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1
Fuder, Katja. "No experiments : federal privatisation politics in West Germany, 1949-1989." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3610/.
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Privatisation has been a key policy in the late 20th century in many countries. In West Germany, the federal government sold most of its corporate industrial shareholdings to private investors between 1949 and 1989. Unlike many other countries, West Germany did not nationalise entire industries after the Second World War. Instead, the portfolio of public enterprises and participations was mainly an inheritance from the Third Reich. The aim of the thesis is to explore the causes of privatisation and the driving and delaying forces in the privatisation process between 1949 and 1989 based on qualitative historical documents. After the sale of participations stemming from the war economy in the early 1950s, the conservative federal government of CDU and CSU and later the conservative-liberal government of CDU, CSU and FDP under the Federal Chancellors Konrad Adenauer (CDU) and Ludwig Erhard (CDU) pursued a larger scale privatisation programme by issuing people's shares between 1959 and 1965. The programme featured social elements and aimed at the property formation of employees and a wide dispersion of shares in the society. In the 1970s, public enterprises expanded under a social-liberal government of SPD and FDP, until a conservative-liberal government of CDU, CSU and FDP under Federal Chancellor Kohl (CDU) sold most of the remaining federal participations in industrial enterprises between 1984 and 1989. The total volume of privatisation as measured by revenues remained modest compared to other West European countries and strong political resistance within the government parties CDU and CSU manifested in the process. Findings indicate a high continuity of thought and policy patterns from the 1950s until the end of the 1980s while the main reasons for privatisation shifted slightly. In the 1950s and 1960s, privatisation was primarily motivated by fiscal reasons - access to equity capital proved to be limited for the growing federal enterprises. Privatisation in the 1980s was caused by re-interpretations of the economic situation due to globally changing conditions and increased international competition. Hence, it can be interpreted as a lagged response to market crisis in the 1970s. Ideological shifts of paradigm did not drive privatisation. Rather, advocates of ordoliberalism focused on other economic reforms in the 1950s and liberal ideas in the 1980s co-developed with privatisation politics. For many decades, public enterprises were not viewed as ineffcient per se as long as they were operating in competitive markets. This perception only began to change slowly in the 1980s.
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Rembold, Ingrid Kristen. "The politics of Christianization in Carolingian Saxony." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708539.
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Hambridge, Katherine Grace. "The performance of history : music, identity and politics in Berlin, 1800-1815." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283937.
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Zielinski, Joseph M. "The Politics of Appeasement: Great Britain, Germany, and the Upper Silesian Plebiscite." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1307371097.
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Petersen, Cari. ""Be active before you become radioactive" the threat of nuclear war and peace politics in East Germany, 1945--1962 /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3162257.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, 2004.Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 66-01, Section: A, page: 0297. Supervisor: James Diehl. Title from dissertation home page (viewed Oct. 12, 2006).
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Art, David C. 1972. "Debating the lessons of history : the politics of the Nazi past in Germany and Austria." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/28497.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2004."June 2004."
Includes bibliographical references (v. 2, leaves 301-314).
This dissertation argues that public deliberation is a transformative force in democratic politics. I build a framework for analyzing public debates in advanced industrial societies, and then use it to illuminate the political stakes of "coming to terms with the past" in societies with recent histories of mass violations of human rights. My dissertation recasts dealing with the past as a punctuated series of elite debates over the "lessons of history." These lessons become important elements of political culture and important variables in partisan competition. My cases are Germany and Austria, and the dissertation addresses an important empirical puzzle: despite similar electoral institutions, partisan political landscapes, and pressures from immigration, right-wing populist parties have experienced very different fates over the last two decades in the two states. Austria has produced one of Europe's most successful right-wing populist parties (the Austrian Freedom Party, FPO), but no such party has come close to establishing itself in Germany. What explains the divergent strength of the far right in the two surviving successor states of the Third Reich? I argue against existing structural explanations, and instead contend that the divergence between Germany and Austria stems from differences in elite ideas about the Nazi past. In Germany, public debates about Nazism produced an elite consensus that identified right-wing populism as a threat to Germany democracy. When the right-wing populist 'Republikaner' party first appeared, other political parties, the media, and groups within civil society actively combated it and prevented it from establishing itself as a permanent force in German politics. In Austria, however, public debates about the
(cont.) Nazi past produced a nationalist backlash among political parties, the media, and civil society. This reaction created the ideal environment for Jorg Haider to engineer the FPO's electoral breakthrough and consolidation. My findings suggests that to explain the success and failure of right-wing populist parties in general, we need to focus on the strategies that other political parties, the media, and groups in civil society use to deal with them.
by David C. Art.
Ph.D.
7
Anderson, Stephen Frederick. "Establishing US Military Government: Law and Order in Southern Bavaria 1945." PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4689.
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In May 1945, United States Military Government (MG) detachments arrived in assigned areas of Bavaria to launch the occupation. By the summer of 1945, the US occupiers became the ironical combination of stern victor and watchful master. Absolute control gave way to the "direction" of German authority. For this process to succeed, MG officials had to establish a stable, clearly defined and fundamentally strict environment in which German officials would begin to exercise token control. The early occupation was a highly unstable stage of chaos, fear and confusing objectives. MG detachments and the reconstituted German authorities performed complex tasks with many opportunities for failure. In this environment, a crucial MG obligation was to help secure law and order for the defeated and dependent German populace whose previously existing authorities had been removed. Germans themselves remained largely peaceful, yet unforeseen actors such as liberated "Displaced Persons" rose to menace law and order. The threat of criminal disorder and widespread black market activity posed great risks in the early occupation. This thesis demonstrates how US MG established its own authority in the Munich area in 1945, and how that authority was applied and challenged in the realm of criminal law and order. This study explores themes not much researched. Thorough description of local police reestablishment or characteristic crime issues hardly exists. There is no substantial local examination of the relationship between such issues and the early establishment of MG authority. Local MG records housed in the Bayertsches Hauptstaatsarchiv (Bavarian Main State Archives) provide most of the primacy sources. This study also relies heavily on German-language secondary sources.
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Bruce, Gary. "Resistance in the Soviet Occupied ZoneGerman Democratic Republic, 1945-1955." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=35663.
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The following study traces the history of fundamental political resistance to Communism in the Soviet Occupied Zone/German Democratic Republic from 1945 to 1955. The two most tangible manifestations of this form of resistance are dealt with: actions of members of the non-Marxist parties before being co-opted into the Communist system, and the popular uprising on 17 June 1953. In both manifestations, the state's abuse of basic rights of its citizens---such as freedom of speech and personal legal security---played a dominant role in motivation to resist.This study argues that the 17 June uprising was an act of fundamental resistance which aimed to remove the existing political structures in the German Democratic Republic. By examining the Soviet Occupied Zone and German Democratic Republic from 1945 to 1955, it becomes clear that there existed in the population a basic rejection of the Communist system which was entwined with the regime's disregard for basic rights. Protestors on 17 June 1953 demonstrated for the release of political prisoners, and voiced political demands similar to those which had been raised by oppositional members of the non-Marxist parties in the German Democratic Republic prior to their being forced into line. The organized political resistance in the non-Marxist parties represented "Resistance with the People" (Widerstand mit Volk).
