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Journal articles on the topic "Syria. Army"

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Sidebottom, Harry. "THE ARMY IN SYRIA." Classical Review 53, no. 2 (October 2003): 431–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/53.2.431.

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Markelov, Svyatoslav. "Configuration and Strategic Scenarios in the Northwest Syria." Oriental Courier, no. 1 (2023): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310025315-4.

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Three years have passed since the massive military operation of Syrian Army. Nowadays territories of Syrian provinces Idlib and Aleppo which are partly under control of Syrian Army, partly under groups of islamists, and with a little presence of Kurdish forces, still are the most problematic point on the Syrian map, where interests of all main actors of Syrian conflict are crossed, where that conflict has become multi-layered, and where contradictions manifest themselves in artillery strikes and firefights despite the freezing of the hot phase of the conflict. In this article we will try to open up desires of parties of conflict and to show up scenarios, based on formed prerequisites, of the future of Northwest Syria for coming years.
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Sabrine, Isber, Ristam Abdo, and Neil Brodie. "Some New Evidence Documenting the Involvement of Da’esh in Syria with the Illicit Trade in Antiquities." Journal of Eastern Mediterranean Archaeology and Heritage Studies 10, no. 2 (May 1, 2022): 115–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jeasmedarcherstu.10.2.0115.

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ABSTRACT We present here some new evidence documenting the involvement of Da’esh with the looting and illicit trade of antiquities in northeastern Syria. We have interviewed four people who have first-hand knowledge of its activities and acquired some images of looted objects and Da’esh administrative documents. We examine this new evidence in the context of previously reported accounts of Da’esh involvement with the antiquities trade. We also report looting at some previously unknown archaeological sites, describe extensive looting when northeastern Syria was controlled by the Free Syrian Army, and critically examine the reliability of prices reported inside Syria.
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Mazur, Przemysław. "Uyghurs of Syria: Significance for the Syrian Conflict and International Implications." Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 79, no. 3 (2023): 194–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2023.79.10.

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The main objective of the article was to determine whether the Uyghurs were a relevant group in the Syrian conflict, i.e., whether they were numerous, well-organized and determined enough to take the fight to the Syrian army or other non-state actors or cooperate with them. Several levels of analysis were carried out in this article. Firstly, article aimed to show where the Uyghurs in Syria came from. Secondly, the following section assessed their importance to the Syrian conflict, as well as who they worked with and fought against. Thirdly, it analysed whether their military and political involvement could have an impact on the international situation. Last but not least, the fate of Uyghurs, especially those who left for Syria, was discussed. The latter issue is also a question about Syria, its fate and place in the politics of other countries.
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Tauber, Eliezer. "The Struggle for Dayr Al-Zur: The Determination of Borders Between Syria and Iraq." International Journal of Middle East Studies 23, no. 3 (August 1991): 361–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800056348.

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When World War I ended and the political map of the Middle East was redrawn, the ruler-straight borders separating the Fertile Crescent countries were not determined wholly in Europe, when the mandates were divided between Britain and France, as is commonly believed. The border between Syria and Iraq was determined between 1918 and 1920, when Iraqi officers serving in the Syrian army brought about the annexation of regions originally designated for British-occupied Iraq to Faysal 's Arab government in Syria.
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Nawrotek, Jarosław. "RUSSIAN’S PROVING GROUND IN SYRIA." PROBLEMY TECHNIKI UZBROJENIA 152, no. 4 (April 3, 2020): 77–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.0871.

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Mission of the Russian Federation Armed Forces in Syria is their biggest foreign military operation of current times. It became a form of evaluation of combat efficiency for different forces and troops. Moreover, the Russian Army could check the newest types of used munitions in combat conditions. Leading a combat operation far beyond the borders of own territory can be used for evaluation of the overall system safeguarding the combat operations theatre, and especially the logistics. What is more, the combat experience acquired by a few dozen thousand soldiers is also a priceless value for the army.
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WÓJTOWICZ, Tomasz, Izabela BARSZNICA, and Kamil DRĄG. "THE INFLUENCE OF RUSSIAN MILITARY INVOLVEMENT IN THE WAR IN SYRIA." Zeszyty Naukowe Akademii Sztuki Wojennej 111, no. 2 (January 15, 2019): 85–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.8529.

