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Journal articles on the topic 'Syrian Jews'
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1
Álvarez Suárez, Alejandra, and Francisco Del Río Sánchez. "THE CURRENT SYRIAN POPULAR VIEW OF THE JEWS." Levantine Review 2, no. 2 (December 15, 2013): 108. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/lev.v2i2.5359.
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The remaining small Jewish communities of Syria run the risk of disappearing completely due to the marginalization suffered as a consequence of the political situation since 1948. The Eli Cohen affair (1965,) the Six-Day War (1967,) and the Yom Kippur War (1973) made the Baathist authorities of the country consider definitively the Syrian Jews as suspected Zionists or Zionist sympathizers. Nevertheless, in Syrian popular perceptions, the view of the Jews and Judaism did not always coincide with the ideology and propaganda emanating from the regime. In fact it is very interesting to note how good memories of times past, about an erstwhile coexistence with members of the Jewish community, still survive among many Syrians, both Muslims and Christians, belonging to the so-called “urban middle class.” This paper evaluates some examples, in the forms of anecdotes, popular sayings and proverbs, dealing with the Jews, and popularized in Syrian colloquialisms, in order to reveal some of the popular views of Judaism and Jews within Syrian society.
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Фомичёва, Софья Владимировна. "Nineveh Israel: How the Christian Exegetes of the Book of Jonah Interpret Historical Events." Библия и христианская древность, no. 1(13) (July 2, 2022): 68–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/bca.2022.13.1.003.
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Большинство христианских экзегетов I-V вв. в своих интерпретациях Книги пророка Ионы обращаются к теме противостояния Ниневии и Израиля, трактуя его таким образом, что ниневитяне являются прообразом язычников, поверивших в Христа, в то время как иудеи Его отвергли. В статье рассматривается вопрос, соотносят ли экзегеты это духовное противостояние с реальным, военным противостоянием ниневитян и евреев - завоеванием Ассирией Северного царства Израиля (722/721 г. до н. э.). Выявлено, что только два экзегета IV в. - сирийский богослов Ефрем Сирин и греческий экзегет Феодор Мопсуестийский обращаются к этим историческим событиям. Это свидетельствует, несмотря на разницу в жанрах, об использовании сходного метода интерпретации книги пророка Ионы - исторической экзегезе. Однако оценка этих событий у богословов прямо противоположна. Для Ефрема уничтожение Северного царства - это естественное следствие нечестивого поведения евреев по сравнению с праведным покаянием ниневитян. Он рассматривает эти драматические исторические события как проявление заместительного богословия, согласно которому языческие народы заменили избранный народ. В то же время греческий богослов Феодор Мопсуестийский, в отличие от прп. Ефрема Сирина, оценивает завоевание Ассирией Израиля резко негативно, подчёркивая, что ниневитяне впоследствии понесли заслуженное наказание за свои греховные деяния. В статье показывается, что такая разница во взглядах связана с особенностями подхода богословов к иудеям. Прп. Ефрем Сирин является выразителем острой антииудейской полемики, в рамках которой рассматривает библейскую историю Ионы и ниневитян, в то время как Феодор Мопсуестийский с его учением о «смягченном заместительном богословии» отличается некоторой симпатией к иудеям. Most Christian exegetes of the 1st-5th centuries in their interpretations of the Book of the Prophet Jonah concern the confrontation between Nineveh and Israel, interpreting it in such a way that the Ninevites are the prototype of the Gentiles who believed in Christ, while the Jews rejected Him. The present publication focuses on the question of whether the exegetes juxtapose this spiritual confrontation with real, military confrontation between the Ninevites and the Jews - Assyria’s conquest of the Northern Kingdom of Israel (722/721 BCE). In sum, only two exegetes of the 4th century - the Syrian theologian Ephraim the Syrian and the Greek exegete Theodore of Mopsuestia concern these historical events. It makes clear that two theologians in their interpretations of the Book of the Prophet Jonah use a similar tool of historical exegesis, despite the difference in genres. However, two exegetes demonstrate an opposite approach to the historical events. For Ephraim, the destruction of the Northern Kingdom is a result of the wicked behavior of the Jews compared to the righteous repentance of the Ninevites. The Syriac exegete examine the conquest as an illustration of theology of supersessionism, according to which the pagan peoples replaced the chosen people of Jews. Unlike St. Ephraim the Syrian, the Greek theologian Theodore of Mopsuestia evaluate the Assyrian conquest of Israel very negatively, emphasizing that the Ninevites subsequently endure appropriate punishment for their sinful deeds. The paper attempts to present that such a difference in opinions could be a result of a different attitude of two theologians towards the Jews. St. Ephraim the Syrian interprets the biblical story of Jonah and the Ninevites within the framework of his sharp anti-Jewish polemics, while Theodore of Mopsuestia with his doctrine of «mitigated supersessionism» is distinguished by some sympathy for the Jews.
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Alkhaled, Mohamad. "The Survival of Sharia Islamic Divorce Law in the Syrian and Egyptian Personal Status Laws." DÍKÉ 5, no. 1 (September 1, 2021): 190–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/dike.2021.05.01.13.
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The family law was not codified in both Syria and Egypt until 1917 when the Ottomans issued the Ottoman Family Rights Law, which applied to Muslims, Christians, and Jews each according to its provisions. This Ottoman Family Rights Law and the book of the Egyptian scholar Muhammad Qadri Pasha (‘Legal Ruling on Personal Status’) formed the first core of personal status laws in both Egypt and Syria, which s explains the survival of Islamic law to this day in personal status laws, in contrast to other branches of law. This paper presents a comparative study between the Egyptian Personal Status Law No. 25 of 1920, and the Syrian Personal Status Law No. 59 of 1953, regarding divorce provisions.
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Zenner, Walter P. "Middleman Minorities in the Syrian Mosaic." Sociological Perspectives 30, no. 4 (October 1987): 400–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389211.
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In this article, an aspect of the “middleman minority” situation will be explored: How do individuals of different minorities interact when they are competing within a single social field. The case that will be used here is that of the competition of Christians and Jews in Late Ottoman Syria for certain positions attached to the government and for key roles in international trade. Image management in the present instance includes stigmatization of one's rivals. The implications of this case for other studies of minorities is considered.