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Miller, Jennifer Anne. "The Politics of Nazi Art: The Portrayal of Women in Nazi Painting." PDXScholar, 1996. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/5157.
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The study of Nazi art as an historical document provided an effective measure of Nazi political platform and social policy. Because the ideology of the Third Reich is represented within Nazi art itself, it is useful to have a good understanding of the politics and ideology, surrounding the German art world at the time. Women were used in this study as an exemplification of Nazi art. This study uses the subject of women in Nazi painting, to show how the ideology is represented within the art work itself. It was first necessary to understand the fervorent "cleansing" of the German art world initiated by the Nazis. The Nazis too effectively stamped out all forms of professional art criticism, and virtually changed the function of the art critic to art editor. The nazification of the German artist was "necessary" in order for the Nazis to enjoy total control over the creation of German art. With these three steps taken in the "cleansing" of the German art world, the Nazis made sure that the creation of a "true" Germanic art would go forth completely unhindered. In order to comprehend the subject of Nazi art regarding women, the inherent ideology must be studied. The "new" German woman under National Socialism, was to be the mother, the model of Aryan characteristics, healthy and lean. Nazi political doctrine stated that women were inherently connected with the blood and soil of the nation, as well as nature itself. Women were to be innocent and pure, the bearers of the future Volk and the sustenance of that Volk. Once this political ideology is understood, the depiction of the German woman as mother, as nature, as sexual object, can be placed within Nazi historical context. Political art provided the Nazi state, the historical legitimization the government needed. It provided the means by which the state could be visually validated, politically, and historically.
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Osmond, Jonathan. "The free peasantry : agrarian protest in the Bavarian Palatinate, 1893-1933." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:18ff2c23-f1b2-47a8-99b8-093dce81e7c7.
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This is a study of a German peasant pressure group of the 1920s. It is intended as a contribution to the debate about the role of the agrarian interest in the development of modern German politics. Its geographical scope is primarily the Bavarian Palatinate, but attention is also given to broader areas of the Rhineland and Bavaria. It is hoped too that light is cast upon issues common to large parts of Germany. The Free Peasantry (Freie Bauernschaft) developed a new concept of peasant trade unionism, which it hoped would assert peasant interests against those of industrial labour. Taking hold in small-farm areas of western and southern Germany, it lasted only from its foundation on the Lower Rhine in 1919 to its dissolution in the Saar territory in 1934, and for the even shorter period of 1920-29 in the Palatinate itself. In the Palatinate, however, it had a huge impact, launching agricultural delivery strikes against the postwar controlled economy and in 1923 providing the leader of most successful of the Rhenish separatist Putsche. The thesis places the Free Peasantry in the context of agrarian organisation and protest from the foundation of the Agrarian League (Bund der Landwirte) to the first year of National Socialist rule. These years saw the growth and then the disintegration of the freely organised peasant interest. Emphasis is placed on the agricultural economy, particularly during the inflation and the depression, and the central question posed is how the peasantry tried to find a satisfactory representation of its interests during these years of economic turmoil. The main sources were official papers in the Bavarian and Rhineland archives, the newspapers of the peasant associations, and the author's interview with the former chairman of the Free Peasantry.
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Nase, Marco. "Academics and Politics : Northern European Area Studies at Greifswald University, 1917–1991." Doctoral thesis, Södertörns högskola, Historia, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-29906.
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The decision to institute Area Studies in German universities in 1917, was born out of a perceived need to widen the intellectual horizon of the public and academia alike. At Greifswald University this ambitious reform programme saw the foundation of a Nordic Institute, charged with interdisciplinary studies of contemporary Northern Europe. Its interdisciplinarity and implicit role in public diplomacy made the Nordic Institute, and the institutions that succeeded it, an anomaly within the university, until the institute was fundamentally reformed in the early 1990s. The study explores the institutional development of the institute under five different political regimes – Kaiserreich, Weimar Republic, Third Reich, GDR and FRG. It does so through the lens of scholars as utility-seeking actors, manoeuvring between the confines of an academic environment and the possibilities afforded by the institute’s political task. It becomes apparent that the top-down institution of interdisciplinary scholarship produced a number of conflicts between the disciplinarily organized career path on theone hand, and scholars’ investment in broader regional research on the other. Personal conflicts in a confined and competitive environment, and a persistent shortage of funding provided further incentives for scholars to overcome perceived limitations of the academic sphere by offering their cooperation to the political field. Individual attempts to capitalize on a reciprocal exchange of resources with the political field remained a feature under all political regimes, but the opportunity to do so successfully depended on the receptiveness of the political field. Cooperation, where it was established, also proved to be difficult, with the interests of political and academic actors often diverging, and the political side’s interest becoming dominant. The study examines the underlying motivations of scholars to seek assistance from outside the academic field, but also the problems connected with that approach, and demonstrates the specific problems faced by Area Studies in a German context.
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Koontz, Christopher N. (Christopher Noel). "The Cultural Politics of Baldur von Schirach, 1925-1940." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278546/.
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Goetze, Stefan. "The transformation of the East German police after German unification." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669799.
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Volkmann, Abigail J. "River Basin Management and Restoration in Germany and the United States: Two Case Studies." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/165.
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The uses and management of water resources play an important role in the development of a culture and the health of its environment and population. Humans throughout history have consistently exploited rivers, which degrades water quality and leads to water scarcity. This thesis is an examination of two river restoration projects, one on the Oder River in Germany and the other on the Klamath River in the United States, that represent each country's efforts to reverse river exploitation. These cases in Germany and the United States demonstrate the importance of achieving a better understanding of the political instruments and strategies for mitigating environmental issues on a global scale.
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Moss, William Henry Timothy. "Cities in the inflation : municipal government in Berlin, Cologne and Frankfurt am Main during the early years of the Weimar Republic." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670289.
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Vonyó, Tamás. "Post-war reconstruction and the economic miracle : the dynamics of West German economic growth during the 1950s and 1960s." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669982.
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Bukaty, Ryan Michael. "Commercial Diplomacy: The Berlin-Baghdad Railway and Its Peaceful Effects on Pre-World War I Anglo-German Relations." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2016. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc849612/.
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Slated as an economic outlet for Germany, the Baghdad Railway was designed to funnel political influence into the strategically viable regions of the Near East. The Railway was also designed to enrich Germany's coffers with natural resources with natural resources and trade with the Ottomans, their subjects, and their port cities... Over time, the Railway became the only significant route for Germany to reach its "place in the sun," and what began as an international enterprise escalated into a bid for diplomatic influence in the waning Ottoman Empire.
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Van, der Heyden Ulrich Klaus Helmut. "GDR development policy with special reference to Africa, c. 1960-1990." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001860.
