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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Symbolism in politics – France – History

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Academic literature on the topic 'Symbolism in politics – France – History'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Symbolism in politics – France – History"

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Carrol, Alison. "Wine Making and the Politics of Identity in Alsace, 1918–1939." Contemporary European History 29, no. 4 (November 2020): 380–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000375.

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This article examines the politics of wine making in Alsace in the two decades after the region returned to French rule in 1918. During these years Alsatian wine makers worked to transform their wines to meet the tastes of French drinkers, following five decades of producing wine for German consumption. As wine makers grappled with the question of how to secure the future of their industry, Alsatian wine became emblematic of the most contentious aspects of Alsace's reintegration into France. The introduction of new laws on viticulture raised the question of what was French about wine, the wine industry's woes symbolised the difficulties of Alsace's economic reintegration and wine became an emblem for often fierce wrangling over identity and belonging in the recovered region. This article traces this process and argues that while wine became a symbol of the complications of reintegration, its importance in understandings of French national culture equally allowed it to offer a solution to the problems that return to France caused for Alsace's wine industry in the interwar years. In this way, this case study of the politics of wine making in Alsace is suggestive of wine's broader power as a symbol of national belonging.

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Togoeva, Olga I. "THE CRUCIFIXION FROM THE PARLIAMENT OF PARIS (1448), ITS POLITICAL AND LEGAL MEANINGS." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. "Literary Theory. Linguistics. Cultural Studies" Series, no. 5 (2021): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7249-2021-5-93-113.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the Crucifixion from the Parliament of Paris – a painting that decorated the Great Hall of the Royal Court from the beginning of the 15th century until 1904. The author focuses on the political and legal meanings that were embedded in the Crucifixion. From this point of view, the main characters of the retablo, their appearance and attributes, as well as the general structure of the picture are studied. The author comes to the conclusion that the foreground of the retablo was intended primarily for educated people who are familiar not only with the history of the Passion of Christ or the martyrdom of St. Dionysius, but also with the Christian doctrine of redemption and the separation of powers. The background of the retablo, on the contrary, was intended for the common people. For each group of viewers, the artist used special symbolism and understandable markers. Nevertheless, the purpose of the Crucifixion remained the same – to emphasize by all means that the Parliament of Paris is the highest Royal Court of France, the place of judicial power par excellence, which is equal for everybody: the representatives of the nobility and the church, the high-ranking courtiers, the persons of the Royal blood, the ordinary people.

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Stern, Steve J. "Paradigms of Conquest: History, Historiography, and Politics." Journal of Latin American Studies 24, S1 (March 1992): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00023750.

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The Quandary of 1492The year 1492 evokes a powerful symbolism.1The symbolism is most charged, of course, among peoples whose historical memory connects them directly to the forces unleashed in 1492. For indigenous Americans, Latin Americans, minorities of Latino or Hispanic descent, and Spaniards and Portuguese, the sense of connection is strong. The year 1492 symbolises a momentous turn in historical destiny: for Amerindians, the ruinous switch from independent to colonised history; for Iberians, the launching of a formative historical chapter of imperial fame and controversy; for Latin Americans and the Latino diaspora, the painful birth of distinctive cultures out of power-laden encounters among Iberian Europeans, indigenous Americans, Africans, and the diverse offspring who both maintained and blurred the main racial categories.But the symbolism extends beyond the Americas, and beyond the descendants of those most directly affected. The arrival of Columbus in America symbolises a historical reconfiguration of world magnitude. The fusion of native American and European histories into one history marked the beginning of the end of isolated stagings of human drama. Continental and subcontinental parameters of human action and struggle, accomplishment and failure, would expand into a world stage of power and witness. The expansion of scale revolutionised cultural and ecological geography. After 1492, the ethnography of the humanoid other proved an even more central fact of life, and the migrations of microbes, plants and animals, and cultural inventions would transform the history of disease, food consumption, land use, and production techniques.2In addition, the year 1492 symbolises the beginnings of the unique world ascendance of European civilisation.

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Marcus, Joyce, and John M. D. Pohl. "The Politics of Symbolism in the Mixtec Codices." Ethnohistory 43, no. 1 (1996): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/483365.

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Pincetl, Stephanie, and Brendan Prendiville. "Environmental Politics in France." Environmental History 1, no. 2 (April 1996): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3985127.

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Bloom, P. J. "Black France/France Noire: The History and Politics of Blackness." French History 28, no. 1 (September 12, 2013): 130–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crt076.