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Wakim, Jamal. "Why Syria Considers Israel an Existential Threat." Contemporary Arab Affairs 13, no. 2 (June 2020): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2020.13.2.81.
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This article argues that Syria considers Israel as an existential threat and that peace or coexistence between the two sides is impossible in the long run, due to the fact that Syria’s perception of its own history and identity, as an entity that consists of a majority belonging to one ethnicity, (90 percent Arabs), and various religious groups, is in direct conflict with Israel’s perception of its own history (80 percent Jews from various ethnicities). This renders Syrian national security in direct conflict with Israel’s perception of its national security. In addition, both sides are competing over the same sphere of influence which is Greater Syria. This has rendered any reconciliation impossible between the two sides and has led to a continuous struggle with the failure of all efforts to establish peace and end the conflict between them.
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Campbell, Alan D. "THE MONETARY SYSTEM, TAXATION, AND PUBLICANS IN THE TIME OF CHRIST." Accounting Historians Journal 13, no. 2 (September 1, 1986): 131–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/0148-4184.13.2.131.
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The Jews used bars and rings of gold and silver as money prior to using coins. Syrian, Roman, and Jewish coins were used during the time of Christ. The Roman Government imposed a tremendous tax burden upon its subjects. The people of Israel also had to pay a tax to the temple. Publicans, or tax collectors, were well known for their corruption. Thus, the Jews had utter contempt for publicans. Christ paid his share of taxes and taught that it was right to do so even under the corrupt system of the Romans.
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Sokol, Scott M., and Kay Kaufman Shelemay. "Let Jasmine Rain Down: Song and Remembrance among Syrian Jews." Notes 56, no. 2 (December 1999): 426. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/900031.
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Kunin, S. D., and Kay Kaufman Shelemay. "Let Jasmine Rain Down: Song and Remembrance among Syrian Jews." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 5, no. 4 (December 1999): 684. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2661212.
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Katz, Israel J., and Kay Kaufman Shelemay. "Let Jasmine Rain down: Song and Remembrance among Syrian Jews." Ethnomusicology 44, no. 3 (2000): 513. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/852498.
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Seroussi, Edwin, and Kay Kaufman Shelemay. "Let Jasmine Rain Down: Song and Remembrance among Syrian Jews." Yearbook for Traditional Music 32 (2000): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3185253.
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Rice, Timothy. "Let Jasmine Rain Down: Song and Remembrance among Syrian Jews." American Ethnologist 28, no. 1 (February 2001): 226–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.2001.28.1.226.
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Peretz, Hava, Avital Mulai, Sali Usher, Ariella Zivelin, Avihai Segal, Zahavi Weisman, Moshe Mittelman, et al. "The Two Common Mutations Causing Factor XI Deficiency in Jews Stem From Distinct Founders: One of Ancient Middle Eastern Origin and Another of More Recent European Origin." Blood 90, no. 7 (October 1, 1997): 2654–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1182/blood.v90.7.2654.2654_2654_2659.
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Previous studies showed that factor XI (FXI) deficiency commonly observed in Ashkenazi Jews is caused by two similarly frequent mutations, type II (Glu117stop) and type III (Phe283Leu) with allele frequencies of 0.0217 and 0.0254, respectively. In Iraqi Jews, who represent the ancient gene pool of Jews, only the type II mutation was observed with an allele frequency of 0.0167. In this study we sought founder effects for each mutation by examination of four FXI gene polymorphisms enabling haplotype analysis in affected Jewish patients of Ashkenazi, Iraqi, and other origins and in Arab patients. Initial population surveys of 387 Middle Eastern Jews (excluding Iraqi Jews), 560 North African/Sephardic Jews, and 382 Arabs revealed allele frequencies for the type II mutation of 0.0026, 0.0027, and 0.0065, respectively. In contrast, the type III mutation was not detected in any of these populations. All 60 independent chromosomes bearing the type III mutation were solely observed in Ashkenazi Jewish patients and were characterized by a relatively rare haplotype. All 103 independent chromosomes bearing the type II mutation in patients of Ashkenazi, Iraqi, Yemenite, Syrian, and Moroccan Jewish origin and of Arab origin were characterized by another distinct haplotype that was rare among normal Ashkenazi Jewish, Iraqi Jewish, and Arab chromosomes. These findings constitute the first example of a mutation common to Ashkenazi Jews, non-Ashkenazi Jews, and Arabs and are consistent with the origin of type II mutation in a founder before the divergence of the major segments of Jews. Our findings also indicate that the type III mutation arose more recently in an Ashkenazi Jewish individual.
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Kligman, Mark. "The Bible, Prayer, and Maqam: Extra-Musical Associations of Syrian Jews." Ethnomusicology 45, no. 3 (2001): 443. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/852866.
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Peretz, Hava, Avital Mulai, Sali Usher, Ariella Zivelin, Avihai Segal, Zahavi Weisman, Moshe Mittelman, et al. "The Two Common Mutations Causing Factor XI Deficiency in Jews Stem From Distinct Founders: One of Ancient Middle Eastern Origin and Another of More Recent European Origin." Blood 90, no. 7 (October 1, 1997): 2654–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1182/blood.v90.7.2654.
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Abstract Previous studies showed that factor XI (FXI) deficiency commonly observed in Ashkenazi Jews is caused by two similarly frequent mutations, type II (Glu117stop) and type III (Phe283Leu) with allele frequencies of 0.0217 and 0.0254, respectively. In Iraqi Jews, who represent the ancient gene pool of Jews, only the type II mutation was observed with an allele frequency of 0.0167. In this study we sought founder effects for each mutation by examination of four FXI gene polymorphisms enabling haplotype analysis in affected Jewish patients of Ashkenazi, Iraqi, and other origins and in Arab patients. Initial population surveys of 387 Middle Eastern Jews (excluding Iraqi Jews), 560 North African/Sephardic Jews, and 382 Arabs revealed allele frequencies for the type II mutation of 0.0026, 0.0027, and 0.0065, respectively. In contrast, the type III mutation was not detected in any of these populations. All 60 independent chromosomes bearing the type III mutation were solely observed in Ashkenazi Jewish patients and were characterized by a relatively rare haplotype. All 103 independent chromosomes bearing the type II mutation in patients of Ashkenazi, Iraqi, Yemenite, Syrian, and Moroccan Jewish origin and of Arab origin were characterized by another distinct haplotype that was rare among normal Ashkenazi Jewish, Iraqi Jewish, and Arab chromosomes. These findings constitute the first example of a mutation common to Ashkenazi Jews, non-Ashkenazi Jews, and Arabs and are consistent with the origin of type II mutation in a founder before the divergence of the major segments of Jews. Our findings also indicate that the type III mutation arose more recently in an Ashkenazi Jewish individual.