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The Russian military intervention in Syria, conducted between September 2015 and March 2016, was one of the crucial moments in the Middle East conflict which has evolved since 2011. It not only prevented the collapse of the regime of Bashar al-Assad but also enabled the initiative to be taken by the Syrian Arab Army. The simultaneous conducting of two military operations by the Russian army, i.e. the Russian involvement in both Ukraine and the Middle East, requires thorough investigations into the course of these operations. Such investigations may provide answers to a number of questions which appear of key importance to Poland, e.g., regarding Russia’s logistic and technological abilities to conduct military operations outside its territory, the military outcomes of the Russian intervention, and the potential social opposition to the human losses sustained by Russia as a result of such interventions. Considering the above, the aim of this article is to outline the Russian military intervention in Syria, and its influence on the course of the war. Special attention was paid to such issues as the causes behind the Russian intervention, the situation on the Syrian war frontlines prior to this intervention, the Russian forces engaged and the resources intended for this military operation, as well as its outcome.
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Alharbi, Dakheelallah, Zarina Othman, and Sity Daud. "THE IMPACT OF THE POST ARAB SPRING ON THE HUMAN RIGHTS IN SYRIA." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 8, no. 1 (January 30, 2020): 456–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2020.8157.

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Purpose: The purpose of the study is to give an analysis of the humanitarian situation and the case of human rights in Syria after the events of the Arab spring. Methodology: This is analytical-descriptive research that has been done through literature review, content analysis, and documentary and case study research. Result: our results suggest that the Syrian government made false concessions designed to end the revolts. The occurrence led to the formation of a rebel group, the Free Syrian Army whose main objective was to oust the authoritarian regime and stop the killing of civilians. This marked the beginning of the blatant violation of human rights as well as the civil war in Syria. The government not only ignited but also took the war to its own people killing, injuring and imprisoning thousands of people. Worse still, thousands of women and young girls still suffer sexual violence during the nightly raids conducted frequently on either opposing camps. Following the massive violations of human rights, almost all economic sectors of Syria have met rock-bottom. Applications: This research can be used for policymakers and the international community to take a further step to aid the Syrian civilians. Novelty/Originality: In our research, we try to target a very much debated topic in the Middle East. Although several articles written about the humanitarian and human rights situation in Syria studies on human rights after the Arab spring is still lacking.
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Karaca, Bilal Bahadir, and Berk Köksal. "The Analysis of Turkish Foreign Policy in Syria: A Neoclassical Realist Perspective." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 15 (February 15, 2023): 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.3.

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Since 2011, the Syrian Civil War has become an arena of international competition between regional and global powers. As a dominant regional actor, Turkey has important interests in this conflict. However, although great importance is given to civil war factors and power balances at the field level, Turkey’s internal conditions play a role as well as these externalities. Therefore, an analysis of Turkey’s foreign policy towards Syria from a local perspective is needed to reveal some negligible dynamics. In this direction, this study aims to analyse Turkey’s foreign policy towards Syria, taking into account the interaction between Turkey’s external and internal dynamics within the framework of neoclassical realist theory. Within this scope, we ask “how do Turkish external and internal dynamics explain its foreign policy in Syria?” as the leading search question and conduct our analysis using the explanatory case study method. Based on our findings, we provide a broad perspective on the significant impacts of four main internal factors on Turkish foreign policy, from the start of the Civil War to the most recent “Operation Spring Shield” by the Turkish Army and local Syrian armed groups.
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TELLIDOU, Natalia. "SYRIA: PROXY WARS IN THE MIDDLE EAST." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 46 (January 15, 2024): 70–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.46.5.

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The conflict in Syria quickly escalated into a complex and prolonged civil war where states outside the conflict fueled rebel groups to fight. The onset of multiple proxy wars befell Syria. Proxy war happens when a ruler of a state devises and facilitates the provision of support to a rebel group that is engaged in carrying out violent activities in another state. Thus, an external state can influence the outcome of a civil war without having to bear the heavy costs of sending its army forces. States that wage proxy wars risk a potential conflict escalation, and gamble with provoking retaliation by either the offending state or its allies. Furthermore, inadvertent conse quences of backing rebel forces are also possible such as international condemnation. So, why does a state choose to form a relationship with a proxy group, instead of intervening directly? Why invest money and military power in a third party that could lead to a prolonged conflict? The analysis highlights that the political survival of regimes in the Middle East caused leaders to support rebel groups in Syria. I present a causal mechanism that is based on transnational threats to explain the phenomenon of proxy war in the Syrian civil war. Keywords: Syria, proxy war, Middle East, qualitative analysis, foreign policy.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Syria. Army"

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Abou, Chahla Mireille. "Comprendre le Liban et son armée : analyse du discours du chef de l'armée libanaise, le Général Michel Sleiman de 1998 à 2004." Thesis, Normandie, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021NORMR001.