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Tilly, Charles, and Eugen Weber. "My France: Politics, Culture, Myth." American Historical Review 97, no. 3 (June 1992): 857. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164835.

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Kertzer, David. "Anthropology 202/History 222: Politics and Symbolism at the Interface of Anthropology and History." PoLAR: Political html_ent glyph="@amp;" ascii=""/ Legal Anthropology Review 20, no. 2 (November 1997): 170–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/pol.1997.20.2.170.

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Grandmaison, Olivier Le Cour, and Jolyon Howorth. "France: The Politics of Peace." Le Mouvement social, no. 142 (January 1988): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3778621.

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Tranvouez, Yvon, and W. D. Halls. "Politics, Society and Christianity in Vichy France." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 49 (January 1996): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3770532.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Symbolism in politics – France – History"

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Ingram, Norman. "The politics of dissent : pacifism in France, 1919-1939." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.259182.

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Grummitt, David Iain. "Calais 1485-1547 : a study in early Tudor politics and government." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.362349.

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This thesis examines the role of Calais in the early Tudor state, 1485-1547. From 1453 until 1558 Calais was the last English possession in France. I will reexamine the town and marches within the context of the development of the early Tudor state and the transition from the medieval to the early modern period. It is clear that the importance of Calais to the early Tudors has been underestimated by historians. The central theme of the thesis is the growth of effective royal government under the early Tudors. This is set in the historiographical framework of the 'new monarchy' and the 'Tudor revolution in government'. Themes such as the relationship between the centre and the periphery; the organisation of royal finance; the role of the king, the court and his ministers in government; the defence of the realm and foreign policy are explored with reference to specific political and administrative changes in Calais. The thesis is divided into five chapters. The first examines the role of Calais within the late medieval English polity. It shows how, by proper management of the wool trade that was channelled through the town, Calais became a central pillar of late medieval finance and thus a place of prime political importance during the fifteenth century. The second chapter analyses the developing role of Calais in the early Tudor polity and the growth of royal authority in the town that helped maintain its continued importance. The third chapter explores the office-holding class in Calais and considers the roles of the king's affinity and his household in the government of the realm. The fourth chapter describes the defence of Calais under the early Tudors and the transition from the bastard feudal retinue to the professional army loyal only to the king. The final chapter reassesses the finances of Calais and the role that the town played in the organisation of the crown's resources as a whole.

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Bell, L. A. "The Modernist Left in France : a political and intellectual history." Thesis, University of Reading, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.233140.

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O'Sullivan, Lisa Gabrielle. "Dying for home : the medicine and politics of nostalgia in nineteenth-century France." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2006. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1771.

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Nostalgia was first conceived as a clinical entity in the seventeenth century, and understood as an extreme psychological and physical reaction to dislocation. The condition was interpreted as a rupture of bonds thought to bind individuals to their local environment. This dissertation analyses the medical and political meanings attached to nostalgia in nineteenth-century France. It traces the medical and psychiatric history of nostalgia, and its rise and decline as a nosological category. In contrast to other extant interpretations, it shows how nostalgia was constructed in largely spatial terms. Nostalgia's subsequent temporalisation and internalisation reflect the emergence of new models of subjectivity within French psychology and psychiatry. The dissertation also shows how an examination of a neglected account in medical history can enrich our understanding of French nation-building and nationalism. It demonstrates that medical discussions of nostalgia informed, and were informed by, larger political considerations. In particular, it examines the role of nostalgia in debates about identity, patriotism and national belonging. Even after its demise as a clinical category, the concept continued to carry important ideological meanings relating to the role of the physical environment in human development, and the equation of physical displacement and pathology continued to influence French psychiatric and political discourses until the fin de siecle.

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Horler-Underwood, Thomas. "The Querimoniae Normannorum (1247) : land, politics, and society in thirteenth-century Normandy." Thesis, Swansea University, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.668343.

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Duck, Roger James. "National politics and the development of local administrative structures during the French Revolution : the example of the Herault 1789-1801." Thesis, Canterbury : University of Kent, 1993. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35740515h.

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McNamara, Sara. "Posters, Politics and immigration during the May 1968 Protests in France." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2010. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/110.