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Shachmon, Ori. "Ḥalabi Arabic as a Contact Dialect in Jerusalem." Journal of Jewish Languages 5, no. 1 (June 15, 2017): 49–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134638-12340077.
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This essay presents the main characteristics of a variety of Jerusalem Arabic, which was spoken in Jerusalem in the first half of the 20th century by Jews of North-Syrian origin, and also by others who conformed to this way of speech. The description provided is based on new evidence collected in 2012–2013 through interviews with elderly Jews who grew up in Jerusalem in the 1930s and 1940s. Growing up in mandatory Jerusalem, they mixed and socialized freely with their Christian and Muslim neighbors. Many of them heard the Arabic dialect of Aleppo at home, yet their home-dialect went through processes of linguistic accommodation, resulting in a contact variety which evidently differs from standard Jerusalem Arabic. Throughout this article I discuss a series of distinctive phonological, morphological, and lexical features, and discuss them vis-à-vis the standard dialect of Jerusalem and also in comparison with Aleppo Arabic. While many differences follow from the retention of substrate features in the language of the immigrants, this Jewish variety is by no means identical to any Syrian dialect. Rather, it is a contact dialect which emerged after the immigration to Jerusalem and which differs from Syrian Arabic in several prominent aspects. The linguistic analysis of the materials demonstrates the spread of features of the local dialect at the expense of others, as well as the emergence of fudged linguistic forms, which are identical neither to those of the local standard nor to those of the input dialect.The last section of this essay offers two full-length texts, demonstrating the Ḥalabi variety of Jerusalem Arabic (hereafter:ḥja) in its natural context.
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Shepardson, Christine. "Paschal Politics: Deploying the Temple's Destruction against Fourth-Century Judaizers." Vigiliae Christianae 62, no. 3 (2008): 233–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007208x262866.
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AbstractThe fourth-century Syriac writings of Aphrahat and Ephrem, and Greek homilies by the Syrian John Chrysostom, warn Christian congregants against joining Jewish festival celebrations such as Passover. In light of the respected age of Judaism's scriptures and traditions, not all of these authors' church attendees were easily convinced by supersessionist claims about Judaism's invalidity. These authors surpass earlier Christian claims that the Temple's destruction revealed God's rejection of the Jews, by arguing that Jewish scripture requires ritual sacrifices that were confined to the Jerusalem Temple. us without the Temple sacrifices, fourth-century Jewish festivals, these authors claimed, defied God's biblical commands, a declaration with sharp implications for Judaizing Christians. Demonstrating the nuances of this argument, which crossed eastern linguistic and political boundaries, contributes to complex discussions regarding these texts' audiences, highlights distinctive elements that their contexts shared, and reveals an unrecognized role that the Temple's destruction played in fourth-century anti-Judaizing discourse.
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Thomas, Samuel R. "Maqam and Liturgy: Ritual, Music, and Aesthetics of Syrian Jews in Brooklyn." Oral History Review 37, no. 2 (July 1, 2010): 328–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ohr/ohq088.
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Spolsky, Bernard. "The Languages of Diaspora and Return." Brill Research Perspectives in Multilingualism and Second Language Acquisition 1, no. 2-3 (November 14, 2016): 1–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2352877x-12340002.
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Abstract Until quite recently, the term Diaspora (usually with the capital) meant the dispersion of the Jews in many parts of the world. Now, it is recognized that many other groups have built communities distant from their homeland, such as Overseas Chinese, South Asians, Romani, Armenians, Syrian and Palestinian Arabs. To explore the effect of exile on language repertoires, the article traces the sociolinguistic development of the many Jewish Diasporas, starting with the community exiled to Babylon, and following through exiles in Muslim and Christian countries in the Middle Ages and later. It presents the changes that occurred linguistically after Jews were granted full citizenship. It then goes into details about the phenomenon and problem of the Jewish return to the homeland, the revitalization and revernacularization of the Hebrew that had been a sacred and literary language, and the rediasporization that accounts for the cases of maintenance of Diaspora varieties.
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Shelemay, Kay Kaufman. "Together in the Field: Team Research among Syrian Jews in Brooklyn, New York." Ethnomusicology 32, no. 3 (1988): 369. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/851937.
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Ponniah, James. "Adoption of Caste by Christian and Jewish Communities in India." International Journal of Asian Christianity 6, no. 2 (August 25, 2023): 208–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25424246-06020005.
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Abstract This essay investigates how caste, the most problematic cultural category of India, renders Indian versions of two Abrahamic religions, Judaism and Christianity, a site of ambivalence and conflict. It explores how caste has played out differently in the lives of two Abrahamic religious communities, i.e., the Christians and the Jews at two different locales, Kerala and Andhra. In Kerala, both Syrian Christians and Cochin Jews adopted caste as the given social order of the host country. They practised it to their advantage as it not only made it possible for them to get integrated into the existing Hindu cultural universe of the host nation but also conferred upon them a respectable social status, resulting in the acquisition of social/cultural capital. However, in Andhra, Christian and Jewish Madigas embraced their respective religions to eschew caste and gain self-respect. In Kerala, while caste became an effective route for a harmonious integration into the cultural matrix of the host territory, it not only disrupted intra-communal amity both among the Cochin Jews and the Kerala Christians but also became a source of defiance and alienation from the core teachings of each of these religions, resulting in the loss of ‘spiritual capital’. On the contrary, the rejection of caste on the part of the Madiga Jews and Madiga Christians, perhaps, brought them closer to the central message of fraternity and equality found both in Judaism and in Christianity, whereby they fared better in ‘spiritual and religious capitals’ than their counterparts in Kerala.
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Stern, Karen B. "Opening Doors to Jewish Life in Syro-Mesopotamian Dura-Europos." Journal of Ancient Judaism 9, no. 2 (May 19, 2018): 178–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00902004.