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This thesis explores the political, economic and theoretical underpinnings of the German Democratic Republic’s (GDR’s) development policies towards the Third World between c.1960 and 1990. Particular attention is paid to Africa. Case studies of assistance to SWAPO and the ANC further focus the attention of the reader on southern Africa in particular. Aspects of both military and civilian aid are considered, including both development initiatives overseas in Africa, and development training for Africans within the GDR itself. Since German “reunification”, the GDR’s history has been explored largely from a West German perspective. The present work attempts to provide a more balanced view of successes and shortcomings of the GDR’s policies towards, and interaction with, African countries and liberation movements. It also aims to bring to the attention of English-speaking readers German archival sources, other primary sources and published works which they would otherwise have been unlikely to encounter. From its formation, the GDR made strenuous efforts to develop relations with countries which were either free from colonial dependency or were struggling for freedom. Over the course of thirty years, it followed a number of different approaches, and developed diverse objectives. These were shaped in the wider context of the cold war, the Hallstein doctrine (which established that the FRG – and, in effect, its allies - would not establish or maintain diplomatic relations with any state that recognised the GDR), the relationships between the GDR and partner socialist states, and the economic difficulties faced by the GDR. Arising from this complex situation, from time to time, both internally in the GDR and in terms of its foreign affairs, tensions and discrepancies arose between theoretical objectives and political and economic reality. Despite these severe constraints, during the period under review, the volume and range of the GDR’s relationships with developing countries increased dramatically. For example, between 1970 and 1987, the number of developing countries with which the GDR had foreign economic relations on the basis of international agreements grew from 23 to 64. Viewed within its economic context, the state was arguably far more committed to development aid than the Federal Republic of Germany. In addition, there is a great deal of evidence that “solidarity” with developing nations and the oppressed enjoyed a considerable degree of popular support.
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Dirickson, Perry. "School Spirit or School Hate: The Confederate Battle Flag, Texas High Schools, and Memory, 1953-2002." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5467/.
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The debate over the display of the Confederate battle flag in public places throughout the South focus on the flag's display by state governments such South Carolina and Mississippi. The state of Texas is rarely placed in this debate, and neither has the debate adequately explore the role of high schools' use of Confederate symbols. Schools represent the community and serve as a symbol of its values. A school represented by Confederate symbols can communicate a message of intolerance to a rival community or opposing school during sports contests. Within the community, conflict arose when an opposition group to the symbols formed and asked for the symbols' removal in favor of symbols that were seen more acceptable by outside observers. Many times, an outside party needed to step in to resolve the conflict. In Texas, the conflict between those in favor and those oppose centered on the Confederate battle flag, and the memory each side associated with the flag. Anglos saw the flag as their school spirit. African Americans saw hatred.
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Palmowski, Jan. "Liberalism and the city : the case of Frankfurt am Main, 1866-1914." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1e1b5618-6038-42d2-98b7-ecec90ea7805.
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Although in the German Empire the cities were major strongholds of political liberalism, this fact has until very recently attracted little attention from scholars preoccupied with the history of 'high politics' leading up to the two World Wars. This thesis is one of the first analyses of German liberalism at city level, and proceeds from the assumption that in a country with such a regionally and locally diverse political culture as Germany, this type of 'history from below' is a necessary precondition for any satisfactory understanding of the nature of German liberalism in general. Following the introduction, chapter two demonstrates that in Frankfurt, local government became politicised as early as the 1870s. Indeed, chapter three shows how the early experience of Frankfurt liberals in municipal politics was crucial as they defended themselves against emerging political groups during the following decades, particularly the Mittelstand and the SPD. The fourth chapter analyses the development of liberal attitudes towards municipal finance as a background to chapter five which uses the example of Frankfurt to demonstrate how crucial the issue of municipal finance was to the viability of local liberalism not just in theory, but also in practice. Chapter six considers the importance of education to local liberalism as it touched on a number of themes which were central to urban liberals' understanding of themselves, in particular the issues of local self-government and religion. The final chapter looks at the crucial area of social policy, to see to what extent local liberals were merely reactive, and to what extent they were innovative as they faced the new problems of urbanisation and industrialisation. The sophistication of liberal politics in local government, the only level of government where liberals were in the position of carrying out their policies, underlines the gravity of the problem which the lack of parliamentary government posed for liberals at the state and national level. Furthermore, the thesis points to a central dilemma, because, to be successful in Frankfurt and other regions, liberals had to respond to the particular culture at the local level, a requirement that was in direct contrast to the necessity of finding a coherent political consensus at the level of national and state politics. Even though at the local level the liberal capacity of responding to the social and political challenges of their rapidly changing environment has been proved beyond doubt, their policies, their rhetoric and their organisational lead could have only a very limited effect on German liberalism in general. The urban liberals' ideal of creating a more liberal society from 'the bottom up', through the cities, was undermined by the fact that the political future of German liberalism at the state and national level came to rest increasingly on its electoral appeal in the countryside, just at a time when urban liberal self-consciousness reached its peak.
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Kronwall, Mary Elizabeth. "Great Britain, the Council of Foreign Ministers, and the Origins of the Cold War, 1947." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1988. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501072/.
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Scholars assert that the Cold War began at one of several different points. Material recently available at the National Archives yields a view different from those already presented. From these records, and material from the Foreign Relations Series, Parliamentary Debates, and United States Government documents, a new picture emerges. This study focuses on the British occupation of Germany and on the Council of Foreign Ministers' Moscow Conference of 1947. The failure of this conference preceded the adoption of the Marshall Plan and a stronger Western policy toward the Soviet Union. Thus, the Moscow Conference emphasized the disintegrating relations between East and West which resulted in the Cold War.
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Haffner, Stephanie C. "Has the Franco-German Power Balance in the European Union Tipped in Favor of Germany?" Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/194.
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The power balance between France and Germany in the European Union has been one of great discussion and debate. Countless journalists and scholars have argued that Germany’s power has risen gradually against the seemingly perpetually stronger France over the past sixty years, and is now finally set to surpass France; but how true are these claims? How can power within the EU truly be measured? Through an analysis of Franco-German collaboration through unionization, a critique of the contemporary discourse on the relationship, and an examination of changing contributions to the EU budget, my paper argues that the Franco-German power balance has never been truly equal, as Germany has continually been the largest source of economic power in the European Union since its creation.
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Abrahams-Sprod, Michael E. "Life under Siege: The Jews of Magdeburg under Nazi Rule." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1627.
