic functioning of students with mild, high incidence disabilities. Promising instructional interventions for these students are discussed and critiqued, and implications for the school psychologist are presented.
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Montgomery, Sara. "The United Nations: Implications of Soft Power." Political Science Undergraduate Review 2, no. 1 (October 15, 2016): 61–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur65.
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The United Nations is often looked to for guidance in conflict prevention and intervention, but its lack of hard power has proven to be extremely limiting. Although the United Nations has been a major improvement from the League of Nations, its ability to maintain world peace is restricted by the aspirations of its member states. The Security Council is especially significant, made up of the United States, the United Kingdom, France, China and Russia. Each state in the Security Council has the ability to veto any initiative proposed by the United Nations. Additionally, the United Nations cannot take action without leadership from one or more of its states, and many states are hesitant to sacrifice their military resources even in the event of major human rights violations. This hesitancy to intervene is especially evident in the case study of the Rwandan genocide, but can also be seen in the Cold War and the Syrian Civil War, amongst other conflicts.
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Talmon, Stefan. "The United States under President Trump: Gravedigger of International Law." Chinese Journal of International Law 18, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 645–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/chinesejil/jmz023.
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Abstract The United States’ recognition of Israeli sovereignty over the Syrian Golan has been widely considered a flagrant breach of international law. This illegal act gives reason to examine the relationship between the United States under President Trump and international law more generally. Unlike its predecessors, the Trump administration has not just violated international law whenever U.S. economic, political, or strategic interests demanded it to do so, it has rather challenged international law and its institutions as such, and has actively undermined them. The attitude of the Trump administration towards international law and its institutions is marked by an unparalleled contempt or disdain. This article delivers a powerful “J’accuse” against this international law nihilism.
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ŞEN, Osman, and Mehmet ŞAHİN. "Miscalculation in Proxy War: The United States and Russia in Syrian Civil War from the Neoclassical Realist Perspective." Gazi Akademik Bakış 14, no. 27 (December 10, 2020): 243–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.19060/gav.839015.
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This article aims to puzzle why the leading military power of the world, namely the United States, was pushed back from the negotiating table in the Syrian Civil War, and conversely, how and why the world’s declining power, namely Russia, became the sole actor in that conflict. The article will try to answer this question from the neoclassical realist perspective. In this perspective, states do not always act rationally. Instead, they can fail because of miscalculations. The United States, in this respect, miscalculated on the Syrian Civil War as well as its domestic politics. In contrast, Russia behaved in accordance with its strategic culture, which resulted in its dominance both in the field and in diplomacy. The systemic stimulus, which is the independent variable, forces both countries to form alliances in the civil war. The
domestic actors of both countries, which are the intervening variables, diversified the systemic stimuli in opposite directions. While the US political elite was misguided due to the divided structure, the Russian elite was more unified, which resulted in outcomes in favor of the latter.
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Avatkov, V., and R. Guzaerov. "The Syria crisis in Turkey’s foreign policy." Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 1 (2023): 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2023-1-111-125.
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The article analyzes Turkey’s policy in the framework of the Syrian crisis. The Arab Spring brought dramatic changes to the region, and Syria has since become an area of never ending conflict. At the first stage of the war in Syria, Ankara demonstrated a moderate position in relation to the events in that country, but it soon turned to harsh criticism of the B.Assad regime. Special attention is paid to Turkish military operations in Syria. The interaction with Russia and the United States within the framework of the Syrian settlement is analyzed. The issue of Syrian refugees and their impact on Turkey EU relations are also discussed. It is concluded that in the context of the 2023 elections Ankara has moved to a more constructive position on the Syrian crisis.
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Rustamova, L. R. "Evolution of the Syrian Peace Process and the Position of the “Key” States Regarding the Syria’s Return to the Arab Fold." Journal of Law and Administration 19, no. 3 (October 30, 2023): 15–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2023-3-68-15-27.
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Introduction: The Syrian conflict remains one of the most acute unresolved conflicts of our time. Its internationalization, the active intervention of foreign states, especially the United States and Turkey in the dynamics of the conflict and their military presence on Syrian territory, remain obstacles to the settlement. However, the spring of 2023 was marked by a number of political events in the Middle East, which allow us to take a fresh look at the prospects for the Syrian peace process. Against the backdrop of increasing Israeli strikes against Syria, a serious strengthening of Iran's position and cross-border security threats spreading from Syria in the face of deteriorating socio-economic indicators in Syria due to Western sanctions, the leading Arab countries began to reconsider their relations with earlier rejected by them President B. Assad and started negotiations on the "return" of Syria to the Arab family. Materials and methods: Russian and foreign studies on the Syrian peace process, news sources of the world media were used as materials for writing the article. The methodological base was made up of discourse analysis and a comparative analysis of the approaches of the largest regional powers to the issue of resolving the Syrian conflict. Research results: The admission of Syria to the League of Arab States, the opening of diplomatic missions of Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates and Oman in Syria allow us to conclude that the peace process is now in the hands of the countries of the Middle East region. The peace process also no longer consists of negotiations between the regional countries involved in the conflict and the Syrian government solely over the political structure of Syria, but rather consists of negotiations on the conditions for the legitimization of the Syrian authorities. Discussion and conclusion: At the same time, the role of Russia in the peace process is to organize negotiations between Syria and a number of the most authoritative Middle Eastern states: Turkey and Iran, in order to find acceptable conditions for the normalization and withdrawal of their troops from the territory of Syria in exchange for guarantees of their security and maintaining a certain balance of their interests in Syria and the Middle East region as a whole. The existing joint foreign policy interests in other regions of Russia with Turkey and Iran built interdependence relations and gave Moscow certain levers of influence on them in the Syrian negotiation process, which makes it an influential participant in the settlement of the conflict.
