Relevant bibliographies by topics / Switzerland – Politics and government – 1848-

Academic literature on the topic 'Switzerland – Politics and government – 1848-'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Switzerland – Politics and government – 1848-"

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Harguindéguy, Jean-Baptiste. "Review: The Politics and Government of Switzerland." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 24, no. 4 (August 2006): 631–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c2404rvw.

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Walter, André, and Patrick Emmenegger. "The Partisan Composition of Cantonal Governments in Switzerland, 1848-2017. A New Data Set." Swiss Political Science Review 25, no. 1 (November 8, 2018): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/spsr.12329.

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Clark, Christopher. "AFTER 1848: THE EUROPEAN REVOLUTION IN GOVERNMENT." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 22 (December 2012): 171–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440112000114.

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ABSTRACTThis paper revisits the question of the impact of the 1848 revolutions on governance and administration across the European states. Few historians would contend that the immediate post-revolutionary years saw a ‘return’ to pre-1848 conditions, but the transitions of the 1850s are usually presented as episodes within a narrative that is deemed to be specific to the respective nation-state. This paper argues that the 1850s saw a profound transformation in political and administrative practices across the continent, encompassing the emergence of new centrist political coalitions with a distinctively post-revolutionary mode of politics characterised by a technocratic vision of progress, the absorption into government of civil-society-based bodies of expertise, and changes in public information management. In short, it proposes that we need to move beyond the restrictive interpretation implied by the tenacious rubric ‘decade of reaction’ towards recognising that the 1850s were – after the Napoleonic period – the second high-water-mark in nineteenth-century political and administrative innovation across the continent. The paper argues, moreover, that these transitions took place on an authentically European basis and that they only come fully into focus when we survey the spectrum of governmental experiences across the European states. The paper closes with some reflections on the broader implications of this reappraisal for our understanding of European history in the middle and later decades of the nineteenth century.
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Bogdanor, Vernon. "Federalism in Switzerland." Government and Opposition 23, no. 1 (1988): 69–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017257x00017012.

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‘FEDERALISM’, CLAIMED THE SWISS PHILOSOPHER, DENIS DE Rougemont, ‘rests upon the love of complexity, by contrast with the brutal simplicity which characterises the totalitarian spirit’. It would be hard to deny that complexity is the most striking feature of federal government in Switzerland. To comprehend it fully, one would have to analyse the history, politics and atmosphere of each of the twenty-six cantons, for each is a political system in itself; and there is no such animal as a ‘typical’ canton. Political scientists have studied one or two cantons in some depth, and there are also impressionistic accounts of cantonal life, but there is no really satisfactory comparative analysis of the cantons as a whole. Further, many Swiss cantons are ‘closed' societies, difficult for the foreigner to penetrate and not easily accessible to the academic inquirer. The political scientist needs to acquire the skills of the anthropologist in addition to those of the analyst of political institutions if he is to make headway. It is difficult, therefore, to give anything more than a very general impression of the principles lying behind federal government in Switzerland, an impression which is bound to be, to some degree at least, misleading. For of no country more than Switzerland is it more correct to say that the truth lies in the minute particulars and not in generalities.The complexity of Swiss federalism is a consequence of the fact that the Swiss have embraced more completely than any other democracy that essential principle, the leitmotiv, of federalism — the sharing of power. Switzerland is indeed an extreme example of federalism, just as it is an extreme example of the application of the principles of democracy and of neutrality in foreign affairs.
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Matyja, Mirosław. "Determinant factors of multiculturalism in Switzerland." Review of Nationalities 8, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 83–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2018-0005.

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Abstract Switzerland consists of different regions, cultures and languages. The minorities in Switzerland are in the first place ethno-linguistic minorities, whose are unified by a common language. Therefore, since the foundation of the Confederation in 1848 the Helvetic state has been considered a multilingual country. The confederation and cantons are obliged to protect linguistic minorities. The grounds of the Swiss social structure, with traditional multiculturalism and four national languages are two principles: language freedom (Sprachenfreiheit) and territoriality (Territorialitätsprinzip). Switzerland has no official state religion. Predominant religion is Christianity, the largest religious minorities is established by Islam. The largest Christian denominations are Catholic Church (37.7%) and Swiss Reformed Church (25.5%). The influx of new cultural minorities to Switzerland began aXer the Second World War and was directly connected with economic migration, with the large influx of gastarbeiters from southern European countries and refugees from the Third World and from the former Yugoslavia. International law includes the protection of national, yet not cultural minorities. In Switzerland the protection of national minorities is also based on international standards. The necessity for systematic integration policy in Switzerland appeared in the nineties of the twentieth century, after removing the anti-immigration tendencies and hostile attitude towards foreigners. There is a conflict of interest between democracy and state under the rule of law, and between majoritarian democratic politics and liberal principles. The conflict can be controlled; however it can not be resolved. The principle of the Swiss “unity in multiplicity” is best reflected in the multiculturalism and multilingualism of Switzerland, but also a relatively high percentage of the foreigners.
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Church, Clive H., and Adrian Vatter. "Opposition in Consensual Switzerland: A Short but Significant Experiment." Government and Opposition 44, no. 4 (2009): 412–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2009.01295.x.