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How were immigrants, immigrant issues and their histories represented through radical poster art created during the 1968 protests and strikes in France? The May 1968 protests remain one of the most significant moments in contemporary French history and it occurred during a time when immigrant populations were rapidly increasing. There is a multitude of research, analysis and reflections on the protests and strikes; yet there is very little mention of the place of immigrants during this event. Art collectives that were created during the protests designed and produced posters that later became a symbol of the strike. By using a variety of primary and secondary sources including small press publications, interviews, manifestos, historical and artistic secondary soured this work argues that it is during this social movement that immigrants and immigrant issues entered French social discourse and this can be seen by exploring the messages presented in the posters.

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Smith, D. S. "Politics and metaphysics : some developments in the history of Nietzsche-reception in France 1872-1972." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.332878.

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Moore, Christopher Lee. "Music in France and the Popular front (1934-1938) : politics, aesthetics and reception." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102813.

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The French Popular Front was a coalition of left-wing political parties (Communists, Socialists, and Radicals) united through a common desire to combat fascism and improve the living conditions of France's workers. Between 1935 and 1938, the ideology of the Popular Front, largely informed by that of the Parti Communiste Francais (PCF), exerted tremendous influence on the cultural life of the French nation. Many cultural and musical organizations heeded the Popular Front's call for broad-based anti-fascist solidarity among intellectuals, artists, and the working class. In the realm of culture, this translated into multiple initiatives designed to bring art to the masses and to encourage the proletariat to become more active in the cultural life of the nation.
Sympathetic to the Popular Front's larger political aims, a number of French musicians and composers became affiliated with the Communist-sponsored Maison de 1a Culture and its affiliated musical organizations, the most prominent of which was the Federation Musicale Populaire (FMP). They participated in the administrative, cultural and intellectual life of the FMP; they took part in conferences, wrote articles on the theme of "music for the people," and were advocates for the organization within French musical life at large. Furthermore, these composers wrote works for government-commissioned events, for amateur groups, and for spectacles designed for mass audiences.
Some of the FMP's most prominent proponents (Darius Milhaud, Georges Auric, and Arthur Honegger) were former members of Les Six, a group that had been particularly interested in borrowing music derived from "popular" sources like the music hall and the circus following World War I. This study argues that the aesthetic approach of Les Six, which found support in FMP presidents Albert Roussel and Charles Koechlin, was reinvigorated during the Popular Front for a much more clearly defined political purpose. While the general interest in "popular" sources was still maintained, composers at the FMP now sought to integrate folklore and revolutionary music into their works "for the people" in an attempt to create and underline cultural links between workers and intellectuals---a compositional approach for which this dissertation coins the expression "populist modernism."
This study, the first book-length examination of French musical culture in light of Popular Front politics, concentrates on some of the period's most significant populist modernist works and draws upon contemporaneous journalistic coverage and archival documents that in many cases have hitherto never been the object of musicological study. The research shows that in 1936, following an initial infatuation with the genres and styles of socialist realist Soviet works, French left-wing composers developed a more inclusive view of what constituted music "for the people." Composers continued to write music indebted to politically resonant popular sources like folklore and revolutionary songs, but they also drew upon these genres in works (like the collaborative incidental music for Romain Rolland's Le 14 Juillet) that employed modernist compositional techniques. Though this approach was most obviously felt in the numerous works composed for organizations like the FMP, populist modernism also emerged in works performed at the Theatre de l'Opera-Comique and the 1937 Paris Exposition. By cutting across musical genres as well as institutional and social contexts, populist modernism emerges as the dominant aesthetic trend in French music during the years of the Popular Front.

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Brown, Howard Gordon. "Power, bureaucracy and the state elite : the revolutionary politics of army control and administration in France 1792 to 1799." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.305690.

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Books on the topic "Symbolism in politics – France – History"

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Sexing political culture in the history of France. Amherst,NY: Cambria Press, 2012.

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Sonn, Richard David. Anarchism and Cultural Politics in Fin de Siècle France. Lincoln, USA: University of Nebraska Press, 1989.

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Démolir la Bastille: L'édification d'un lieu de mémoire. Paris: Vendémiaire, 2012.

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préf, Agulhon Maurice, ed. Les trois couleurs, Marianne et l'Empereur: Fêtes libérales et politiques symboliques en France 1815-1870. Paris: La Boutique de l'Histoire, 2004.

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Art catholique et politique: France XIXe-XXe siècles. Paris: L'Harmattan, 2007.

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Lüsebrink, Hans-Jürgen. The Bastille: A history of a symbol of despotism and freedom. Durham: Duke University Press, 1997.

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Le blanc de France: La construction des signes identitaires pendant les guerres de religion, 1562-1629. Genève: Droz, 2005.

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Sans-culottes: An eighteenth-century emblem in the French Revolution. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008.