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This regional study documents the life and the destruction of the Jewish community of Magdeburg, in the Prussian province of Saxony, between 1933 and 1945. As this is the first comprehensive and academic study of this community during the Nazi period, it has contributed to both the regional historiography of German Jewry and the historiography of the Shoah in Germany. In both respects it affords a further understanding of Jewish life in Nazi Germany. Commencing this study at the beginning of 1933 enables a comprehensive view to emerge of the community as it was on the eve of the Nazi assault. The study then analyses the spiralling events that led to its eventual destruction. The story of the Magdeburg Jewish community in both the public and private domains has been explored from the Nazi accession to power in 1933 up until April 1945, when only a handful of Jews in the city witnessed liberation. This study has combined both archival material and oral history to reconstruct the period. Secondary literature has largely been incorporated and used in a comparative sense and as reference material. This study has interpreted and viewed the period from an essentially Jewish perspective. That is to say, in documenting the experiences of the Jews of Magdeburg, this study has focused almost exclusively on how this population simultaneously lived and grappled with the deteriorating situation. Much attention has been placed on how it reacted and responded at key junctures in the processes of disenfranchisement, exclusion and finally destruction. This discussion also includes how and why Jews reached decisions to abandon their Heimat and what their experiences with departure were. In the final chapter of the community’s story, an exploration has been made of how the majority of those Jews who remained endured the final years of humiliation and stigmatisation. All but a few perished once the implementation of the ‘Final Solution’ reached Magdeburg in April 1942. The epilogue of this study charts the experiences of those who remained in the city, some of whom survived to tell their story.
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Abrahams-Sprod, Michael E. "Life under Siege: The Jews of Magdeburg under Nazi Rule." University of Sydney, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1627.
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Doctor of PhilosophyThis regional study documents the life and the destruction of the Jewish community of Magdeburg, in the Prussian province of Saxony, between 1933 and 1945. As this is the first comprehensive and academic study of this community during the Nazi period, it has contributed to both the regional historiography of German Jewry and the historiography of the Shoah in Germany. In both respects it affords a further understanding of Jewish life in Nazi Germany. Commencing this study at the beginning of 1933 enables a comprehensive view to emerge of the community as it was on the eve of the Nazi assault. The study then analyses the spiralling events that led to its eventual destruction. The story of the Magdeburg Jewish community in both the public and private domains has been explored from the Nazi accession to power in 1933 up until April 1945, when only a handful of Jews in the city witnessed liberation. This study has combined both archival material and oral history to reconstruct the period. Secondary literature has largely been incorporated and used in a comparative sense and as reference material. This study has interpreted and viewed the period from an essentially Jewish perspective. That is to say, in documenting the experiences of the Jews of Magdeburg, this study has focused almost exclusively on how this population simultaneously lived and grappled with the deteriorating situation. Much attention has been placed on how it reacted and responded at key junctures in the processes of disenfranchisement, exclusion and finally destruction. This discussion also includes how and why Jews reached decisions to abandon their Heimat and what their experiences with departure were. In the final chapter of the community’s story, an exploration has been made of how the majority of those Jews who remained endured the final years of humiliation and stigmatisation. All but a few perished once the implementation of the ‘Final Solution’ reached Magdeburg in April 1942. The epilogue of this study charts the experiences of those who remained in the city, some of whom survived to tell their story.
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Fotheringham, John McGowan. "Ernst Toller : from Einheitsfront to Volksfront : the development of Toller's political ideology (1919-1939)." Thesis, University of Stirling, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/3550.
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This thesis examines the development of the political outlook of the German author and revolutionary politician, Ernst Toller. It begins by looking at Toller's early years and explains how his experience as a front-line soldier during the First World war transformed his views, causing him to reject the conservative-nationalist ethos he had grown up with and to become, in his own description, a revolutionary pacifist. It then looks at his involvement in the revolutionary events which took place in Bavaria at the end of the First World War, the so-called Räterepublik, examines how they affected his understanding of social and political reality and traces their artistic reflection in the plays he wrote in the following period. A recurrent theme in Toller's political thinking throughout the years of the Weimar Republic was the idea of an Einheitsfront, a defence block of workers' organisations, which he advocated as the only means of halting the rise of National Socialism. Unfortunately, Toller's appeals to the main workers' parties to form such a block went unheard, yet they are significant all the same in that they reveal the acute political insight of a man whom many of his contemporaries dismissed as a hopeless utopian. Interestingly, and a point often missed in studies of his politics, Toller abandoned the Einheitsfront after he went into exile in 1933 and came to favour instead the creation of a Volksfront a broad, cross-party anti-fascist coalition which the Soviet Union vigorously promoted all through the 1930s until the signing of the Stalin-Hitler Pact in 1940. Toller's support for this idea, in part a corollary of his support for the Soviet Union itself, had a profound impact on his political outlook in exile, and caused him to close his eyes to the repression suffered by the opponents of the Stalin regime both inside and outside Russia, and, most significantly, led him to ignore the nascent socialist revolution which flourished in Spain after the defeat of Franco's coup d'etat in 1936. This study examines in some detail, therefore, Toller's involvement in the Volksfront, redefines his attitude towards Communist Russia and shows how his efforts to suppress his revolutionary beliefs and to become instead a mere anti-fascist affected his creative spirit during his years of exile.
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Collins, Steven Morris. "Intelligence and the Uprising in East Germany 1953: An Example of Political Intelligence." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1011823/.
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In 1950, the leader of the German Democratic Republic (East Germany), Walter Ulbricht, began a policy of connecting foreign threats with domestic policy failures as if the two were the same, and as if he was not responsible for either. This absolved him of blame for those failures and allowed Ulbricht to define his internal enemies as agents of the western powers. He used the state's secret police force, known as the Stasi, to provide the information that supported his claims of western obstructionism and to intimidate his adversaries. This resulted in a politicization of intelligence whereby Stasi officers slanted information so that it conformed to Ulbricht's doctrine of western interference. Comparisons made of eyewitness' statements to the morale reports filed by Stasi agents show that there was a difference between how the East German worker felt and the way the Stasi portrayed their attitudes to the politburo. Consequently, prior to June 17, 1953, when labor strikes inspired a million East German citizens to rise up against Ulbricht's oppressive government, the politicization of Stasi intelligence caused information over labor unrest to be unreliable at a time of increasing risk to the regime. This study shows the extent of Ulbricht's politicization of Stasi intelligence and its effect on the June 1953 uprising in the German Democratic Republic.
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Cordes, Niels G. (Niels Guether). "A Spatial Analysis of Right-wing Radical Parties: The Case of the Republikaner Party Programs Since 1983." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277992/.
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Right-wing parties in European states have improved electorally in recent years. The small German Republikaner party is representative of these successes. This study examines outcomes for the Republikaner that may be attributable to movements on a number of policy issues.
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Dodd, Andrew. "West German editorial journalists between division and reunification, 1987-1991." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/4205.
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This thesis analyzes the published commentary of editorial journalists regarding the division of Germany in twelve major newspapers of the Federal Republic of Germany in a period spanning from the final years of division to the immediate aftermath of the unification of the two German states. The study tracks editorial advocacy in response to East German leader Erich Honecker's Bonn visit in 1987 coupled with the intra-German policy efforts of the Social Democratic Party in opposition, which seemed to edge towards two-state neutralism; the wave of repression in the German Democratic Republic from late 1987 onward in the wake of Mikhail Gorbachev's reform programme, and the June 1989 visit of Mikhail Gorbachev to Bonn. Journalistic commentators' propagation of a form of constitutional patriotism as a Federal Republican identity will be examined. Responses to the East German Revolution as it developed in late 1989 are analyzed in detail, followed by an account of journalistic efforts to define the political-cultural parameters of united Germany between March 1990 and June 1991. After four decades, the post-war division of Germany had acquired a degree of normalcy. Journalistic commentators argued against any acceptance of division that also accepted the existence of the party-state dictatorship in the German Democratic Republic, insisting that the German Question was 'open' until self-determination for East Germans was realized. Nevertheless, throughout the period journalistic commentators argued in unison against solutions to division which would alienate the Federal Republic from its western alliance or put its established socio-political order at risk. Contemporary journalism propagated an image of the Federal Republic that was thoroughly defined by its post-war internalization of 'Western' value norms. This was most evident during the East German Revolution and the immediate aftermath, ostensibly the moment of greatest uncertainty about Germany's future path, when commentators became champions of continuity within the western alliance.