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Analyses of the synagogue discovered in the ancient town of Dura Europos commonly emphasize connections between the construction and decoration of the building and aspects of Jewish life along the Roman eastern frontier. By focusing on lesser-known data from the synagogue, including burial deposits found inside its doorways, as well as examples of non-monumental writings and art (graffiti) from its interior, this article offers distinct insights into the cultural horizons of those who used and visited the structure. Closer consideration of the locations and contents of associated finds and their comparisons with analogues discovered in Dura and throughout the Syro-Mesopotamian world collectively advance new hypotheses about how visitors to the synagogue behaved inside its varied spaces and used acts of object-burial and writing to manipulate and reshape its walls, doorways, thresholds, and floors. The impetus to reconsider deposits of writing and objects from the Dura synagogue from this vantage, in its Syro-Mesopotamian context, owes to the recent publication of additional finds from other parts of the town. These augmented local comparisons for the synagogue evidence particularly reveal dynamic and otherwise unidentified continuities between devotional behaviors and spatial practices conducted by local and regional Jews and Christians, neighboring Durenes, and other inhabitants of Syrian, Mesopotamian, and Persian cities. These similarities, at times, can overshadow connections traditionally emphasized between daily life in Dura and the provincial world of Rome. Working outwards from the synagogue evidence, this approach ultimately demonstrates that many Durenes, whether Jews or their neighbors, engaged in daily devotional acts, in distinctive locations, which reflected, transformed, and responded to their local Syrian, Mesopotamian, and Arsacid cultural orbits.
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Minov, Sergey. "East Syrian Polemic against Jews and Judaism during the Early Islamic Period: Two Unpublished Testimonies." Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 174, no. 1 (2024): 97–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.13173/zdmg.174.1.097.
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Khezri, Haidar. "Kurds, Jews, and Kurdistani Jews: Historic Homelands, Perceptions of Parallels in Persecution, and Allies by Analogy." Religions 13, no. 3 (March 17, 2022): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13030253.
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This article highlights the positive relations between the Jewish and the Kurdish nations, maintained mainly by Kurdistani Jews until their displacement to Israel in the mid-20th century. These positive relations have been transmitted through their oral traditions, documented by both communities and travelers to Kurdistan, and validated by several scholars who studied the Jews of the region, Kurdistan, and Jewish-Kurdish relations. The dearth of historical documentation of both societies has resulted in a ‘negative myth’ used by the enemies of the Kurds and the Jews to dehumanize them before the 20th century, and therefore delegitimizing their right to statehood in modern times. From the 16th century onward, there is more solid evidence about the Kurdistani Jews and their relations with Kurdish neighbors. There are considerable and certain parallels between the two nations in terms of their oral traditions as well as linguistic and literary practices. The historical ties between the Jews and their neighbors in Kurdistan formed a fruitful ground for the relations between the Jewish people of Israel and the Kurds since 1948. Despite the exodus of almost the entire Kurdistani Jewish population to the State of Israel, Kurdistani Jews have largely retained their identity, culture, and traditions and have effectively influenced Israel’s policy towards the Kurds. The often-secret relations between the Kurdish movement in Iraq and Israel since 1960 played an important role in the global security policy of the Jewish nation in the Middle East, and in effect served to keep Baghdad from becoming involved in the Arab-Israeli conflict on one hand, and allowed the Kurdish liberation movement in Southern/Iraqi Kurdistan to survive on the other. These ties were reinforced by the sense of a common fate and struggle for statehood, persecution and genocides, feeling of solidarity, mutual strategic interests, humanitarian and economic dimensions, in post-1988 Halabja Massacre, the operation of the US led coalition against Iraq in 1991, and 2003 Invasion of Iraq. Since the Arab Spring, the military interventions against the self-proclaimed caliphate, Islamic State (IS), and the referendum for an independent Kurdish state in northern Iraq in 2017, this relationship allegedly has extended to include the relationships between Israel and the Kurds in Western/Syrian and Eastern/Iranian Kurdistan as well. Notably, Israel was the only state that publicly supported the creation of an independent Kurdish state. With all the development the Kurdish question has paved in the 21st century, the article concludes that the majority of the Kurds of the 21st century can be described as a ‘pariah people’ in Max Weber’s definition and meditation of the term and Hannah Arendt’s ‘rightless’, who ‘no longer belong to any community’, while describing the different aspects of the political, economic, and cultural calamity of Jews, refugees, and stateless people at the beginning of the 20th century.
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Garloff, Katja. "On Similarity in Contemporary German Jewish Literature." New German Critique 50, no. 3 (November 1, 2023): 81–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0094033x-10708321.
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This essay calls for a theoretical discussion of the aesthetics and politics of comparison in contemporary German Jewish literature and beyond. It describes the tendency of recent German Jewish writers and thinkers to compare and connect the experiences of Jews to those of other minoritized groups. The essay briefly discusses several theoretical paradigms that spell out the political stakes of such comparisons, including touching tales (Leslie Adelson) and multidirectional memory (Michael Rothberg). It then draws attention to another modality of comparison that is particularly promising because of its purposive abstractness and its relevance for literary texts: similarity. Finally, the essay offers two examples of the productive use of similarity in recent German Jewish literature: Katja Petrowskaja’s Vielleicht Esther (which connects different instances of historical trauma) and Sasha Marianna Salzmann’s Außer sich (which weaves the experience of a Syrian refugee in Istanbul into a web of similar migratory movements).
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Hanaghan, Michael. "The Specter of the Jews: Emperor Julian and the Rhetoric of Ethnicity in Syrian Antioch by Ari Finkelstein." Journal of Early Christian Studies 27, no. 4 (2019): 669–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2019.0060.
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Nasser, Ola Darab. "Mental Health and its Relationship with the Attitude towards Work among Syrian Workers in the Health Sector inside and outside Syria." Journal of Educational Sciences 23, no. 23 (March 12, 2024): 189–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.29117/jes.2023.0144.