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Humanity's soldier: France and international security, 1919-2001. Providence, R.I: Berghahn Books, 1996.

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Hazareesingh, Sudhir. The Saint-Napoleon: Celebrations of sovereignty in nineteenth-century France. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2003.

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Book chapters on the topic "Symbolism in politics – France – History"

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Popkin, Jeremy D. "Politics and Economy in De Gaulle’s Republic." In A History of Modern France, 298–304. Fifth edition. | New York, NY : Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315150727-31.

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Biskupski, Mieczysław B. B. "The Invention of Modern Poland: Piłsudski and the Politics of Symbolism." In Central European History and the European Union, 102–22. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230579538_8.

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Garrisson, Janine. "Domestic Politics under François I and Henri II." In A History of Sixteenth-Century France, 1483–1598, 170–208. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24020-3_7.

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Krotz, Ulrich. "Impact and Implications (1): Milieu Goals and Alliance Politics." In History and Foreign Policy in France and Germany, 74–91. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230353954_6.

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Ghins, Arthur. "Moderation and Religion in France After the Revolution: Germaine de Staël and Benjamin Constant." In The Politics of Moderation in Modern European History, 49–65. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27415-3_3.

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Chatriot, Alain. "Epilogue: French Politics, History, and a New Perspective on the Jacobin State." In Pluralism and the Idea of the Republic in France, 248–63. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137028310_14.

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Vergès, Françoise. "The Slave Trade, Slavery, and Abolitionism: The Unfinished Debate in France." In A Global History of Anti-slavery Politics in the Nineteenth Century, 198–213. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137032607_11.

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Schafer, Sylvia. "The Organisation of l’Assistance Judiciaire, the Politics of Poverty, and the Rewriting of History in Nineteenth-Century France." In Histories of Legal Aid, 223–51. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-80271-4_8.

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Donohue, Christopher. "“A Mountain of Nonsense”? Czech and Slovenian Receptions of Materialism and Vitalism from c. 1860s to the First World War." In History, Philosophy and Theory of the Life Sciences, 67–84. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-12604-8_5.

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AbstractIn general, historians of science and historians of ideas do not focus on critical appraisals of scientific ideas such as vitalism and materialism from Catholic intellectuals in eastern and southeastern Europe, nor is there much comparative work available on how significant European ideas in the life sciences such as materialism and vitalism were understood and received outside of France, Germany, Italy and the UK. Insofar as such treatments are available, they focus on the contributions of nineteenth century vitalism and materialism to later twentieth ideologies, as well as trace the interactions of vitalism and various intersections with the development of genetics and evolutionary biology see Mosse (The culture of Western Europe: the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Westview Press, Boulder, 1988, Toward the final solution: a history of European racism. Howard Fertig Publisher, New York, 1978; Turda et al., Crafting humans: from genesis to eugenics and beyond. V&R Unipress, Goettingen, 2013). English and American eugenicists (such as William Caleb Saleeby), and scores of others underscored the importance of vitalism to the future science of “eugenics” (Saleeby, The progress of eugenics. Cassell, New York, 1914). Little has been written on materialism qua materialism or vitalism qua vitalism in eastern Europe.The Czech and Slovene cases are interesting for comparison insofar as both had national awakenings in the middle of the nineteenth century which were linguistic and scientific, while also being religious in nature (on the Czech case see David, Realism, tolerance, and liberalism in the Czech National awakening: legacies of the Bohemian reformation. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 2010; on the Slovene case see Kann and David, Peoples of the Eastern Habsburg Lands, 1526-1918. University of Washington Press, Washington, 2010). In the case of many Catholic writers writing in Moravia, there are not only slight noticeable differences in word-choice and construction but a greater influence of scholastic Latin, all the more so in the works of nineteenth century Czech priests and bishops.In this case, German, Latin and literary Czech coexisted in the same texts. Thus, the presence of these three languages throws caution on the work on the work of Michael Gordin, who argues that scientific language went from Latin to German to vernacular. In Czech, Slovenian and Croatian cases, all three coexisted quite happily until the First World War, with the decades from the 1840s to the 1880s being particularly suited to linguistic flexibility, where oftentimes writers would put in parentheses a Latin or German word to make the meaning clear to the audience. Note however that these multiple paraphrases were often polemical in the case of discussions of materialism and vitalism.In Slovenia Čas (Time or The Times) ran from 1907 to 1942, running under the muscular editorship of Fr. Aleš Ušeničnik (1868–1952) devoted hundreds of pages often penned by Ušeničnik himself or his close collaborators to wide-ranging discussions of vitalism, materialism and its implied social and societal consequences. Like their Czech counterparts Fr. Matěj Procházka (1811–1889) and Fr. Antonín LenzMaterialismMechanismDynamism (1829–1901), materialism was often conjoined with "pantheism" and immorality. In both the Czech and the Slovene cases, materialism was viewed as a deep theological problem, as it made the Catholic account of the transformation of the Eucharistic sacrifice into the real presence untenable. In the Czech case, materialism was often conjoined with “bestiality” (bestialnost) and radical politics, especially agrarianism, while in the case of Ušeničnik and Slovene writers, materialism was conjoined with “parliamentarianism” and “democracy.” There is too an unexamined dialogue on vitalism, materialism and pan-Slavism which needs to be explored.Writing in 1914 in a review of O bistvu življenja (Concerning the essence of life) by the controversial Croatian biologist Boris Zarnik) Ušeničnik underscored that vitalism was an speculative outlook because it left the field of positive science and entered the speculative realm of philosophy. Ušeničnik writes that it was “Too bad” that Zarnik “tackles” the question of vitalism, as his zoological opinions are interesting but his philosophy was not “successful”. Ušeničnik concluded that vitalism was a rather old idea, which belonged more to the realm of philosophy and Thomistic theology then biology. It nonetheless seemed to provide a solution for the particular characteristics of life, especially its individuality. It was certainly preferable to all the dangers that materialism presented. Likewise in the Czech case, Emmanuel Radl (1873–1942) spent much of his life extolling the virtues of vitalism, up until his death in home confinement during the Nazi Protectorate. Vitalism too became bound up in the late nineteenth century rediscovery of early modern philosophy, which became an essential part of the development of new scientific consciousness and linguistic awareness right before the First World War in the Czech lands. Thus, by comparing the reception of these ideas together in two countries separated by ‘nationality’ but bounded by religion and active engagement with French and German ideas (especially Driesch), we can reconstruct not only receptions of vitalism and materialism, but articulate their political and theological valances.