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Robbie, Steven. "The emergence of regional polities in Burgundy and Alemannia, c.888-940 : a comparative assessment." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3033.
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This study uses the ‘duchies' of Burgundy and Alemannia as case studies for an examination of the nature and causes of political change in the five decades after the death in 888 of the Emperor Charles the Fat ended the Carolingian monopoly on kingship in the Frankish realms. Existing narratives of this period posit discontinuity between the pre- and post-888 political worlds and define the status of dukes in opposition to royal power as the manifestation of either regional communal identity or self-centred aristocratic greed. Close examination of Burgundy and Alemannia indicates that such approaches are invalid, and that the fundaments of the Carolingian system persisted in the ideology and practice of politics after 888: a desire for the control over land and religious establishments, juxtaposed with a deep-seated belief in the centrality of the kingship to the political order. Dukedoms emerged in both regions not as a result of deep-rooted social forces but as short-term responses by magnates to crises at the centre. The perception that the dukedom was an essential form of political organization failed to take root in either territory prior to 940. Although the status of the dukedoms ultimately developed in different ways in the two kingdoms, it is suggested that the root causes of this are best sought in high politics itself.
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Aldridge, Guy B. "Forgotten and Unfulfilled: German Transitions in the French Occupation Zone, 1945-1949." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1427127938.
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De, Santiago Ramos Simone C. "Dem Schwerte Muss Der Pflug Folgen: Űber-Peasants and National Socialist Settlements in the Occupied Eastern Territories during World War Two." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3681/.
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German industrialization in the nineteenth century had brought forward a variety of conflicting ideas when it came to the agrarian community. One of them was the agrarian romantic movement led by Adam Műller, who feared the loss of the traditional German peasant. Műller influenced Reichdeutsche Richard Walther Darré, who argued that large cities were the downfall of the German people and that only a healthy peasant stock would be able to ‘save' Germany. Under Darré's definition, “Geopolitik” was the defense of the land, the defense with Pflug und Schwert (plow and sword) by Wehrbauern, an ‘Űberbauer-fusion' of soldier and peasant. In order to accomplish these goals, new settlements had to be established while moving from west to east. The specific focus of this study is on the original Hegewald resettlement ideas of Richard Walther Darré and how his philosophy was taken over by Himmler and fit into his personal needs and creed after 1941. It will shed some light on the interaction of Darré and Himmler and the notorious internal fights and power struggles between the various governmental agencies involved. The Ministry for Food and Agriculture under the leadership of Darré was systematically pushed into the background and all previous, often publicly announced re-settlement policies were altered; Darré was pushed aside once the eastern living space was actually occupied.
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Mispelkamp, Peter K. H. (Peter Karl Heinz). "The Kriegsmarine, Quisling, and Terboven : an inquiry into the Boehm-Terboven affair, April 1940-March 1943." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63255.
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Katz, Joshua A. "The Concept of Overcoming the Political: An Intellectual Biography of SS-Standartenfuehrer and Professor Dr. Reinhard Hoehn, 1904-1944." VCU Scholars Compass, 1997. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/998.
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This study examines the interconnection between the ideas and political activities of Reinhard Hoehn during the Weimar and Nazi Eras. In particular, Hoehn's political writings, which are closely analyzed, indicate a continuing commitment to the ideals of the Conservative Revolution through his changes in political affiliations. It serves as a case study of the much debated relationship between the Conservative Revolution and Nazism.While developing as a radical right-wing Weimar intellectual, Hoehn joined a succession of Revolutionary Conservative Kampfbuende. His political writings and affiliations showed a commitment to the destruction of liberal conceptions in politics, sociology, and legal theory. His ultimate objective was the establishment of Volksgemeinschaft in Germany. When by 1931 his hopes for achieving these goals through the conservative Jungdeutche Orden ended, he began working for the SS.During the Third Reich, Hoehn eventually served as a legal advisor to Heinrich Himmler and as a head of Zentralabteilung II/2 of the Sicherheitsdienst (SS Security Service), which investigated "German Spheres of Life." He also wrote considerably during the Third Reich on both German law and international relations. His theories revealed a preoccupation with eliminating from law the concept of sovereignty and individualism as continuing vestiges of absolutism and liberalism. This belief led Hoehn to attempt to eliminate the 'individual personalities' of both the state and the Nazi Party. He thus deviated from Nazi ideologues and leaders on these significant matters, while he made compromises with the SS on issues of race and Himmler's political interests. However, an examination of Hoehn's writings and activities in Weimar and the Third Reich shows a dedication to an idealism that was in part distinct from Nazi orthodoxy, as well as a political realism in the sense that he knew his ideals were futile without the political backing of the SS.
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Rottwilm, Philipp Moritz. "Electoral system reform in early democratisers : strategic coordination under different electoral systems." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6c3ebcf9-f25b-4ce8-a837-619230729c33.
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On the basis of case studies of 19th and early 20th century Germany, Sweden and the Netherlands, I address the question of how and when incumbent right elites reformed electoral systems under a rising political threat from the left. Some states adopted proportional representation (PR) earlier than others. Why did different states adopt PR at different times? One important factor was the existing electoral system before the adoption of PR. This has been missed in academic research since most scholars have assumed that the electoral system in place before the adoption of PR in most Western European states was single-member plurality (SMP). I show that the system in place prior to PR in most Western European states was not SMP but a two-round system (TRS). TRS effects are still poorly understood by political scientists. I argue that both PR and TRS were used as safeguards by the parties on the right against an electoral threat from the left, which originated from the expansion of suffrage. PR was used as a last resort after other safeguards had been exhausted. I state that in the presence of a strong left threat, countries with TRS could wait longer to implement PR than countries with SMP in place. Under TRS, the adoption of PR was considerably delayed since electoral coordination between parties could be applied more effectively than under SMP systems. This was largely due to the increase of information and time after the first round of TRS elections, which was used by right parties to coordinate votes around the most promising candidate before the second round. First round results under TRS were used as an "electoral opinion poll". Based on these results, the right could react more effectively than the left in order to improve outcomes in round two.
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Payen, Guillaume. "Racines et combat. L'existence politique de Martin Heidegger : patriotisme, nationalisme et engagement d’un intellectuel européen jusqu'à l'avènement du nazisme (1889-1933)." Thesis, Paris 4, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA040244.