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Cette thèse est faite dans une ambition particulière : analyser les discours du chef de l’armée libanaise le Général Michel Sleiman. Une analyse statistique, mathématique, d’abord, puis tirer les conclusions politiques. Quels sont les mots utilisés dans les discours de Michel Sleiman ? Pourquoi certains mots se répètent plus que d’autres ? Quel est le but de la répétition. But politique, but psychologique. A travers cette étude statistique, base de notre méthode de travail, nous allons obtenir des résultats fort intéressants pour mieux comprendre ce qui se passe au pays du cèdre. Car les mots trahissent. Comment apparaissent à travers les mots de Sleiman la relation avec la Syrie, l’ennemi israélien, le Hezbollah.. Et pourquoi à chaque fois l’invocation de la mère patrie, la France ! Pour bien saisir la relation privilégiée entre le Liban et la France, il fallait revenir aux origines lointaines. Nous avons dû précéder notre travail d’analyse statistique et méthodologique par une partie qui évoque les grandes questions relatives à mon pays : l’importance du confessionnalisme, le Mandat français et ses répercussions, le phénomène de libanisation qui envahit l’Europe et sème des craintes. Il fallait aussi passer en revue les événements graves passés durant le règne de Sleiman. Il fallait insister sur des étapes qui ne pouvaient qu’influencer son discours pour dire plus tard dans notre analyse si la direction de l’armée a eu les réactions adéquates
This thesis is made with a particular ambition: to analyze the speeches of the Lebanese army chief General Michel Sleiman. A statistical, mathematical work, first, then draw the political conclusions. What words are used in Michel Sleiman's speeches? Why do some words repeat more than others? What is the purpose of repetition? Political goal? psychological goal? Through this statistical study, the basis of our working method, we will obtain very interesting results to better understand what is happening in the land of cedar. Because the words betray. How appear through Sleiman's words the relationship with Syria, the Israeli enemy, Hezbollah.. And why always the invocation of the motherland, France! To understand the privileged relationship between Lebanon and France, it was necessary to go back to distant origins. We had to precede our work of statistical and methodological analysis by a part which evokes the great questions relating to my country: the importance of confessionalism, the French Mandate and its repercussions, the phenomenon of Lebanization which invades Europe and sows seeds fears. It was also necessary to review the serious events passed during Sleiman's reign. We had to insist on steps that could only influence his speech to say later in our analysis whether the army leadership had the appropriate reactions: a big conflict issue
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Bar-Kochva, Bezalel. "The Seleucid army : organization and tactics in the great campaigns /." Cambridge ; New York ; Melbourne : Cambridge university press, 1993. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37429078j.

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Peck, Caroline. "After Syria: Potential and Prospects of Chemical Weapons." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1858.

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This paper examines the possible future of chemical weapons through an exploration of the origins and history of legal proscriptions on their use and the practical utility of their procurement and use. Past public misunderstanding of the extent of the chemical weapons threat, exacerbated by propaganda, as well as fears of retaliatory use motivated efforts to ban the use of chemical weapons. These prohibitions have had and continue to have weaknesses and loopholes that prevent their intentions from being fully realized. While chemical agents have a wide variety of applications and have several unique advantages, including psychological effects on victims, their use is limited by several drawbacks. The accessibility of some agents is also limited for actors who are not major powers. Recent developments in chemical weapons use, especially their use in the Syrian civil war, inform present understanding of international resolve to prevent chemical weapons use and the continued advantages chemical weapons provide. These findings provide a framework to understand future opportunities for actors to produce chemical weapons and the likelihood that these actors will actually use chemical weapons.
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N’Guyen-Van, Vincent. "Les guerres sévériennes en Orient (193-235)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA01H082.

