Relevant bibliographies by topics / Symbolism in politics – Germany – History

Academic literature on the topic 'Symbolism in politics – Germany – History'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Symbolism in politics – Germany – History"

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Krotkov, Vladimir. "Historical Politics as a Tool for Legitimizing the Elite and National Identity." ISTORIYA 13, no. 2 (112) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840020443-6.

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The article discusses the theoretical, methodological and practical aspects of the commemoration. The analysis touches upon such features of the subject as the genesis of historical politics, its connection with the process of legitimization of the political elite, the formation of national identity. It is important to delineate the demarcation lines between such key concepts as “symbolic politics”, “political use of the past”, “memory politics”, “historical politics”. The paper interprets various definitions of the basic conceptual and categorical apparatus. At the same time, within the framework of the article, the author considered several national cases (Russian, German and Belarusian), in which the practice of victimology is widely used as a basic narrative of legitimizing the political order and a tool for forming national identity, which, in turn, is not a consolidating basis for modern societies, due to a number of factors. Along with this, it is concluded that political symbolism, as a general phenomenon, and its particular form, historical politics, have firmly taken their place in the socio-political space and represent meta-narratives that have largely replaced the classical ideological doctrines of the modern era.
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Kostyashov, Yury V., and Victor V. Sergeev. "Regional politics of memory in Poland’s Warmia and Masuria." Baltic Region 10, no. 4 (2018): 118–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2018-4-8.

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A contribution to memory studies, this work focuses on Poland’s Warmian-Masurian voivodeship. Before the war, this territory and the neighbouring Kaliningrad region of Russia comprised the German province of East Prussia. In this article, we strive to identify the essence, mechanisms, key stages, and regional features of the politics of memory from 1945 to the present. To this end, we analyse the legal regulations, the authorities’ decisions, statistics, and the reports in the press. We consider such factors as the education sector, the museum industry, the monumental symbolism, the oral and printed propaganda, holidays and rituals, the institutions of national memory, the adoption of memory-related laws, and others. From the first post-war years, the regional authorities sought to make the Polonocentric concept of the region’s history dominate the collective consciousness. This approach helped to use the postwar legacy impartially and effectively. However, the image of the past was distorted. This distortion was overcome at the turn of the 21st century to give rise to the concept of open regionalism. An effective alternative to nationalistic populism, open regionalism provides a favourable background for international cross-border cooperation.
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Matthaus, J. "Antisemitic Symbolism in Early Nazi Germany, 1933-1935." Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 45, no. 1 (January 1, 2000): 183–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/45.1.183.

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Matthäus, Jürgen. "Antisemitic Symbolism in Early Nazi Germany, 1933–1935." Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 45, no. 1 (August 1, 2000): 183–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/007587400781974445.

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Stern, Steve J. "Paradigms of Conquest: History, Historiography, and Politics." Journal of Latin American Studies 24, S1 (March 1992): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00023750.

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The Quandary of 1492The year 1492 evokes a powerful symbolism.1The symbolism is most charged, of course, among peoples whose historical memory connects them directly to the forces unleashed in 1492. For indigenous Americans, Latin Americans, minorities of Latino or Hispanic descent, and Spaniards and Portuguese, the sense of connection is strong. The year 1492 symbolises a momentous turn in historical destiny: for Amerindians, the ruinous switch from independent to colonised history; for Iberians, the launching of a formative historical chapter of imperial fame and controversy; for Latin Americans and the Latino diaspora, the painful birth of distinctive cultures out of power-laden encounters among Iberian Europeans, indigenous Americans, Africans, and the diverse offspring who both maintained and blurred the main racial categories.But the symbolism extends beyond the Americas, and beyond the descendants of those most directly affected. The arrival of Columbus in America symbolises a historical reconfiguration of world magnitude. The fusion of native American and European histories into one history marked the beginning of the end of isolated stagings of human drama. Continental and subcontinental parameters of human action and struggle, accomplishment and failure, would expand into a world stage of power and witness. The expansion of scale revolutionised cultural and ecological geography. After 1492, the ethnography of the humanoid other proved an even more central fact of life, and the migrations of microbes, plants and animals, and cultural inventions would transform the history of disease, food consumption, land use, and production techniques.2In addition, the year 1492 symbolises the beginnings of the unique world ascendance of European civilisation.
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Delancey, Mark D. "The Spread of the Sooro." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 71, no. 2 (June 1, 2012): 168–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2012.71.2.168.