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The current study aims to reveal the relationship between the mental health and attitude toward work, among a sample of Syrian workers in the health sector residing inside and outside Syria during the spread of COVID-19, and then to recognize the differences in mental health and attitude toward work according to the variables: (place of residence, gender and occupation). The sample consisted of (211) physicians and nurses: (132) Syrian workers inside Syria, (79) Syrian workers outside Syria (Qatar 23, UAE 35, and Saudi Arabia 21). The researcher used the mental health scale (Abdul-Khaleq, 2016) and Work Attitude Questionnaire prepared by her. The Results showed the existence of a positive correlation between mental health and attitude toward work. It also showed the absence of a statistically significant effect of the interaction between sex, place of residence and occupation in mental health, except for the differences in mental health according to gender with the difference in favor of males. The study also confirmed the absence of relationship between (gender, place of residence and occupation) and the attitude towards work. The differences that were recorded were between the functional and material dimensions according to the place of residence with the difference in favor of workers outside Syria. There were also differences between the financial and health dimensions related to the occupation, in favor of nurses. The study also confirmed the effect of the interaction between the place of residence, the gender and occupation in the material dimension, in favor of male nurses outside Syria.
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Mazzei, Sara. "The Identity Construction in Arab-Islamic Education Systems Into the Experiences of People from Morocco and Syria Living in Europe." Journal of Education in Muslim Societies 5, no. 2 (March 2024): 74–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jems.00005.
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Abstract: In the last decade, Europe has welcomed numerous migrants and refugees from Arab countries. The presence of these migrants and refugees in schools has posed the challenge of unfamiliar realities for teaching staff. The issue has been addressed from the perspectives of sociology to psychology, providing insights into the nature of intercultural education. Few studies have delved into pupils' cultural backgrounds, and the history of one's country of origin is seldom regarded as a decisive factor in the formation of identity. The Arabic-speaking Moroccan and Syrian communities are the most significant and have interesting histories and education systems. Using Nussbaum's (2010) multifactorial analysis, this research aims to better understand the educational background of Arabicspeaking pupils, focusing on humanities and religious education of those from Morocco and Syria. The methodology embodies qualitative empirical research conducted in Europe that addressed the main factor identified by Nussbaum (2010). The results show the education experience of Syrian and Moroccan pupils was affected by their home country education policies, especially where minority and relationship issues with Europe, the West and Israel were concerned.
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Madigan, Patrick. "The Specter of the Jews: Emperor Julian and the Rhetoric of Ethnicity in Syrian Antioch. By AriFinkelstein. Pp. xvii, 251, Oakland, CA, University of California Press, 2018, £74.00/$95.00." Heythrop Journal 62, no. 2 (March 2021): 418–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/heyj.13900.
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Falcasantos, Rebecca Stephens. "The Specter of the Jews: Emperor Julian and the Rhetoric of Ethnicity in Syrian Antioch. By Ari Finkelstein. Oakland California: University of California Press, 2018. xvii + 251 pp. $95.00 cloth; $95.00 ebook." Church History 88, no. 3 (September 2019): 794–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640719002002.
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Sbaihat, Ahlam, and Nama' Albanna. "Yathrib Jews’ Language(s): A Study Based on Authentic Ḥadiṯs." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 55, no. 2 (December 15, 2017): 327–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2017.552.327-356.
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A controversial topic of research was the language of the Jews of Yathrib, this research tries to shed light on the controversial issue. Muslim and non-muslim scholars give different explanations. However, none of these theories could determine whether this language is spoken or written. Hadiths of Prophet Muḥammad indicate three languages; Hebrew, Aramaic and Syriac. For the purpose of this study, the researchers have gathered a repertoire of the authentic hadiths of the prophet related to the topic, accredited and then analyzed them. The results indicate that the Prophet asked Zayd, his translator, to learn Hebrew, which is the language of correspondence and worship of the Jews of Yathrib. Furthermore, the study shows that the language of everyday communication of the Jews of Yathrib was Arabic, which borrowed some worship-related Hebrew terms.[Topik riset ini mencoba mengangkat beberapa isu kontroversi yang terkait dengan bahasa orang Yahudi di Yathrib (Medinah). Berbagai teori dan penjelasan dari akademisi muslim atau Orientalis masih memperdebatkan apakah bahasa tersebut merupakan bahasa lisan atau tulis. Secara eksplisit dalam hadis Nabi terindikasi adanya tiga bahasa yaitu: Ibrani, Aramaik dan Syria. Dalam tulisan ini, peneliti akan mengumpulkan, akreditasi dan analisis hadits Nabi yang autentik terkait dengan topik ini. Kesimpulannya menunjukkan bahwa Nabi memerintahkan Zayd, penerjemahnya, untuk belajar bahasa Ibrani yang mana merupakan bahasa surat – menyurat dan ritual orang Yahudi di Medinah. Oleh karena itu, tulisan ini menunjukkan bahwa bahasa komunikasi sehari-hari orang Yahudi di Medinah adalah bahasa Arab yang diantaranya meminjam beberapa istilah dalam bahasa Ibrani.]
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Elmaliach, Tal. "Jewish Radicals: Zionism Confronts the New Left, 1967–1973 A Comparative Look: Introduction." Hebrew Union College Annual 93 (June 1, 2023): 187–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.15650/hebruniocollannu.93.2022/0187.