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Entre 193 et 235, les empereurs romains de la dynastie sévérienne menèrent au Proche-Orient une série de guerres qui recouvrent l’ensemble de la typologie des conflits antiques : guerres civiles, conquêtes territoriales, défense des provinces frontalières, expéditions de pillage et répressions de révoltes locales. Cette thèse cherche à analyser les articulations politiques de ces conflits sur les plans chronologique et géopolitique. Elle s’appuie sur une étude systématique des campagnes militaires menées par les Romains au Proche-Orient et sur une prosopographie des acteurs politiques de la région. La politique menée par les Sévères en Syrie et Mésopotamie s’inscrivit dans le cadre de l’impérialisme romain et porta l’empire romain à son extension territoriale maximale. Se faisant, elle rompit les équilibres géopolitiques qui prévalaient jusque là et assuraient la paix entre les Romains et les Parthes. Si la dynastie arsacide finissante ne put s’opposer à cette extension du pouvoir romain en Mésopotamie, la révolution sassanide des années 224-226 réactiva la mémoire de la perse achéménide et remit en cause le rapport de force établi par Septime Sévère au Proche-Orient. La période sévérienne n’est cependant pas une rupture avec le Haut-Empire ni une charnière avec la « crise » du IIIe siècle car le dispositif militaire mis en place au début de la période ne différait en rien du modèle augustéen et résista néanmoins à la première attaque perse en territoire romain
From 193 to 235, Severan emperors lead several wars in the Near East. These wars included all the type of conflicts known to the Ancient world : civil wars, local rebellions, defensive wars against the barbarians, raids into ennemy territory and territorial conquest. This dissertation discuss the political aspects of these conflicts from a chronological and geopolitical standpoint. It is composed of an analytical narration of the Severan wars in the East and a prosopography of the political actors of the area. The action of the Severan dynasty in Syria and Mesopotamia was rooted in Roman imperialism and expanded the Empire’s territory to its maximum. In doing so, the Severans destroyed the geopolitical equilibrium that had, so far, insured a relative degree of peace between Rome and the Parthian Empire. The Arsacid dynasty failed to stop the growth of Roman influence in Mesopotamia, the rise of the Sassanid in 224-226 rekindled the Achemenid ambitions and threatened the power structures established by Septimius Severus in the Near East. But the Severan age is not the breaking point of the High Empire, nor is it merely a transition between the Antonine age and the 3rd century crisis. The military system the Severan put in place in the East was heavily influenced by the Augustean military system and yet managed to repell the first Persian attack against Rome
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Härdig, Carl Anders. "Brothers in Arms: An Analysis of the Syrian Military and Political Domination of Lebanon." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2002. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-1483.

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The Syrian de facto occupation of Lebanon since 1976 is usually interpreted as the expression of the Syrian regime's adherence to traditional power considerations, rather than to the ideology of the ruling Ba'th party. In particular since Syria originally intervened on the side of the pro-status quo Lebanese Christians, and helped them defeat the anti-status quo Lebanese Muslims and Palestinians. In other words, they intervened against its traditional allies. The central question posed in this study is: Why is Lebanon so important to Syria that it is willing to make large human and material sacrifices in order to retain its grip on this small strip of territory? The traditional answers to this question are not satisfactory; the need for an alternative approach is apparent. While not refuting the description of Syrian policies as being based on pragmatic considerations, this analysis attempts to show that Syrian policies toward Lebanon in fact originate in the fundamental values promoted by Ba'th ideology. By employing a cognitive theoretical approach, the perceptions held by the Syrian leadership at the time of Syrian intervention are taken into account. This approach allows a number of key images to emerge, notably the image of an external plot against the Arab nation; one of the cornerstones of Ba'th ideology. When studying the modern day relationship between Syria and Lebanon, the same focus on Arab unity and the historical brotherly ties between the two countries can be identified. Hafez al-Asad's death and the rise to power of his son, Bashar al-Asad, has not lead to a radical change in Syrian policy, rather it is apparent that the same considerations and the same underlying images still guide the Syrian decision-makers. The result is that although pragmatism guides Syrian policies, the ideology of the Ba'th party sets the frames for this pragmatism and that a traditional two-state model cannot be applied on the relationship between Syria and Lebanon. The central finding in this study is that the Syrian leadership will go to great lengths to ensure Lebanon stays Arab and preserve the last remains of Arab unity in the face of the Zionist enemy. In the struggle against Israel, Syria and Lebanon are to remain Brothers in Arms.

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Crilley, Rhys. "The visual politics of legitimation in the digital age : the cases of the British Army and the Syrian Opposition." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2016. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6906/.