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Cette thèse de doctorat est une biographie historique et politique de Martin Heidegger, comparé à d'autres intellectuels européens ; elle traite de l'amour de ce philosophe pour sa Heimat (pays natal) et pour l'Allemagne, articulé avec son appartenance à l'Europe et à l'Histoire de l'Être ; cette identité politique complexe va de pair avec une critique sévère du monde moderne en continuité avec ses origines catholiques conservatrices et avec une conception de la pensée « apolitique » bien qu'engagée, cela bien avant l'avènement du nazisme et le rectorat de Heidegger. De ce fait, cette thèse, qui n'évite pas la question de son engagement nazi, couvre un champ historique bien plus large et tente de mettre en lumière l'arrière-plan complexe et changeant, qui bien avant l'ascension de Hitler, permet de comparer le philosophe avec des intellectuels de droite révolutionnaire en Allemagne (Révolution conservatrice) aussi bien qu'en Europe : après la découverte du Mouvement de jeunesse et l'expérience de la guerre en 1918, Heidegger abandonna son conservatisme catholique et se convertit à l'idée d'une révolution philosophique inspirée par les idéaux de responsabilité et d'authenticité de ce mouvement de réforme de la vie. Durant les années 1920, il conçut la philosophie de plus en plus avec les idées de combat et de racines ; l'importance reconnue à la violence politique, y compris pour un but philosophique, fait clairement de Martin Heidegger un fils de ces sociétés européennes “brutalisées” par la Grande Guerre et le met nettement au milieu de ces intellectuels de droite révolutionnaireThis Ph.D. dissertation is a historical political biography of Martin Heidegger, compared with other European intellectuals ; it deals with the philosopher's love for his Heimat (homeland) and for Germany, articulated with his belonging to Europe and to the history of being ; this complex political identity goes with a severe criticism of modern world in continuity with his conservative catholic origins, and with an apolitical though engaged conception of thought, that long before the coming of Nazism and Heidegger's rectorate. For that matter, this thesis, which does not avoid the question of his Nazi engagement, has a much larger scope and tries to bring into the light the complex and changing background, that even before Hitler's elevation, allows to compare the philosopher with revolutionary right-wing intellectuals in Germany (Conservative Revolution) as well as in Europe : after the discovery of the German Youth Movement and the experience of war in 1918, Heidegger left his catholic conservatism and converted to an idea of philosophical revolution inspired by the ideals of responsibility and authenticity of this life reform movement. During the 1920's, he conceived philosophy more and more with the ideas of fight and roots ; The importance recognized to fight and violence in politics, even for a philosophical goal, makes clearly Martin Heidegger a son of these “brutalized” European after-war societies and put him in the middle of these revolutionary right-wing intellectuals
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Thompson, Celso Péricles Fonseca. "O cantar da Germânia: política e cultura na Alemanha na passagem dos séculos XII e XIII." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2012. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=4990.
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Esta tese desenvolvida na linha de pesquisa Política e Cultura destaca o interesse pelos fenômenos da transmissão do conhecimento intelectual. A tese reconstrói a expressão da cultura política medieval germânica pela ótica de dois poetas, Walther von der Vogelweide e Wolfram von Eschenbach, integrantes da aristocracia guerreira. Os suportes teóricos dos Sprüche, sentenças de natureza política de Vogelweide e do Parzifal de Eschenbach, foram fundamentais para compreender o posicionamento político e cultural alemão frente às transformações que afetaram a Cristandade no período de fins do século XII ao início do século XIII. Esse período foi marcado pelo confronto de Papas e Imperadores em torno do direito de exercer a autoridade no âmbito do Sacro Império Romano-Germânico. O movimento cruzadista, o renascimento urbano e a ascensão de novos atores sociais burgueses integram o conjunto dos elementos a serem levados em conta na elaboração da tese. A ideia norteadora do trabalho tornou necessário recorrer a obras literárias com objetivo de elucidar questões de natureza histórica, tendo claro que a Literatura não é um contraponto da História e o texto resultante contribua para ressignificar a produção política da cultura medieval e um melhor entendimento dos mecanismos do poder na Alemanha medieval. No plano teórico-metodológico recorremos à chamada História Cultural fornecendo uma visão integradora dos planos político, social e econômico.This thesis developed in the research line of Politics and Culture highlights the interest in the phenomena of transmission of intellectual knowledge. The thesis reconstructs the expression of medieval German political culture through the eyes of two poets, Walther von der Vogelweide and Wolfram von Eschenbach, members of the warrior aristocracy. The theoretical foundations guiding the work of Sprüche, sentences of Vogelweides political and the Parzifal by Eschenbach were key to the understanding of the political positioning facing German cultural transformations affecting Christianity during the late twelfth century to the early thirteenth century. This period was marked by the confrontation among Popes and Emperors for the right of authority in the Holy Roman Empire. The Crusader movement, the urban renaissance and the rise of new bourgeois social actors integrate the group of elements to be taken into account in preparing the thesis. The head topic of the work made necessary resorting into literary works to elucidate questions of historical nature, having clear that literature is not a counterpoint to history and that the resulting text will help reconsider the political production of medieval culture and a better understanding of the mechanisms of power in medieval Germany. In theoretical and methodological fields we resorted to the so called Cultural History providing an integrated view of the political, social and economic areas.
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Eichkorn, Florian. "Geothermie." Bachelor's thesis, Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2016. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-187919.