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AbstractAlthough conventional wisdom sees Switzerland as oppositionless, in December 2007 its biggest party, the Swiss People's Party (SVP), declared itself in ‘opposition’. It implied this was something dramatic but implementation was hesitant, degenerating into personalized attacks on the minister elected over its party leader. This led to splits in the party and the strategy petered out, with the SVP returning to collegial government, consensus having proved too strong. Although political science has recently neglected opposition, the SVP's understanding of the concept was distant from most ideas of ‘opposition politics’, notably Anglo-Saxon practices. The experiment is therefore best understood as a rhetorical flourish, arising out of the SVP's powerful, but unusual, populism. Though unsuccessful, it shows Swiss politics are changing and the populist challenge remains.
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Smith, Michael. "Stigma." Advances in Psychiatric Treatment 8, no. 5 (September 2002): 317–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/apt.8.5.317.

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‘Medicine is a social science, and politics nothing but medicine on a grand scale.’ (Rudolph Virchov, 1848, quoted in Link & Phelan, 1996)Discrimination and prejudice against people with mental illnesses is ubiquitous, pernicious and wrong. The overwhelming case against such stigma has been recognised by initiatives from the UK government, the Royal College of Psychiatrists, the US Surgeon General, the World Psychiatric Association and many other organisations
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Laponce, Jean. "Politics and the Law of Babel." Social Science Information 40, no. 2 (June 2001): 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/053901801040002001.

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The world language system is profoundly affected by the increase in the frequency and density of communication on a world scale. Most of the languages spoken today are not expected to survive the century and most of those surviving will lose or fail to get control of some higher functions of communication, notably in the fields of commerce and science. The minority languages best able to resist the pressure of more powerful competitors are those having a government as their champion, and their best overall protective strategy remains territorialization, either within the boundaries of a unilingual state or, in the case of multilingual societies, on the territorial model of Switzerland and Belgium that juxtaposes rather than mixes languages at the regional level.
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Ward, Damen. "Civil Jurisdiction, Settler Politics, and the Colonial Constitution, circa 1840-58." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 39, no. 3 (November 3, 2008): 497. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v39i3.5473.

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In early colonial politics, decisions about lower court jurisdiction often reflected competing ideas about the relationship between different parts and functions of government. In particular, court structure and jurisdiction could be seen as having important implications for the role and power of the governor. Appreciating the importance of jurisdiction as a way of defining, and arguing about, the distribution and exercise of political and legal authority in the colonial constitution allows connections to be drawn between different elements of settler politics in the 1840s and 1850s. The closing of the Court of Requests by Governor Grey in 1848, and the decisions of the Supreme Court judges in subsequent litigation, provide examples of this. Debate over the role of the governor in emerging systems of representative and responsible government after 1852 contributed to lower court jurisdiction remaining politically significant, particularly in relation to Māori. This is shown by considering parliamentary debates about the Stafford ministry's 1858 proposals for resident magistrates' jurisdiction over "native districts". The politics of jurisdiction were part of wider contests about the establishment and consolidation of particular political and institutional relationships within the colonial constitution. This multi-faceted construction of government authority suggests a need to reconsider elements of Pākehā colonial politics and law.
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Colley, Linda. "Empires of Writing: Britain, America and Constitutions, 1776–1848." Law and History Review 32, no. 2 (April 3, 2014): 237–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248013000801.

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Approximately 50 years ago, R. R. Palmer published his two volume masterworkThe Age of the Democratic Revolution. Designed as a “comparative constitutional history of Western civilization,” it charted the struggles after 1776 over ideas of popular sovereignty and civil and religious freedoms, and the spreading conviction that, instead of being confined to “any established, privileged, closed, or self-recruiting groups of men,” government might be rendered simple, accountable and broadly based. Understandably, Palmer placed great emphasis on the contagion of new-style constitutions. Between 1776 and 1780, eleven onetime American colonies drafted state constitutions. These went on to inform the provisions of the United States Constitution adopted in 1787, which in turn influenced the four Revolutionary French constitutions of the 1790s, and helped to inspire new constitutions in Haiti, Poland, the Netherlands, Switzerland, and elsewhere. By 1820, according to one calculation, more than sixty new constitutions had been attempted within Continental Europe alone, and this is probably an underestimate. At least a further eighty constitutions were implemented between 1820 and 1850, many of them in Latin America. The spread of written constitutions proved in time almost unstoppable, and Palmer left his readers in no doubt that this outcome could be traced back to the Revolution of 1789, and still more to the Revolution of 1776. Despite resistance by entrenched elites, and especially from Britain, “the greatest single champion of the European counter-revolution,” a belief was in being by 1800, Palmer argued, that “democracy was a matter of concern to the world as a whole, that it was a thing of the future, [and] that while it was blocked in other countries the United States should be its refuge.”
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Switzerland – Politics and government – 1848-"

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Telford, Hamish. "Federalism in multinational societies : Switzerland, Canada, and India in comparative perspective." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0016/NQ46433.pdf.