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The identity crisis that many Jewish radicals in the West grappled with in the 1960s and early 1970s was the subject of Sol Stern’s essay “My Jewish Problem – and Ours,” which appeared in the August 1971 issue of Ramparts, one of the most important organs of the American New Left.1 Stern, a key New Left activist and a former editor of the magazine, pointed to a paradox at the root of this crisis. Classical Marxism viewed Jewish nationalism as diametrically opposed to Marxist ideology. Nonetheless, in the wake of the Holocaust and the founding of the state of Israel, the global Left supported the Jewish national cause. This support was, however, short-lived. It was shaken first by Israel’s collusion with Britain and France during the Suez crisis of 1956. The escalation of the Israeli-Arab conflict in the second half of the 1960s then completed the global Left’s turn against Israel.2 Stern and his Jewish comrades consequently found themselves torn between their allegiance to the New Left and their continued support for Israel, sustained by their conviction that the Jewish state had faced a deadly threat from its enemies in 1967. Following a series of aggressive military and diplomatic moves by Egyptian leader Gamal Abdul Nasser during the tense early months of that year, war broke out on June 5 and ended six days later in a decisive and unanticipated Israeli victory. Israel captured large swathes of Egyptian, Syrian, and Jordanian territory, most consequentially the West Bank and Gaza Strip, areas densely populated by Palestinian Arabs, including many who had become refugees just nineteen years earlier in the war of 1948. Most Jews, and many in the Israeli leadership, viewed these two areas as part of the Jewish birthright and saw their capture as the liberation of territories that justly belonged to the Jewish people and state. While the Jewish members of the New Left believed that Israel should relinquish the West Bank and Gaza Strip and permit them to become an independent Palestinian Arab state, they maintained that Israel had captured them in a war of self-defense. As they saw it, Israel’s astonishing victory was the triumph of a country with a strong socialist tradition against the forces of reaction. Stern maintained that the West’s Jewish leftists found themselves facing a new edition of the classic Jewish Question – to integrate into the modern world, they were expected to divest themselves of their particularist identity and adopt exclusively universal values. This volume examines the social, political, and ideological manifestations of this resurgence of that dilemma. Each article focuses on how the issue played out in a particular country – the United States, France, Argentina, and Israel – between 1967 and 1973, when the drama reached its climax. In each of these places, the New Left attacked Israel and pro-Zionists activists reacted, leading to internal tensions on each side. University campuses emerged as the main theater of action. In tracing these confrontations, this collection casts new light on the difficulties faced by experience of young Jewish radicals struggling to integrate their particularist ethnic sentiments with their socialist universal values. The conflict that followed the Six-Day War can, however, only be understood against the background of the relationship between the Jews and the Left prior to 1967.
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BHAYRO, SIAM. "Judeo-Syriac in late antiquity and the Middle Ages." Journal of Jewish Studies 75, no. 1 (April 3, 2024): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jjs.2024.75.1.41.
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In 2012 the term ‘Judeo-Syriac’ was coined independently by two scholars to refer to Syriac written in Jewish Aramaic/Hebrew script, in texts from late antiquity, on the one hand, and in medieval texts, on the other. In this article the differences between these two types of Judeo-Syriac are established, particularly in respect of their sociolinguistic contexts. The earlier context involves the Jews of Edessa and its environs, for whom Syriac was their mother tongue, and who, as evidenced by the Peshitta Old Testament, normally used Syriac script; their use of Jewish script in funerary inscriptions was exceptional. The later context involves Jewish scholars, for whom Syriac was not their mother tongue, engaging with Syriac Christian scholarship, initially through direct contact with Christian scholars. The textual products of such collaborations resulted in Judeo-Syriac texts that continued to be copied by Jewish scholars who had little knowledge of Syriac in Syriac script.
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VARGHESE, B. "West Syrian Commentaries on the Eucharist." Journal of Eastern Christian Studies 56, no. 1 (December 1, 2004): 271–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/jecs.56.1.578707.
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VELLIAN, Jacob. "The East Syrian Monastic Divine Office." Journal of Eastern Christian Studies 56, no. 1 (December 1, 2004): 293–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/jecs.56.1.578708.
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Altic, Mirela. "Sacred Landscapes of Greater Syria: Joseph Besson’s 1660 Jesuit Perspective." Journal of Jesuit Studies 11, no. 2 (April 23, 2024): 226–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-11020003.
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Abstract Joseph Besson’s 1660 account of Jesuit missions in Syria offers a rare glimpse into the region’s cultural landscape from the perspective of French Jesuits living among diverse communities of Jews, Christians (Greek-Orthodox and Catholic), and Muslims. Drawing on unpublished Jesuit relations from 1625 to 1659 and an unsigned map of Syria, this article explores Besson’s portrayal of Greater Syria, a region encompassing modern-day Syria, Lebanon, Israel, Palestine, and western Jordan, within the Ottoman empire. A detailed analysis reveals that the map is likely an original Jesuit creation, highlighting how Jesuit spirituality influenced their interpretation of physical spaces. Furthermore, the study illuminates the Jesuits’ role in shaping European views of the Orient and the Holy Land, contributing to the early development of Orientalism.
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Stadel, Seth M. "Jews and Syriac Christians: Intersections across the First Millennium." Journal of Jewish Studies 73, no. 2 (October 1, 2022): 445–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/3554/jjs-2022.
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Calvo, Júlia, and Pedro Henrique Da Silva Carvalho. "Sírios, libaneses e judeus – paradoxo entre o grupo e a nação: participação e restrição em Belo Horizonte nos anos 1930 e 1940 (Syrians, Lebanese and Jews – paradox between the group and the nation: participation and restriction in Belo Horizonte in...)." Cadernos de História 17, no. 26 (June 28, 2016): 198. http://dx.doi.org/10.5752/p.2237-8871.2016v17n26p198.
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<p>Sírios, libaneses e judeus compõem parte significativa dos estrangeiros que residiram e deixaram suas marcas na cidade de Belo Horizonte. Envolvidos no comércio da capital, foram importantes para a concepção de metrópole nas primeiras décadas. Constituíram-se enquanto grupo ao afirmar suas características étnicas e culturais e organizaram-se em entidades associativas. Analisamos a constituição de grupo étnico e discutimos como duas entidades associativas, a União Síria e a União Israelita de Belo Horizonte, foram alvo da ação de controle e repressão do Estado brasileiro e de que maneira esses eventos demarcaram a relação dos grupos com a sociedade maior, não por um isolacionismo amparado nas suas particularidades étnicas, mas pela condição de estrangeiro em terras brasileiras.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>Syrians, Lebanese and Jews are a significant part of the foreigners who lived in the city of Belo Horizonte and left their marks. Engaged in trading of capital were important for the design metropolis in the early decades. Is constituted as a group, to assert their ethnic and cultural features and organized in associative entities. This paper analyze the ethnics groups constitution and discussed as two associative entities, Syria Union and the Israeli Union of Belo Horizonte were control action of the target and repression of the Brazilian state and how these events have marked the group's relationship to the larger society, not supported by an isolationism in their ethnic particularities, but by their foreign condition on Brazilian soil.</p><p><strong>Keywords</strong>: Sirios and Lebanese. Jews. Migration. Foreign. Belo Horizonte.</p><p> </p>
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Millar, Fergus. "A Rural Jewish Community in Late Roman Mesopotamia, and the Question of a “Split” Jewish Diaspora." Journal for the Study of Judaism 42, no. 3 (2011): 351–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006311x586269.