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The Sooro, the pillared entrance hall to the majority of palaces now existing in northern Cameroon, is an important index of political change in this region. The Spread of the Sooro: Symbols of Power in the Sokoto Caliphate traces the proliferation of sooroji from the time that Fulbe conquerors incorporated this region within the Sokoto caliphate in the early nineteenth century until Cameroon’s independence in 1960. The status of Fulbe rulers who conquered the region was not high enough to employ the political symbolism of the sooro, but the use of this building type spread quickly after German colonial borders separated northern Cameroon from the rest of the caliphate in 1901. Eventually the form expanded beyond the boundaries of the Fulbe and spread among non-Fulbe rulers. By explaining the changes in the form and political symbolism of the sooro, Mark DeLancey argues that it was a symbol of power spread in direct relation to the loss of real political power of rulers in colonial northern Cameroon.
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Marcus, Joyce, and John M. D. Pohl. "The Politics of Symbolism in the Mixtec Codices." Ethnohistory 43, no. 1 (1996): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/483365.

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Maxwell, Alexander. "Tobacco as Cultural Signifier: A Cultural History of Masculinity and Nationality in Habsburg Hungary." Hungarian Cultural Studies 5 (January 1, 2012): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2012.68.

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Since tobacco smoking acquired important patriotic symbolism in nineteenth century, the history of tobacco sheds light on Hungarian nationalism. Hungarian tobacco growers found the Austrian tobacco tariff policy harmful to their interests, particularly when war disrupted the supply of American tobacco in potential export markets. Pushing for a different tariff, Hungarian patriots turned smoking into a marker of Hungarian patriotism. Tobacco symbolism was prominent during Hungary’s 1848 Revolution, not least because tobacco acquired revolutionary symbolism in Italy and Germany as well. The culture of patriotic tobacco corresponded to revolutionary national ideas in that it mostly transcended class barriers but excluded women.
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Monteath, P. "Postmodern Politics in Germany: The Politics of Resentment." German History 11, no. 1 (January 1, 1993): 125–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/11.1.125.

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FORLENZA, ROSARIO. "The Politics of theAbendland: Christian Democracy and the Idea of Europe after the Second World War." Contemporary European History 26, no. 2 (March 13, 2017): 261–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000091.

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This article traces the deep cultural and experiential foundations that animated Christian Democratic Europeanism between the mid-1940s and the birth of the European Economic Community in the late 1950s. It shows how the language of Europeanness, generated in a period of multiple and intense crisis, congealed around symbolisms of Christianity and spirituality. More specifically, it connects the post-Second World War Christian Democratic vision of Europe to the 1920s German-Catholic articulation of theAbendland(the Christian West), understood as a supranational and symbolic space alternative to the Soviet Union and the United States and imbued with anti-materialist, anti-socialist and anti-liberal principles. The argument here is that, in mutated form and in context of the Cold War, this view sustained the political reconstruction of Western Europe after the horrors of the Second World War, the ‘European’ thought and language of Christian Democracy and the commitment to the project of European integration.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Symbolism in politics – Germany – History"

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Fuder, Katja. "No experiments : federal privatisation politics in West Germany, 1949-1989." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3610/.

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Privatisation has been a key policy in the late 20th century in many countries. In West Germany, the federal government sold most of its corporate industrial shareholdings to private investors between 1949 and 1989. Unlike many other countries, West Germany did not nationalise entire industries after the Second World War. Instead, the portfolio of public enterprises and participations was mainly an inheritance from the Third Reich. The aim of the thesis is to explore the causes of privatisation and the driving and delaying forces in the privatisation process between 1949 and 1989 based on qualitative historical documents. After the sale of participations stemming from the war economy in the early 1950s, the conservative federal government of CDU and CSU and later the conservative-liberal government of CDU, CSU and FDP under the Federal Chancellors Konrad Adenauer (CDU) and Ludwig Erhard (CDU) pursued a larger scale privatisation programme by issuing people's shares between 1959 and 1965. The programme featured social elements and aimed at the property formation of employees and a wide dispersion of shares in the society. In the 1970s, public enterprises expanded under a social-liberal government of SPD and FDP, until a conservative-liberal government of CDU, CSU and FDP under Federal Chancellor Kohl (CDU) sold most of the remaining federal participations in industrial enterprises between 1984 and 1989. The total volume of privatisation as measured by revenues remained modest compared to other West European countries and strong political resistance within the government parties CDU and CSU manifested in the process. Findings indicate a high continuity of thought and policy patterns from the 1950s until the end of the 1980s while the main reasons for privatisation shifted slightly. In the 1950s and 1960s, privatisation was primarily motivated by fiscal reasons - access to equity capital proved to be limited for the growing federal enterprises. Privatisation in the 1980s was caused by re-interpretations of the economic situation due to globally changing conditions and increased international competition. Hence, it can be interpreted as a lagged response to market crisis in the 1970s. Ideological shifts of paradigm did not drive privatisation. Rather, advocates of ordoliberalism focused on other economic reforms in the 1950s and liberal ideas in the 1980s co-developed with privatisation politics. For many decades, public enterprises were not viewed as ineffcient per se as long as they were operating in competitive markets. This perception only began to change slowly in the 1980s.
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Rembold, Ingrid Kristen. "The politics of Christianization in Carolingian Saxony." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708539.