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In the discipline of International Relations, scholars have recently drawn attention to how political actors use narratives to claim legitimacy for themselves, their actions, and their use of force. Whilst such work provides welcome insights, there has been little attention given to how these narratives are often told through visual media on digital social media sites. In light of this, this thesis argues that visual media are central to how political actors claim legitimacy for the use of force in the digital age. Theoretically informed by work on aesthetics, narrative, and visual global politics, this thesis provides an analytical framework for studying the visual politics of legitimation. This is then explored through two case studies of the British Army and the National Coalition of Syrian Revolution and Opposition Forces. In each case study I draw upon multiple methods to analyse the narrative and visual content of each actor’s official Facebook Page, as well as the contexts of media production and audience reception. This thesis contributes to studies of global politics by illustrating how each actor uses visual media to claim legitimacy for the use of force, and thereby provides the first empirical analysis of the visual politics of legitimation.
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Bergsten, Lisa. "Violence against LGBTIQ+ Individuals in the Syrian Arab Republic." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-376503.

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This bachelor thesis is a qualitative, small-n, empirically driven comparative study that examines the relationship between rebel group ideology and targeted violence against the LGBTIQ+ community. Two rebel groups in the Syrian Arab Republic, with different ideological beliefs, are examined and compared in relation to their level of violence against LGBTIQ+ individuals. Findings in this study suggest that religious groups are keener to use extreme violence against sexual minorities, and to target them explicitly, but further studies are needed to fully understand this targeting of sexual minorities in armed conflicts.
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Johansson, Björn. "Hackergruppens beteende i informationskrigföring." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-7616.

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With the ever-expanding speed of technological development and the dependence of social media outlets in everyday life. Information warfare can be used to strike targets with information operations from leaders down to the average person. Therefore, it is important to acknowledge the fact that attacks are being performed on our media corporations to influence are opinion. By influence opinion via deception the outcome of an attack even changes an election. The aim of this paper intends to shed light on the behaviour of hacktivist groups. The Syrian Electronic Army will be the main character in this paper do to the groups plausible deniability connections to the Syrian regime. As this paper will show with the works of a case studies on this group with the theoretical framework of John Warden. Hacker groups with connections to a regime work towards influencing the public via the power of disinformation.
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James, Simon Timothy. "The arms and armour from Dura-Europos, Syria : weaponry recovered from the Roman garrison town and the Sassanid siegeworks during the excavations, 1922-37." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.307734.

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The arms and armour discovered during the excavations at the Roman frontier city of Dura-Europos, Syria, by Belgian, French and American archaeologists between the wars constitute one of the most important but least studied assemblages of the kind ever found. Little of it has ever been published. Most of the finds can be associated with the events surrounding the final destruction of the city by the Sassanians, which can be dated to the mid-250s AD. This close dating of a large body of arms is unparalleled in the Roman Empire. It is also the only really large group of Roman armour from the whole of the Eastern Empire. Most of the arms were deposited in contexts which prove they belong to the Roman defenders, but a handful belong to the Persian attackers, not least an important iron helmet, the first well-dated Sassanian head-piece. Other items, such as the cane shields, are hard to definitely attribute to either side. The material is extremely rich and diverse, the special conditions of burial of many items preserving delicate organic elements including shield paintings and arrow fletchings, allowing a much better understanding of the technology and appearance of Roman weaponry. There are a number of unparalleled complete items, such as the famous scutum and the horse-armours. The size, preservation, close dating and Eastern provenance of the collection combine to give it unique value to military archaeologists. However, close study of the evidence for the historical context of the siege demonstrates that the archaeological remains left by the defenders cannot, as hoped, be linked with the copious documentary evidence from the site. We do not know the exact identity of the Roman units defending the city. The Roman weaponry is in many respects indistinguishable from that used on the European frontiers of the Empire. Were the defenders European expeditionary troops, or Eastern troops wearing identical equipment? The answer lies in further research into the archaeology of the Eastern army, whose weapons are rarely found. The Dura assemblage will be the yardstick against which new finds will be measured.
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Gernez, Guillaume. "L'armement en métal au Proche et Moyen-Orient : des origines à 1750 av. J.-C." Phd thesis, Université Panthéon-Sorbonne - Paris I, 2007. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00339404.

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Les productions artisanales de l'homme font partie des témoins culturels les plus pertinents pour l'étude des périodes préhistoriques et protohistoriques, dans la mesure où elles sont issues de savoir-faire, de techniques et de conceptions morphologiques et fonctionnelles qui mêlent tradition et changement. Au sein de cette culture dite « matérielle », l'armement métallique occupe une place cruciale puisqu'il est le point de rencontre entre les artisans et le point confrontation entre les peuples.