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Uslaner, Eric M. "The Case of France." In National Identity and Partisan Polarization, 76—C4.T1. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197633946.003.0004.

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Abstract France is a country that has resisted nationalist politics for most of its history as a democratic nation. The conflict has been one of an elite versus the working classes. As immigration has increased, especially from Muslim countries, the electorate has become more focused on cultural issues, and the traditional political parties have given way to ones based upon one’s ethnic heritage. The traditional Gaullist party of the right, the Rally pour La Republique, has been replaced by a party once universally rejected, the Front National. Both the FN and the more moderate centrist coalition of Prime Minister Emmanuel Macron have shifted to the right on issues of immigration, demanding that Muslim immigrants accept the national doctrine of laicité, or the banning of religious symbols from public life.

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Conference papers on the topic "Symbolism in politics – France – History"

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Marinković, Milica. "RAZVITAK FRANCUSKE ADVOKATURE U XIX VEKU." In XVII majsko savetovanje. Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Kragujevcu, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/uvp21.1067m.

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The paper is dedicated to the development of advocacy in France throughout history, and special attention is paid to the struggle of lawyers to repair the damage caused to their position by the Bourgeois Revolution. The goals of the legal struggle were fully achieved in the period of the Third Republic, rightly called the "Republic of Lawyers", when they took over the legislative and executive power. French lawyers, especially in the 19th century, were often real political dissidents. With their work as a politival opposition, they redefined the relationship between the state and society and set a clear border of state power, all of which enabled the easier emergence of a liberal constitutional monarchy, and then a republic. Due to the constant opposition activities in the courtroom, the lawyers demonstrated in the best possible way how closely law and politics stand in each state. In the introductory chapter of the paper, the author gives an overview of the historical development of advocacy from the Frankish period to the Revolution itself. During the Old Regime, lawyers enjoyed the status of "secular clergy" and, although members of the Third Class, were an unavoidable political factor in absolutist France. The second chapter contains an analysis of the devastating impact of the Revolution on the legal profession and timid attempts to improve the position of the legal profession with the advent of the Restoration. The third chapter provides an overview of the period from 1830 to 1870, which was characterized by the increasingly serious interference of lawyers in politics in order to fight for the advancement of the profession. The chapter on the Third Republic talks about the successful outcome of the lawyer's fight for their own rights, and the final chapter talks about the tendencies in the French legal profession in the 20th century.

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