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Hambridge, Katherine Grace. "The performance of history : music, identity and politics in Berlin, 1800-1815." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283937.

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Zielinski, Joseph M. "The Politics of Appeasement: Great Britain, Germany, and the Upper Silesian Plebiscite." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1307371097.

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Petersen, Cari. ""Be active before you become radioactive" the threat of nuclear war and peace politics in East Germany, 1945--1962 /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3162257.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, 2004.
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 66-01, Section: A, page: 0297. Supervisor: James Diehl. Title from dissertation home page (viewed Oct. 12, 2006).
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Art, David C. 1972. "Debating the lessons of history : the politics of the Nazi past in Germany and Austria." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/28497.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2004.
"June 2004."
Includes bibliographical references (v. 2, leaves 301-314).
This dissertation argues that public deliberation is a transformative force in democratic politics. I build a framework for analyzing public debates in advanced industrial societies, and then use it to illuminate the political stakes of "coming to terms with the past" in societies with recent histories of mass violations of human rights. My dissertation recasts dealing with the past as a punctuated series of elite debates over the "lessons of history." These lessons become important elements of political culture and important variables in partisan competition. My cases are Germany and Austria, and the dissertation addresses an important empirical puzzle: despite similar electoral institutions, partisan political landscapes, and pressures from immigration, right-wing populist parties have experienced very different fates over the last two decades in the two states. Austria has produced one of Europe's most successful right-wing populist parties (the Austrian Freedom Party, FPO), but no such party has come close to establishing itself in Germany. What explains the divergent strength of the far right in the two surviving successor states of the Third Reich? I argue against existing structural explanations, and instead contend that the divergence between Germany and Austria stems from differences in elite ideas about the Nazi past. In Germany, public debates about Nazism produced an elite consensus that identified right-wing populism as a threat to Germany democracy. When the right-wing populist 'Republikaner' party first appeared, other political parties, the media, and groups within civil society actively combated it and prevented it from establishing itself as a permanent force in German politics. In Austria, however, public debates about the
(cont.) Nazi past produced a nationalist backlash among political parties, the media, and civil society. This reaction created the ideal environment for Jorg Haider to engineer the FPO's electoral breakthrough and consolidation. My findings suggests that to explain the success and failure of right-wing populist parties in general, we need to focus on the strategies that other political parties, the media, and groups in civil society use to deal with them.
by David C. Art.
Ph.D.
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Anderson, Stephen Frederick. "Establishing US Military Government: Law and Order in Southern Bavaria 1945." PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4689.

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In May 1945, United States Military Government (MG) detachments arrived in assigned areas of Bavaria to launch the occupation. By the summer of 1945, the US occupiers became the ironical combination of stern victor and watchful master. Absolute control gave way to the "direction" of German authority. For this process to succeed, MG officials had to establish a stable, clearly defined and fundamentally strict environment in which German officials would begin to exercise token control. The early occupation was a highly unstable stage of chaos, fear and confusing objectives. MG detachments and the reconstituted German authorities performed complex tasks with many opportunities for failure. In this environment, a crucial MG obligation was to help secure law and order for the defeated and dependent German populace whose previously existing authorities had been removed. Germans themselves remained largely peaceful, yet unforeseen actors such as liberated "Displaced Persons" rose to menace law and order. The threat of criminal disorder and widespread black market activity posed great risks in the early occupation. This thesis demonstrates how US MG established its own authority in the Munich area in 1945, and how that authority was applied and challenged in the realm of criminal law and order. This study explores themes not much researched. Thorough description of local police reestablishment or characteristic crime issues hardly exists. There is no substantial local examination of the relationship between such issues and the early establishment of MG authority. Local MG records housed in the Bayertsches Hauptstaatsarchiv (Bavarian Main State Archives) provide most of the primacy sources. This study also relies heavily on German-language secondary sources.
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Bruce, Gary. "Resistance in the Soviet Occupied ZoneGerman Democratic Republic, 1945-1955." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=35663.