L'histoire de l'apparition et de l'évolution des armes métalliques répond à une série de besoins, de possibilités et de contraintes qui sont principalement liées à 3 facteurs :

- le matériau, qui permet la réalisation de formes complexes et parfaitement adaptées à un usage souhaité, dont la solidité et l'efficacité peuvent atteindre de haut degrés en fonction des compétences des artisans.
- les stratégies militaires et leurs innovations, qui sont en constante interaction avec les possibilités matérielles (quantitatives et qualitatives) et l'environnement social et politique à différentes échelles (contrôle palatial ou système moins hiérarchisé, périodes d'insécurité ou de guerre ouverte, etc.)
- les traditions artisanales et culturelles. L'accumulation des savoir-faire est pondérée par les refus d'emprunts et surtout les choix culturels. Ces derniers sont au cœur de la problématique envisagée. En effet, les formes et les types sont en lien direct avec une préférence qui n'est souvent pas régie par une contrainte technique, mais plutôt par une volonté identitaire.

Nous avons choisi d'orienter nos recherches en prenant en compte autant que possible l'ensemble de ces problèmes en toile de fond. Cependant, la principale base documentaire est constituée d'un vaste corpus d'armes en métal.

Aucune synthèse générale n'avait encore été menée jusqu'ici, chacune étant concentrée sur une période, une région et/ou une forme bien précise. Il nous semblait pertinent d'étudier le phénomène dans son ensemble, à la fois sur la longue durée et sur une aire géographique large.
Afin de connaître et de comprendre les modalités d'apparition, de développement et de diffusion des formes et des types d'armes, il est apparu nécessaire de mettre en place une base de données permettant de gérer la documentation à la fois riche et variée. Plus de 6130 armes sont répertoriées et le plus souvent illustrées, sur un espace s'étendant de la mer Égée jusqu'à la Bactriane, du Caucase au delta du Nil et de Chypre au Golfe arabo-persique, et ce du milieu du Ve au début du IIe millénaire avant notre ère.
La base de données s'organise en une soixantaine de champs correspondants aux principaux éléments descriptifs des objets, mais également de leurs contextes. À côté des données intrinsèques (morphologie, dimensions, composition), extrinsèques (région, structure, assemblage, contexte) et documentaires (bibliographie), des résultats analytiques sont essentiels (typologie, chronologie). La base de données a été intégrée à un SIG, permettant ainsi une cartographie variée et évolutive de la répartition des armes sur plus de 620 sites.

Les résultats de l'analyse typochronologique et de la répartition des armes permettent d'appréhender l'évolution, la transmission et les échanges de façon dynamique. La complexité entrevue et les nombreuses nuances observées témoignent d'une évolution non linéaire liée à des facteurs techniques, conceptuels et sociopolitiques en constante interaction.

Bien qu'inégalement réparties dans le temps et l'espace, les données iconographiques livrent des informations précieuses à la fois sur la perception, l'utilisation militaire et le rapport culturel à l'armement.

Enfin, pour ne pas restreindre cette recherche aux seuls enjeux matériels, une large part de l'étude est consacrée aux divers contextes, en particulier les dépôts et les tombes. Les données funéraires sont en effet très variées et offrent la possibilité d'établir le degré de relations entre les armes et les hommes.

En réalisant cette synthèse globale de l'évolution des armes métalliques depuis les origines jusqu'au milieu de l'âge du Bronze, nous avons tenté, à travers l'analyse exhaustive des objets et du contexte de leur découverte, de comprendre les trajectoires, les échanges et les transferts techniques et conceptuels au sein des sociétés du Proche et du Moyen-Orient. Cette recherche, volontairement entreprise sur un espace géographique vaste et sur la longue durée, nous a surtout permis de nous interroger sur des thèmes dépassant le cadre matériel, tels que l'identité, les mécanismes de diffusion des techniques et des savoirs, le conservatisme face à l'innovation, ainsi que la diversité culturelle des sociétés de l'Orient ancien.
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Books on the topic "Syria. Army"

1

Hinnebusch, Raymond A. Authoritarian power and state formation in Ba'thist Syria: Army, party, and peasant. Boulder, Colo: Westview Press, 1990.

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McAllester, Jim. Largely a gamble: Australians in Syria, June-July 1941. Syvney: Headquarters Training Command, Australian Army, 1995.

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Akhmedov, V. M. Sot︠s︡ialʹno-politicheskie prot︠s︡essy v arabskikh stranakh Blizhnego Vostoka. Moskva: Gumanitariĭ, 2008.