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AbstractThis paper emphasises the significance of Syriac evidence for the history of the Jewish Diaspora, and then focuses on an episode in the Syriac Lives of the Eastern Saints by John of Ephesus, which records the demolition by the local Christians of the synagogue of a Jewish community established in a village in the territory of Amida. The significance of this story is explored in two inter-related ways. Firstly, there is the relevance of Syriac-speaking Christianity which, like Judaism, was practised on both sides of the Roman-Sasanid border. Secondly, the article suggests that the presence of Jewish communities in those areas of the Roman empire where Syriac or other dialects of Aramaic were spoken complicates the recently-proposed conception of a “split” Jewish Diaspora, of which a large part was unable to receive rabbinic writings because it knew only Greek. But for Jews living in areas where Aramaic or Syriac was spoken, there should have been no major linguistic barrier to the reception of the rabbinic learning of either Palestine or Babylonia.
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STERN, KAREN B. "MEMORY, POSTMEMORY, AND PLACE IN THE SYNAGOGUES OF ROMAN SYRIA." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 62, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 53–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/2041-5370.12097.
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AbstractConsiderations of Jews in antiquity commonly emphasize the role of common institutions (such as the Jerusalem Temple) and shared traumatic experiences (such as exile) in generating distinctive modes of memory formation and memorialization. This paper takes a different approach. By drawing from recent discussions of memory and postmemory developed in the fields of sociology, anthropology, and visual studies, and by considering diverse data from wall paintings, ceiling decorations, inscriptions, graffiti, and mosaics, the ensuing analysis demonstrates how variegated were the practices and dynamics of memory among Jews living in Roman Syria and elsewhere. Asking different types of questions about memorial practices documented in synagogues and surrounding buildings in Dura-Europos and Apamea challenges regnant assumptions about commonalities in Jewish memory and argues for a more localized and spatial approach to Jewish memory practices, the dynamics of which were as personal as they were collective, and as particular as they were locally contingent.
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Reimers, David M. "A Global Community: The Jews from Aleppo, Syria (review)." American Jewish History 88, no. 2 (2000): 319–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajh.2000.0036.
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MAKHLOUF, Avril. "Umm Hindiyya's Syriac Heritage." Journal of Eastern Christian Studies 56, no. 1 (December 1, 2004): 211–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/jecs.56.1.578703.
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Berg, H. L. Murre-Van Den. "Why Protestant Churches? The American Board and the Eastern Churches: Mission among ‘Nominal’ Christians (1820-70)." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 13 (2000): 98–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900002805.
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IntroductionIn Palestine, Syria, the provinces of Asia Minor, Armenia, Georgia, and Persia, though Mohammedan countries, there are many thousands of Jews, and many thousands of Christians, at least in name. But the whole mingled population is in a state of deplorable ignorance and degradation, – destitute of the means of divine knowledge, and bewildered with vain imaginations and strong delusions.
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Berthelot, Katell. "The Accusations of Misanthropy Against the Jews in Antiquity." Antisemitism Studies 7, no. 2 (September 2023): 338–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/antistud.7.2.04.
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Abstract: This article argues that the origin of the accusation of misanthropy against the Jews is Greek—not Egyptian, as other scholars have thought—and reflects a Greek interpretative framework. The depiction of the Jewish way of life as misanthropic may go back to Hecataeus of Abdera, at the very beginning of the Hellenistic era, or it may have developed later, in the context of Ptolemaic Egypt or during the Judeo-Seleucid conflict of the second century BCE. Accusations of misanthropy are often found to appear during conflicts between Jews and Greeks—be it in the Seleucid kingdom, in Alexandria at the beginning of the first century CE, or in Syria during the first century. Moreover, several authors who depict the Jews as misanthropes share a Stoic or at least a universalist ideological background. Finally, in a Roman context, the accusation of misanthropy becomes associated with an aversion to the phenomenon of Judaization or conversion to Judaism.
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Berthelot, Katell. "The Accusations of Misanthropy Against the Jews in Antiquity." Antisemitism Studies 7, no. 2 (September 2023): 338–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/ast.2023.a910235.
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Abstract: This article argues that the origin of the accusation of misanthropy against the Jews is Greek—not Egyptian, as other scholars have thought—and reflects a Greek interpretative framework. The depiction of the Jewish way of life as misanthropic may go back to Hecataeus of Abdera, at the very beginning of the Hellenistic era, or it may have developed later, in the context of Ptolemaic Egypt or during the Judeo-Seleucid conflict of the second century BCE. Accusations of misanthropy are often found to appear during conflicts between Jews and Greeks—be it in the Seleucid kingdom, in Alexandria at the beginning of the first century CE, or in Syria during the first century. Moreover, several authors who depict the Jews as misanthropes share a Stoic or at least a universalist ideological background. Finally, in a Roman context, the accusation of misanthropy becomes associated with an aversion to the phenomenon of Judaization or conversion to Judaism.
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THELLY, Emmanuel. "Syriac Manuscripts in Mannanam Library." Journal of Eastern Christian Studies 56, no. 1 (December 1, 2004): 257–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/jecs.56.1.578706.
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Van Der Toorn, Karel, and Karel Van Der Toorn. "Anat-Yahu, Some Other Deities, and the Jews of Elephantine." Numen 39, no. 1 (1992): 80–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852792x00177.
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AbstractThis contribution discusses the problem of the origin of the goddess Anat-Yahu and the related issue of the cultural background of the Jewish colony at Elephantine. It is argued that Anat-Yahu has been modeled after Anat-Bethel. Contrary to a current opinion, neither Bethel nor Anat-Bethel can be regarded as Phoenician gods. They are late Aramaean gods whose cult is confined to North Syria. Anat-Yahu must be regarded as an Aramaean creation, elicited by the identification of Yahu with Bethel. The latter identification was one of the results of the Aramaean migration to Samaria, either enforced or voluntary, at the end of the 8th century. The theory here proposed assumes that the Jews and Aramaeans of the colonies at Elephantine and Syene originated predominantly from Northern Israel. The ultimate origins of the Aramaean settlers go back to North Syria. The Jewish character of the Elephantine colony is secondary. It can be accounted for by the Judaean transit of Israelite colonists on their way to Egypt and the secondary influx of actual Judaeans. Yet, despite the common designation of the Elephantine colony as "Jewish", its religion is in fact Israelite.