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The following study traces the history of fundamental political resistance to Communism in the Soviet Occupied Zone/German Democratic Republic from 1945 to 1955. The two most tangible manifestations of this form of resistance are dealt with: actions of members of the non-Marxist parties before being co-opted into the Communist system, and the popular uprising on 17 June 1953. In both manifestations, the state's abuse of basic rights of its citizens---such as freedom of speech and personal legal security---played a dominant role in motivation to resist.
This study argues that the 17 June uprising was an act of fundamental resistance which aimed to remove the existing political structures in the German Democratic Republic. By examining the Soviet Occupied Zone and German Democratic Republic from 1945 to 1955, it becomes clear that there existed in the population a basic rejection of the Communist system which was entwined with the regime's disregard for basic rights. Protestors on 17 June 1953 demonstrated for the release of political prisoners, and voiced political demands similar to those which had been raised by oppositional members of the non-Marxist parties in the German Democratic Republic prior to their being forced into line. The organized political resistance in the non-Marxist parties represented "Resistance with the People" (Widerstand mit Volk).
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Miller, Jennifer Anne. "The Politics of Nazi Art: The Portrayal of Women in Nazi Painting." PDXScholar, 1996. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/5157.

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The study of Nazi art as an historical document provided an effective measure of Nazi political platform and social policy. Because the ideology of the Third Reich is represented within Nazi art itself, it is useful to have a good understanding of the politics and ideology, surrounding the German art world at the time. Women were used in this study as an exemplification of Nazi art. This study uses the subject of women in Nazi painting, to show how the ideology is represented within the art work itself. It was first necessary to understand the fervorent "cleansing" of the German art world initiated by the Nazis. The Nazis too effectively stamped out all forms of professional art criticism, and virtually changed the function of the art critic to art editor. The nazification of the German artist was "necessary" in order for the Nazis to enjoy total control over the creation of German art. With these three steps taken in the "cleansing" of the German art world, the Nazis made sure that the creation of a "true" Germanic art would go forth completely unhindered. In order to comprehend the subject of Nazi art regarding women, the inherent ideology must be studied. The "new" German woman under National Socialism, was to be the mother, the model of Aryan characteristics, healthy and lean. Nazi political doctrine stated that women were inherently connected with the blood and soil of the nation, as well as nature itself. Women were to be innocent and pure, the bearers of the future Volk and the sustenance of that Volk. Once this political ideology is understood, the depiction of the German woman as mother, as nature, as sexual object, can be placed within Nazi historical context. Political art provided the Nazi state, the historical legitimization the government needed. It provided the means by which the state could be visually validated, politically, and historically.
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Osmond, Jonathan. "The free peasantry : agrarian protest in the Bavarian Palatinate, 1893-1933." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:18ff2c23-f1b2-47a8-99b8-093dce81e7c7.

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This is a study of a German peasant pressure group of the 1920s. It is intended as a contribution to the debate about the role of the agrarian interest in the development of modern German politics. Its geographical scope is primarily the Bavarian Palatinate, but attention is also given to broader areas of the Rhineland and Bavaria. It is hoped too that light is cast upon issues common to large parts of Germany. The Free Peasantry (Freie Bauernschaft) developed a new concept of peasant trade unionism, which it hoped would assert peasant interests against those of industrial labour. Taking hold in small-farm areas of western and southern Germany, it lasted only from its foundation on the Lower Rhine in 1919 to its dissolution in the Saar territory in 1934, and for the even shorter period of 1920-29 in the Palatinate itself. In the Palatinate, however, it had a huge impact, launching agricultural delivery strikes against the postwar controlled economy and in 1923 providing the leader of most successful of the Rhenish separatist Putsche. The thesis places the Free Peasantry in the context of agrarian organisation and protest from the foundation of the Agrarian League (Bund der Landwirte) to the first year of National Socialist rule. These years saw the growth and then the disintegration of the freely organised peasant interest. Emphasis is placed on the agricultural economy, particularly during the inflation and the depression, and the central question posed is how the peasantry tried to find a satisfactory representation of its interests during these years of economic turmoil. The main sources were official papers in the Bavarian and Rhineland archives, the newspapers of the peasant associations, and the author's interview with the former chairman of the Free Peasantry.
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Books on the topic "Symbolism in politics – Germany – History"

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Performing the nation in interwar Germany: Sport, spectacle and political symbolism, 1926-36. Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.