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Dornan, Peter. The silent men: Syria to Kokoda and on to Goma. St. Leonards, NSW, Australia: Allen & Unwin, 1999.

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compiler, Mace Martin, and Mitchell, Sara (Military history researcher), researcher, eds. North Africa and the Middle East, 1939-1942: Tobruk, Crete, Syria and East Africa. Barnsley, South Yorkshire: Pen & Sword Military, 2015.

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United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on Armed Services. The situation in Syria: Hearing before the Committee on Armed Services, United States Senate, One Hundred Twelfth Congress, second session, March 7, 2012. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2012.

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Hamilton, Stuart. Armoured odyssey: 8th Royal Tank Regiment in the Western Desert 1941-1942, Palestine, Syria, Egypt 1943-1944, Italy 1944-1945. London: Tom Donovan, 1995.

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Paton, Harold. Private Paton's pictures: Behind the lines with Kiwi soldiers in North Africa, 1941-1943. Auckland, N.Z: Penguin, 2003.

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Warby, John. The 25 pounders -- from Egypt to Borneo: Campaigns in Syria, Kumusi River, Salamaua, Lae, Finschhafen, and Balikpapan : the story of the 2/6th Australian Field Regiment, Royal Australian Artillery, Australian Imperial Forces, 1940-1946 : an anecdotal history. Pymble, NSW: 2/6th Field Regiment Association, 1995.

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Kagan, Kobi. An evaluation of strategic arms limitation agreements model, with an application to the Israeli-Syrian conflict. Haifa: Samuel Neaman Institute for Advanced Studies in Science and Technology, 2008.

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Book chapters on the topic "Syria. Army"

1

Grainger, John D. "The Roman army in Syria." In Syrian Influences in the Roman Empire to AD 300, 59–76. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2017.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315114774-5.

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Hinnebusch, Raymond A. "The Pillars of State Power: Army, Party, and Bureaucracy." In Authoritarian Power and State Formation in Ba‘thist Syria, 156–96. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429042515-6.

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Ahmadian, Hassan, and Payam Mohseni. "Iran’s Syria Strategy: The Evolution of Deterrence." In NL ARMS, 231–60. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-419-8_13.

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AbstractIran has been a critical player in the Syrian war since 2011, crafting a complex foreign policy and military strategy to preserve its Syrian ally. What have been the drivers of Iranian decision-making in this conflict? And how has Iranian strategy evolved over the course of the war? This chapter argues that the logic of deterrence has been fundamental not just for shaping the contours of Iran–Syria relations since the Islamic Revolution of 1979, but also for determining the overall trajectory of Iranian strategy in the Syrian war. The authors outline Iran’s decision-making calculus and divide the country’s strategy on Syria after the Arab Spring into four primary phases: (1) a ‘Basij’ strategy to establish local militias in Syria; (2) a regionalization strategy to incorporate transnational fighters and militias in the war effort; (3) an internationalization strategy to incorporate Russia and balance the United States; and (4) a post-ISIS deterrence strategy to balance against the United States, Turkey and Israel. Iran’s Syria strategy progressively escalated in response to the possible defeat of its ally and the deterioration of its forward deterrence capacities against the United States and Israel. Today, the potential for direct inter-state conflict is rising as proxy warfare declines and Iran attempts to maintain the credibility of its forward deterrence.
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Grainger, John D. "Syrians in the Roman army." In Syrian Influences in the Roman Empire to AD 300, 77–145. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2017.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315114774-6.

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Andrade, Nathanael. "Syrian Recruits and Units in the Roman Army." In Military Diasporas, 82–105. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003245568-4.

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Gade, Tine, and Nayla Moussa. "The Lebanese Army After the Syrian Crisis: Alienating the Sunni Community?" In Civil-Military Relations in Lebanon, 23–49. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-55167-8_2.

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"The Free Syrian Army." In Frontline Syria. I.B. Tauris, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755602605.ch-004.

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Ma’oz, Moshe. "From War (1967) to War (1973)." In Syria and Israel, 112–39. Oxford University PressOxford, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198280187.003.0006.