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Goodman, Martin. "The Jews of Syria as Reflected in the Greek Inscriptions." Journal of Jewish Studies 53, no. 1 (April 1, 2002): 169–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2407/jjs-2002.
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BAREKET, ELINOAR. "The head of the Jews (ra'is al-yahud) in Fatimid Egypt: a re-evaluation." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 67, no. 2 (June 2004): 185–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x04000138.
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The debate concerning the Head of the Jews (ra'is al-yahud) in the Fatimid kingdom, which has interested researchers since the late nineteenth century, has yet to reach a final conclusion. Today's researchers usually argue that this position was established in Egypt at the end of the eleventh century with the final fall of the Palestinian Yeshiva; prior to this the Head of the Jews was the gaon of Palestine, appointed by the Fatimid Imam. More recently a new argument has emerged, re-embracing the approach of J. Mann, who argued that the position of the Head of the Jews was established at the beginning of Fatimid rule (late tenth century), and the person to hold the position was a Jewish courtier from the field of finance or medicine, appointed by the Imam to be the supreme leader for all Jews in the Fatimid kingdom: Rabbanites, Karaites and Samaritans. This old–new notion is yet to be clearly proven. Such views are mainly supported by circumstantial analysis of logical arguments that arise from the Geniza documents, without real written proof, but the Geniza is known for surprises and it is possible that we will soon find unequivocal proof to show that the Head of the Jews in the Fatimid kingdom was indeed a Jewish courtier appointed by the Imam, since the beginning of the Fatimid rule over Egypt, Palestine and Syria at the end of the tenth century.
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Вевюрко, И. "Journal «Apocrypha. Revue International des Littératures apocryphes» Bibliographical Review. Part 3: 1994–1995." Библия и христианская древность, no. 3(15) (February 15, 2022): 158–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/bca.2022.15.3.007.
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В пятом и шестом номерах «Апокрифы» опубликованы статьи на французском и английском языках. Ричард Бокхем в публикации об «Апокалипсисе Петра» представляет гипотезу, согласно которой этот памятник связан с восстанием Бар Кохбы. Франсуа Бовон исследует предполагаемую цитату из «Деяний Павла» у Оригена. Тому же апокрифу посвящена работа Энн Брок, в которой исследуется его жанровое своеобразие. Малоисследованную сирийскую рукопись с апокрифами, в том числе неизвестными, представляет публике Ален Деремо. Реконструкции апокрифа «Narratio Iosephi» посвящена статья Реми Гонеля; он же в следующей статье освещает проблему использования апокрифических источников в «Золотой легенде». Симон Мимуни рассказывает историю жанра «Жизнь Марии». Работу над классификацией апокрифических сюжетов в живописи церквей Савойи продолжает Катрин Попэр. С точки зрения апокрифических сюжетов представлено у Марека Старовейского изучение византийской трагедии «Христос Страждущий». Ирена Бакус публикует и комментирует первый латинский перевод «Протоевангелия Иакова». Христиан-Бернард Амфо выдвигает гипотезу, что «Евангелие согласно евреям» послужило источником для Евангелия от Луки. Рене-Жорж Кокё исследует коптский In the fifth and sixth issues of the journal «Apocrypha» there were published articles in French and English. Richard Baukham in a publication about the «Apocalypse of Peter» presents a hypothesis according to which this text is associated with the uprising of Bar Kokhba. François Bovon explores a supposed quotation from «Acts of Paul» by Origenes. The same apocrypha is considered in the work of Ann Brock, who explores its genre originality. A little-researched Syrian manuscript with apocrypha, including unknown ones, is presented to the public by Alain Desremaux. The article by Remy Gounelle is devoted to the reconstruction of the apocrypha «Narratio Iosephi»; in the following article, he also highlights the problem of using apocryphal sources in the «Golden Legend». Simon Mimouni tells the story of the genre «Life of Mary». Catherine Paupert continues to work on the classification of apocryphal subjects in the ikonography of the Savoy churches. From the point of view of apocryphal plots, Marek Staroveysky presents the study of the Byzantine tragedy «The Suffering Christ». Irena Bakus publishes and comments on the first Latin translation of the Protoevangelium of James. Christian-Bernard Amfo puts forward a hypothesis that «Gospel according to the Jews» served as a source for the Gospel of Luke. Rene-Georges Coquin explores the Coptic «Apocryph of Jeremiah» in Coptic-Arabic and Garshuni manuscripts. Robert Faerber conducts a comparative analysis of two Old English homilies on the Easter. The concept of midrash at the theoretical level is analyzed in the article by Martin McNamara. Bernard Outtier explores the motives of the Assumption in two homilies attributed to St. John Chrysostom. David Pao discusses the genre problems of apocryphal works on the example of «The Acts of the Apostle Andrew». In Madeleine Scopello’s article, the description of Mani’s life in the «Acts of Archelaus » is considered as a correlate of the polemic with Manichaeism. Isabella Ullern-Weité discusses the very concept of «apocrypha» with the involvement of philosophical hermeneutics. The last article of the sixth issue is a description by Witold Witakowski of the Ethiopian story about the miracles of Jesus Christ.
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Hidayat, Deden Taufik. "ا لمحر ب قي ا لا حا د يث ا لنبو ية من خلا ل سنن ا بن ما خحا." Buletin Al-Turas 18, no. 2 (January 23, 2018): 245–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/bat.v18i2.4300.
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History records that the Arabs before Islam interacted with the non-Arabs, especially through the trading process. In addition, the Kaaba frequented by the non-Arabs which has experienced partial conquest by the Greek and Latin. Jews who spoke Hebrew and Christians who spoke Syriac had lived with them for centuries. This allowed influenced Arabic by foreign languages into Arabic (ta'rib) had special adjusments with oral Arabs as a whol so it could be used bu all of them. Hence, it cannot be denied that words Arabization results (mu'arrab) are in the Qur'an and Hadith. This paper attempts to analyze mu'arrab according to the hadith in the bookm Sunan Ibn Majah which reached 67 words consisting of 22 words derived from Greek, 8 words derived from Syriac, and 6 words derived from Latin.