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U, Weiler Björn K., and MacLean Simon, eds. Representations of power in medieval Germany, 800-1500. Turnhout: Brepols, 2006.

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The nationalization of the masses: Political symbolism and mass movements in Germany from the Napoleonic wars through the Third Reich. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991.

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Degeneration and revolution: Radical cultural politics and the body in Weimar Germany. Leiden: Brill, 2015.

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Feldkamp, Michael F. Mit Frack im Parlament: Ein Beitrag zur parlamentarischen Kultur und politischen Symbolik im Deutschen Bundestag. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2009.

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Dirk, Kunze, ed. Mit Frack im Parlament: Ein Beitrag zur parlamentarischen Kultur und politischen Symbolik im Deutschen Bundestag. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2009.

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Glanz und Elend deutscher Selbstdarstellung: Nationalsymbole in Reich und Republik. Göttingen: Wallstein Verlag, 2012.

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Christian pacifism confronts German nationalism: The ecumenical movement and the cause of peace in Germany, 1914-1933. Lewiston, N.Y: Edwin Mellen Press, 2002.

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Mosse, George L. Die Nationalisierung der Massen: Politische Symbolik und Massenbewegungen von den Befreiungskriegen bis zum Dritten Reich. Frankfurt: Campus Verlag, 1993.

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Dieter, Vorsteher, ed. Parteiauftrag: Ein neues Deutschland : Bilder, Rituale und Symbole der frühen DDR. München: Koehler & Amelang, 1997.

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Book chapters on the topic "Symbolism in politics – Germany – History"

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Ouaissa, Rachid, Friederike Pannewick, and Alena Strohmaier. "Introduction." In Re-Configurations, 1–21. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-31160-5_1.

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Abstract This essay collection is the outcome of interdisciplinary research into political, societal, and cultural transformation processes in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region at the Philipps-Universität in Marburg, Germany. It builds on many years of collaboration between two research networks at the Center for Near and Middle Eastern Studies: the research network “Re-Configurations: History, Remembrance and Transformation Processes in the Middle East and North Africa” (2013–19), funded by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF), and the Leibniz-Prize research group “Figures of Thought | Turning Points: Cultural Practices and Social Change in the Arab World” (2013–20), funded by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG). Both research projects’ central interest lay in the political, social, and cultural transformation that has become especially visible since 2010–11; we conceptualize this transformation here using the term “re-configurations.” At the core of the inquiry are interpretations of visions of past and future, power relations and both political and symbolic representations.
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Biskupski, Mieczysław B. B. "The Invention of Modern Poland: Piłsudski and the Politics of Symbolism." In Central European History and the European Union, 102–22. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230579538_8.

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Altenhöner, Florian. "Selective Transparency. Non-state intelligence services in Germany, 1918/ 1933." In History of Transparency in Politics and Society, 89–104. Göttingen: V&R unipress, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.14220/9783737011556.89.

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Krotz, Ulrich. "Impact and Implications (1): Milieu Goals and Alliance Politics." In History and Foreign Policy in France and Germany, 74–91. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230353954_6.

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Satzinger, Helga. "The Politics of Gender Concepts in Genetics and Hormone Research in Germany, 1900-1940." In Gender History Across Epistemologies, 215–34. Oxford, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118508206.ch9.

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de Haan, Ido. "Third Ways Out of the Crisis of Liberalism: Moderation and Radicalism in Germany, 1880–1950." In The Politics of Moderation in Modern European History, 131–50. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27415-3_7.

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Wieser, Martin. "Politics and Ideology in the History of Psychology: Stratification Theory in Germany." In The Palgrave Handbook of the History of Human Sciences, 1195–219. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7255-2_48.

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Wieser, Martin. "Politics and Ideology in the History of Psychology: Stratification Theory in Germany." In The Palgrave Handbook of the History of Human Sciences, 1–25. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-4106-3_48-1.

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Ullrich, Sebastian. "A Democratic Legacy? The Memorialization of the Weimar Republic and the Politics of History of the Federal Republic of Germany." In Memorialization in Germany since 1945, 379–87. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230248502_36.

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Mouralis, Guillaume. "The Rejection of International Criminal Law in West Germany after the Second World War." In History, Memory and Politics in Central and Eastern Europe, 226–41. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137302052_14.

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