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Ende der 1970er Jahre sah sich die SED in der DDR gezwungen angesichts hoher Auslandsverschuldung und gestiegener Importpreise für fossile Energieträger stärker in heimische Energiequellen und rationellere Energieanwendung zu investieren. In diesem Kontext und um Anschluss an die internationale Entwicklung zu halten wurde Ende der 1970er und in den 1980er Jahren die Nutzung oberflächennaher und tiefer Geothermie gefördert. Im Rahmen dieser Arbeit wird neben einer chronologischen Darstellung der Geothermieförderung in der DDR eine Einordnung in deren Energiepolitik, der Wärmeversorgung und der Förderung anderer erneuerbarer Energien geleistet. Aufgrund des geringen historischen Forschungsstandes zur Geothermie und der Wärmeversorgung in der DDR allgemein wurde dieser Arbeit ein explorativer Ansatz zugrunde gelegt. Als Quellenbasis dienten unter anderem Artikel aus wissenschaftlichen Zeitschriften der DDR und verschiedene Archivbestände. Ende der 1970er Jahre bis 1983 versuchte die SED den Einsatz von Wärmepumpen für die Wärmeversorgung zu fördern. Obwohl zahlreiche Pilotprojekte wie die Wärmepumpenheizzentrale Dresden fertiggestellt wurden stießen die politischen Planvorgaben auf materielle Engpässe und wenig Nachfrage in der Wärmeversorgung. Nach der abrupten Reduzierung der Zielvorgaben für die Wärmepumpenförderung wurde ab 1984 mit besonderem politischem Interesse die Tiefengeothermie gefördert und hierfür der Spezialbetrieb VEB Geothermie Neubrandenburg gegründet. Von den geplanten Anlagen zur Versorgung von Wohngebieten mit insgesamt 110 MW thermischer Leistung konnten bis zum Ende der DDR tiefengeothermische Heizzentralen in Waren, Neubrandenburg und Prenzlau fertiggestellt werden, was 22% der geplanten Leistung entsprach. Somit scheiterte auch das Großprojekt einer geothermischen Wärmeversorgung von Schwerin. Grund waren unter anderem übersteigerte Planvorgaben, der materielle Mangel in der Wirtschaft der DDR und nicht ausreichende Erfahrungen mit der jungen TechnologieAt the end of the 1970s the socialist party of the GDR was forced by high debts in foreign currency and risen import prices for fossil fuels to invest in indigenous energy sources and more rational energy applications. In this context and to take pace with the international development the SED began at the end of the 1970s and during the 1980s to support the use of geothermal heating. This thesis consists of a chronological representation of the geothermal energy support in the GDR and contextualizes East German energy policy, heat supply and use of other renewable energy sources. Historical sources consist to the main extent on archive material and scientific papers from the GDR. Until 1983 the SED tried to promote the application of heat pumps for heat supply. Even though several pilot projects like the heat pump station in Dresden were successfully erected, the political plan targets collided with material short supply and low demand in the heating business. After the sudden reduction of the political targets concerning heat pumps, special political interest was given to geothermal energy in higher depths since 1984. Therefore a special company the VEB Geothermie Neubrandenburg was founded. From the planned stations for heat supply of residential areas with a total power of 110 MW only 22% were actually finished until the end of the GDR in 1990. Those stations were located in Waren, Neubrandenburg and Prenzlau in the northern part of East Germany. Consequently failed the major project of a geothermal heat supply of the city of Schwerin. Reasons were excessive plan targets, the material short supply in the East German economy and a lack of experiences in the young technology
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Vercauteren, Pierre. "Des politiques européennes à l'égard de l'URSS: la France, la RFA et la Grande-Bretagne de 1969 à 1989." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211974.
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Bussenius, Daniel. "Der Mythos der Revolution nach dem Sieg des nationalen Mythos." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät I, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/16650.
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Am Ende des Ersten Weltkriegs lebte in Deutschösterreich und im Deutschen Reich mit dem Zerfall der Habsburgermonarchie und den Revolutionen im November 1918 die Erinnerung an die 48er-Revolution wieder auf. Die Revolutionserinnerung wurde insbesondere von den deutsch-österreichischen Sozialdemokraten zur Legitimierung der Forderung nach dem Anschluss an das Deutsche Reich herangezogen. Da die Vollziehung des Anschlusses jedoch am Einspruch der westlichen Siegermächte scheiterte, konnte im Deutschen Reich eine mit der Anschlussforderung eng verknüpfte Geschichtspolitik mit der 48er-Revolution von Sozialdemokraten und Demokraten wenig zur Legitimierung der Weimarer Republik beitragen (während die Anschlussforderung in Deutschösterreich gerade darauf zielte, die Eigenstaatlichkeit aufzuheben). Vielmehr wurde die Kritik am reichsdeutschen Rat der Volksbeauftragten, in Reaktion auf die deutschösterreichische Anschlusserklärung vom 12. November 1918 den Anschluss nicht vollzogen zu haben, zu einem politischen Allgemeinplatz. Träger der Geschichtspolitik mit der 48er-Revolution blieben in beiden Republiken ganz überwiegend die Arbeiterparteien, wobei im Reich Sozialdemokraten und Kommunisten dabei völlig entgegengesetzte Ziele verfolgten. Auch einen geschichtspolitischen Konsens zwischen reichsdeutschen Sozialdemokraten und Demokraten gab es nicht, wie sich schon in der Abstimmung über die Flaggenfrage am 3. Juli 1919 zeigte.At the end of World War I, as the Habsburg Monarchy fell apart, the memory of the revolution of 1848 was revived in German-Austria and the German Empire by the new revolutions of November 1918. The revolution of 1848 was drawn on particularly by the German-Austrian social democrats to legitimize their demand to unite German-Austria with the German Empire (the so-called “Anschluss”). When the victorious Western powers prevented the realization of the Anschluss, the attempts by social democrats and democrats in the German Empire to use the memory of the revolution of 1848 to legitimize the new Weimar Republic had only little success because they were closely related to the demand for the Anschluss of Austria (whereas in Austria of course the demand for the “Anschluss” aimed at ending the existence of German-Austria as an independent state). Rather, it became common place in the Weimar Republic to criticize the “Rat der Volksbeauftragten” (the revolutionary government of 1918-1919) for not having realized the Anschluss in response to its declaration by the German-Austrian provisional national assembly on November 12, 1918. The workers’ parties were first and foremost those who continued to keep the memory of the revolution of 1848 in both republics alive. However, in doing so, social democrats and communists in the German Empire persued opposing political objectives. Moreover, there was neither a consensus between social democrats and democrats in the Weimar Republic in regards to the memory of the revolution of 1848. This lack of agreement was already apparent in the decision of the national assembly concerning the flag of the new republic on July 3, 1919.
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TACKE, Charlotte. "Denkmal im sozialen Raum : eine vergleichende Regionalstudie nationaler Symbole in Deutschland und Frankreich im 19 Jahrhundert." Doctoral thesis, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5988.
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Defence date: 23 January 1993Examining board: Prof. Dr. Etienne François (Université de Paris I) ; Prof. Dr. Ute Frevert (Universität Konstanz) ; Prof. Dr. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt (EHI; interner Betreuer, supervisor) ; Prof. Dott. Marco Meriggi (Università di Trieste) ; Prof. Dr. Dr. hc. Reinhard Koselleck (Universität Bielefeld; externer Betruer)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Wolfgram, Mark. "Visualizing the imagined community : history, memory and politics in Germany /." 2001. http://www.library.wisc.edu/databases/connect/dissertations.html.
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Marhoefer, Laurie. "Among abnormals the queer sexual politics of Germany's Weimar Republic, 1918-1933." 2008. http://hdl.rutgers.edu/1782.2/rucore10001600001.ETD.17524.
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DELIVRÉ, Emilie. "Le catéchisme politique allemand de 1780 à 1850 : un prêche sur l'autel de la modernité." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14480.
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Defence date: 22 June 2010Examining Board: Prof. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt (EUI) – Supervisor; Prof. Martin Van Gelderen (EUI); Prof. Lucian Hölscher (Universität Bochum); Prof. Michel Espagne (ENS)
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JONES, Mark William. "Violence and politics in the German Revolution 1918-19." Doctoral thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/19428.