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Sever, Ayegül, and Radiye Funda Karadeniz. "A Wall of Despair: The Interplay of the Turkish Wall and Foreign Policy in Syria." Middle East Journal 77, no. 1 (July 1, 2023): 9–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/77.1.11.
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The wall constructed along the Turkish-Syrian border is one of the new wave of border barriers built in the twenty-first century and represents a radical shift in Turkey's Middle East policy. The decision to erect the "Turkish Wall" was the result of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's government's desire to improve relations with the European Union, Russia, and the United States in the context of the Syrian Civil War. This article uses the concept of "fortified boundaries" as its framework to analyze the transformed border.
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AKYEŞILMEN, Nezir, Vanessa Tinker, and Mohammed Ishmeal. "Turkey-US Relations in the Context of the Syrian Conflict: from Cooperation to Confrontation." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 13 (December 31, 2020): 79–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2020.1.5.
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Turkey and the United States of America have been strategic partners for over seven decades. Nevertheless, their relationship has not always been a smooth one, and the two countries have encountered temporary bilateral crises from time to time. In spite of the challenges, over the years, the NATO allies – the United States and Turkey have continued to reaffirm their commitment to cooperate with each other as “strategic partners.” However, the ensuing Syrian crisis has brought the relationship between the allies to an all-time historic low. This study examines Turkey-US relations in the context of the ongoing Syrian conflict using a conflict analysis framework. With this framework, we analyze the historical background, identify the root causes of the crisis and conduct an actor analysis. Based on our findings, we provide policy recommendations to de-escalate and transform the current crisis in US-Turkey relations in order to both restore their mutual trust and find new ways to cooperate as strategic partners.
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Bavery, Ashley Johnson. "Lifetimes of Instability: the Consequences of Excluding Syrian Boys on the Progressive Era US-Mexico Border." Mashriq & Mahjar: Journal of Middle East & North African Migration Studies 11, no. 2 (June 27, 2024): 12–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.24847/v11i22024.401.
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In the first decade of the twentieth century, United States immigration inspectors at the US-Mexico border excluded hundreds of young Syrians, turning many toward unstable lives as unauthorized migrants in North America. Inspectors combined Progressive Era concerns about child labor with orientalist and racist views of migrants from the Ottoman Empire to conclude that unaccompanied young Syrians posed a threat to the American family and workplace and should be sent back across the Atlantic. And while some excluded boys did return to Syria, the majority found ways to enter the United States without authorization. Some sought the help of smugglers and others obtained falsified papers that claimed uncles, brothers, and family friends as their fathers and accompanied them across the border. While these tactics worked, illicit border crossing launched young migrants into an unauthorized life marked by precarity and fear. In fact, oral histories conducted by the author have revealed that young boys who entered the United States without authorization often ended up in unstable professions connected to urban underworlds. Ultimately, this article seeks to demonstrate the ways hardline immigration policies of the early twentieth century targeting young boys set them on paths toward precarity as they navigated lives in the United States.
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Feen-Calligan, Holly, Lana Ruvolo Grasser, Jenna Debryn, Sara Nasser, Corryn Jackson, Dana Seguin, and Arash Javanbakht. "Art therapy with Syrian refugee youth in the United States: An intervention study." Arts in Psychotherapy 69 (July 2020): 101665. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.aip.2020.101665.
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Hafsa, Lanouar Ben. "The Plight of Syrian Refugees in the United States: Between Indifference and Dehumanization." International Journal of Social Science Studies 12, no. 3 (June 5, 2024): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v12i3.6953.
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Forced or voluntary migration worldwide and the quest for a safer and better life has not always resulted from armed conflicts or any form of political, ethnic, or religious persecution. Natural disasters have often enticed waves of deprived people across sovereign national borders. The present study investigates the plight of Syrian refugees in the aftermath of the 2011 upheavals which shook the Arab World, not as much because it poses unprecedented humanitarian and political challenges, but principally because it laid bare the double standard policy pursued by certain Western governments scapegoating Arab/Muslim stocks as a lingering menace to their security. To reconfigure the boundaries of decent debate and break down taboos over such a controversial issue, the paper raises a number of questions with regard to the essence of humanitarian work and how, over the past few decades, it has been politicized by ruthless politicians and unscrupulous technocrats to determine the resettlement of displaced masses or the allocation of funds to international relief organizations based on national, religious, and even racial standards. It takes the United States as a case in point to show how, despite being the largest donor of humanitarian assistance to Syrian refugees, it has resettled only a tiny fraction of such a group compared to poorer contiguous states. The paper posits, finally, to contribute survey-based argument to available literature which, to some degree, has not sufficiently explored the hypothetical connection between refugee flows and transnational terrorism to demonstrate, ultimately, that not every Arab/Muslim refugee is a terrorist-in-waiting.