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Abstract The further intensification of the Syrian-Israeli conflict following the June 1967 war planted inter alia the seeds of the October 1973 war between Egypt and Syria, and Israel. Israel, faced with continued Syrian belligerency and influenced by domestic pressures, abandoned its initial flexible post-1967 policy advocating the return of the Golan in exchange for a peace treaty, in favour of a status quo line: keeping the Golan and establishing new settlements there. Syria, meanwhile, attempted to undermine and destroy this status quo by means of Palestinian guerrilla warfare, mainly through Lebanese territory, and subsequently also by preparing its army for another war against Israel. Other factors which contributed to the aggravation of the Syrian-Israeli dispute and indeed to the outbreak of the 1973 war were Soviet and American backing of Syria and Israel respectively, and, crucially, the failure of Israel and Egypt to reach a political settlement despite American and United Nations diplomatic efforts.
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Gilliam, J. F. "The Governors of Syria Coele From Severus to Diocletian." In Roman Army Papers, 173–90. BRILL, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004663817_022.

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"Chapter 3 The New Army." In The Battle for Syria, 1918-1920, 35–53. Boydell and Brewer, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781782041009-007.

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Conference papers on the topic "Syria. Army"

1

Kase, Sue E., Elizabeth K. Bowman, Md Tanvir Al Amin, and Tarek Abdelzaher. "Exploiting social media for Army operations: Syrian crisis use case." In SPIE Sensing Technology + Applications, edited by Barbara D. Broome, David L. Hall, and James Llinas. SPIE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1117/12.2049701.

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Reports on the topic "Syria. Army"

1

Gelerter, Josh. The Alligator Farther From the Canoe: Shaping the Post-Civil War Syrian Army. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, October 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ad1000874.

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Kayaoglu, Barin. Turkey angry, stoic with US decision to arm Syrian Kurds. Al-Monitor: The Pulse of the Middle East, May 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.26598/auis_ug_is_2017_05_10.

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Baliki, Ghassan, Dorothee Weiffen, Melodie Al Daccache, Aysegül Kayaoglu, Lara Sujud, Hadi Jaafar, Hala Ghattas, and Tilman Brück. Seeds for recovery: The long-term impacts of a complex agricultural intervention on welfare, behaviour and stability in Syria (SEEDS). Centre for Excellence and Development Impact and Learning (CEDIL), April 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.51744/crpp7.

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There is scarce evidence on whether and how assistance in humanitarian emergencies and conflict settings impacts household well-being and behaviour. Conducting rigorous impact evaluations in such settings poses multiple challenges in design and data collection. In SEEDS, we evaluate the impact of a complex large-scale multi-arm agricultural intervention on productivity, food security, and resilience in the context of an on-going humanitarian crisis in Syria. Specifically, we identify the causal impacts of agricultural asset transfers over various time horizons (the short-, medium-, and long-run), and across different conditions and subgroups (gender and conflict intensity) at the household-level. We evaluate the effectiveness of irrigation rehabilitation separately at the community-level. We use and combine various data sources, including a unique survey panel dataset collected over a period of four years from multiple governorates in Syria, satellite remote-sensing data, and publicly available violent conflict incidence and weather data. Our findings from using cutting-edge machine and deep learning approaches together with innovative balancing and analytical methods can be summarised as follows: For average treatment effects at the household-level, we find that the provision of agricultural asset support leads to significant improvements in food security in the short- and long-term, three years after the intervention. The positive and significant effect on food security is driven mainly by the increased consumption of healthy food items such as vegetables. In the long-run, livestock support reduces the use of harmful coping strategies households employ to deal with food shortages. Interestingly, we find that households who received vegetable kits are not just less likely to sell their productive assets in the long-term but also are less likely to marry off their young daughters or send their children to work. Overall, we find that both agricultural and livestock asset support is key to improving households’ resilience in the long-term. The irrigation rehabilitation interventions at the community-level positively affected agricultural productivity compared to the pre-intervention and pre-conflict periods. However, these effects were only significantly pronounced in the spring season. As for the heterogeneity analysis, we find that female-headed households benefit remarkably more in terms of food security in the medium-term compared to male-headed families. Moreover, households residing in areas that are moderately affected by violent conflict show stronger food security improvements compared to households from peaceful or conflict-intense settings. Overall, we draw three overarching lessons from our findings in SEEDS: First, agricultural support in protracted conflict settings effectively improves the long-term welfare and resilience of vulnerable households. In fact, the presence of an ongoing humanitarian operation acts as a social safety net if circumstances deteriorate suddenly. Second, not all interventions are equally effective, and not all households equally benefit, underscoring the need to design and implement inclusive context-specific interventions with detailed targeting. Third, methodologically, using multiple remote data sources and machine learning methods help overcome challenges in conducting rigorous impact evaluations in hard-to-reach humanitarian emergency settings.
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