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Defence date: 7 October 2011Examining Board: Prof. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Dirk Moses (EUI); Prof. Richard J. Evans (University of Cambridge); Prof. Robert Gerwarth (University College Dublin)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This dissertation explores the history of the German Revolution of 1918-19 through the prism of violence. It is based upon extensive research which draws upon the contents of military and judicial archives, diaries, and newspapers. The study is organized chronologically. However it is led by five key concepts: cultural mobilization the ‘thick description’ of violence the representation and behaviour of crowds rumours autosuggestion and fear. Together, this conceptually led narrative history seeks to explain the transformation of the intensity and forms of violence over the course of a short seven month period of German history: November 1918 to May 1919. Its focus is upon Berlin and Munich. It argues that the study of violence must always turn to the history of mentalities. Thus, having explored the violence of November through an exploration of the revolution’s gunfire, the second and third chapter analyse the transformation of the imagination and fear of violence in the eight weeks which followed the abdication of the Kaiser and subsequent armistice. The dissertation contends that highly threatening and contagious subjective fears were the product of how fears of local violence interacted with the transnational reconfiguration of the political imagination unleashed by the war. The third part of the dissertation explores the consequences of this transformation. It is the first work of its kind to approach violent atrocities in the German Revolution through the paradigm of thick description. The dissertation’s use of press sources is also unique: up to now the political history of the revolution has largely been organized around a top-down perspective. By recapturing politics as a series of communicative processes, this study reconfigures our understanding of the history of post-war German politics. As it does so, it increases historian’s understanding of the course of the German Revolution 1918/19, the foundation of the Weimar Republic, and the human capacity for violent extremes.
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POGUNTKE, Thomas. "An alternative politics? : the German Green Party in a comparative context." Doctoral thesis, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5351.
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Defence date: 25 September 1989Examining Board: Prof. Ian Budge, University of Essex (supervisor) ; Prof. Jean Blondel, European University Institute, Florence (co-supervisor) ; Dr. Ferdinand Müller-Rommel, University of Lüneburg ; Prof. Bo Särlvik, University of Gothenburg
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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"Die Duitse basiswet van 1949 in die lig van Duitse grondwetlike tradisie." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/12612.
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PRUTSCH, Markus J. "The Charte constitutionnelle of 1814 and Süddeutscher Frühkonstitutionalismus: Transfer and reception of 'Monarchical Constitutionalism' in Post-Napoleonic Europe." Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13282.
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Defence Date: 25/09/2009Examining Board: Prof. Dr. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt, European University Institute (Italy); Prof. Dr. Martin van Gelderen, European University Institute (Italy); Prof. Dr. Brigitte Mazohl, University of Innsbruck (Austria); Prof. Dr. Dres. h.c. Volker Sellin, University of Heidelberg (Germany)
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The objectives of this enquiry are essentially concerned with reaching a better understanding of the course, form and intensity of constitutional transfer by analysing the transnational impact (or perhaps ‘non-impact’) of the Charte constitutionalism on what is generally referred to as ‘Southern German constitutionalism’. Even though the Southern German countries weighed lightly in the European balance of power, their history is singularly interesting, not least because they were the first two territorial states in Germany which received a constitution after 1814. Developments there thus served as a signal for political life and constitutionalisation processes throughout Germany during the 19th century. Undoubtedly, a study encompassing all the Southern German states would be desirable. However, this enquiry cannot and does not set out to fulfil such task. What it does do is to take a closer and more in-depth look at a limited number of research cases by focusing on the two examples of Bavaria and Baden. Both these states accomplished constitutionalisation over the shortest period of time and in doing so became, so to speak, the ‘foremost of forerunners’. They, therefore, exemplify in their constitutional demands, issues and challenges the whole process of constitutionalisation in Southern Germany. Württemberg, and sometimes also Hesse-Darmstadt, are usually also considered to be an ‘integral part’ of early Southern German constitutionalism, but will not be dealt with in detail in this study. The reason for this being is not least, apart from the pragmatic demands of having to limit the number of cases, that Württemberg is by far the best researched of all the Southern German states due to the conflict-ridden nature of its constitutionalisation process.
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HEINICKEL, Gunter. "Auf der Suche nach einem 'dritten Weg' : Adelsreformideen in Preußen bürokratischem Absolutismus und demokratisierendem Konstitutionalismus 1806-1854." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14483.
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Defence date: 31 March 2010Examining Board: Prof. Dr. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt, European University Institute Florence; Prof. Dr. Michael G. Müller, Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg; Prof. Dr. Heinz Reif, Technische Universität Berlin; Prof. Dr. Witold Molik, Adam Mickiewicz University Poznan.
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
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ARENFELDT, Pernille. "The Political Role of the Female Consort in Protestant Germany, 1550-1585: Anna of Saxony as Mater Patriae." Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5815.
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Defence date: 20 March 2006Examining board: Prof. Giulia Calvi, European University Institute, Florence ; Prof. Susan Karant-Nunn, University of Arizona, Tucson ; Prof. Regina Schulte, European University Institute/Ruhr-Universität Bochum (Supervisor) ; Prof. Heide Wunder, Universität Kassel (External Supervisor)
First made available online: 28 June 2021
In a letter to the Augsburg patrician Martin Pfinzing, Anna of Saxony referred to herself as the Landesfurstin of Saxony. The term Anna used to describe her position is significant because it cannot simply be translated as “territorial princess” or female consort. Rather, the term Landesfurstin constitutes a female counterpart to the term Landesfurst, which is best translated as territorial ruler. In the letter she takes upon herself the responsibility for the well-being of the Saxon subjects, thereby acting in accordance with the literal meaning of the term with which she describes her position. More than ten years ago, Heide Wunder concluded that “the ruling couple [in early modern Germany] regarded itself as an ‘office-holding couple’, as the father and mother of the land - analogous to the position of the master and mistress of the house. Since the exercise of power was legitimated by eminent descent, women could assume the highest position in feudal political systems”. This is exactly what the Saxon electress expressed when she referred to herself as Landesfurstin and it is also implied in the associated terms Landesmutter and Mater Patriae, which both recur throughout numerous texts that were produced during the lifetime of Anna of Saxony.
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VON, KROSIGK Rudiger. "Der Bezirksrat im Grossherzogtum Baden : vom Oppositionsprogramm zur staatlichen Einrichtung. Ein Beitrag zur Bürokratiekritik und Bürgerbeteiligung in der Staatsverwaltung, 1831-1884." Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5864.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 18 January 2005Examining Board: Prof. Peter Becker, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Prof. Tim Blanning, Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge University ; Prof. Heinz-Gerard Haupt, European University Institute ; Prof. Bernd Wunder, University of Konstanz
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
Der von Zeitgenossen als Entfremdung und Bedrohung empfundene 'Dualismus' von Staat und Gesellschaft im Zeichen einer wachsenden Bürokratisierung des Fürstenstaates ist ein zentrales Thema der Geschichte 'moderner' Staatlichkeit im 19. Jahrhundert. Von der vormärzlichen Bürokratiekritik ausgehend schildert dieser Band den Kampf der liberalen und demokratischen Bewegung in Baden für eine Demokratisierung der Staatsverwaltung: 'Volkstümlich' sollte die Verwaltung werden! Diese Forderung verstummte mit dem Scheitern der Revolution von 1848/49 nicht, sondern wurde vielmehr in Badens 'Neuer Ära' der 1860er Jahre unter neuen Vorzeichen mit dem Bezirksrat realisiert.