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Ross, Anna. "Post-revolutionary politics in Prussia, 1848-1858." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648508.

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Stojanovic, Nenad. "The idea of a Swiss nation : a critique of Will Kymlicka's account of multination states." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33316.

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One of the most influential authors of the past decade who has tried to assess a theoretical model of defense of 'cultural rights' from a liberal prospective is Will Kymlicka. Kymlicka appears even to believe that his model of multiculturalism represents the only systematic account of minority rights that is yet available within liberal theory. He assumes that other liberal thinkers---e.g. Raz, Taylor, Habermas---'have sketched some concepts or principles which they think should govern liberal approaches to ethnocultural demands' but their views constitute, at the end of the day, 'more outlines than systematic theories' (Kymlicka 1997: 86, n. 1). This essay stems from my critical reading of Kymlicka's theory.
It is not my intention here to provide an alternative model of dealing with 'cultural differences'. My aims are much more modest. First, I want to provide a critical assessment of Kymlicka's theory by pointing out some of its conceptual ambiguities. Second, I want to discuss the case of Switzerland by defending the thesis that it does not constitute a multinational state. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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Farzaneh, Farzin. "The French Popular Front, the first Blum government and events in Switzerland as seen by the Vaudois Press, 1934-1937 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=64075.

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Jones, Thomas Chewning. "French republican exiles in Britain, 1848-1870." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609095.

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Dahlin, Eric C. "Legislating Citizenship in the United States: The Impact of State Building on Woman Sufferage Legislation, 1848-1918." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2002. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/113.

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This is a state-level analysis of the impact of state building on woman suffrage legislation in the United States. This study examines all states in which state legislatures were conferred the power to submit a constitutional amendment to the electorate for approval. I use a sequential random-effects logistic regression model to estimate the effects of state building on legislative outcome. Legislative outcome is measured in three stages: whether or not a bill is introduced in either the House or the Senate during a legislative session, whether or not a bill is voted on in either the House or the Senate during a legislative session, and whether or not a bill is passed in either the House or the Senate during a legislative session. The data used in this study were collected from legislative journals and other sources which represent the most comprehensive and accurate data that have been used to study woman suffrage legislation. Most studies of woman suffrage explain success by concentrating on changing gender norms. While this may have explained eventual success, it overlooks barriers that existed within state governments. Only 15 states granted full woman suffrage prior to the Nineteenth Amendment, the majority of which were in the West. I argue that understanding the structure of state governments provides insight into the success of western states and also provides insight into the timing of success. I do this by moving beyond contemporary social movement theory and by adapting aspects of institutional politics theory and organizational theory. Specifically, I examine the dynamics of partisan politics, organizational characteristics of state government, and the legislative process. I find that partisan politics and organizational dynamics impact legislative success. Specifically, legislatures are more likely to pass suffrage bills in states that are more democratized, that are characterized by reform-oriented regimes, where woman suffrage advocates have a greater political presence, where there is less structural inertia, and where a smaller constitutional majority is required.
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Monecke, Uta. "Zwischen staatlicher Obrigkeit und bürgerlichem Aufbruch : preußische Zensur und städtische Zensoren in Halle und Naumburg 1816 - 1848 /." Halle (Saale) : Mitteldt. Verl, 2006. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0706/2007366411.html.

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Ochs, Kimberly. "Educational policy borrowing and its implications for reform and innovation : a study with specific reference to the London Borough of Barking and Dagenham." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670201.

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SCHWARZENBACH, Alexis. "Portraits of the Nation : stamps, coins and banknotes in Belgium and Switzerland, 1880-1945." Doctoral thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5974.

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Defence date: 13 December 1997
Examining Board: Prof. Urs Altermatt, Université de Fribourg ; Prof. John Brewer, EUI (supervisor) ; Prof. Martin Conway, Balliol College, Oxford (ext. supervisor) ; Prof. Luisa Passerini, EUI
First made available online on 7 January 2020
Portraits of the Nation offers a fascinating insight into the construction and development of national identity in two multilingual countries—Belgium and Switzerland. This book not only shows that multilingualism was no obstacle for the development of national identity—in both countries it was used as a positive means of collective identification —it also demonstrates that other means of identification were much more important. These were found on a national and supra-linguistic level—in Belgium the Royal Family and in Switzerland the Alps—and on a local and sublinguistic level—in Belgium mainly the provinces and in Switzerland the cantons. This study also shows that, contrary to what might be expected, Belgium was often more successful than Switzerland in constructing and adapting its national identity, especially in the inter-war years. Combining written and iconographic sources found in the archives of the national banks, mints and Post Offices in Berne and Brussels this book furthermore fills in an important historiographical gap using stamps, coins and banknotes as historical sources for the first time. Often neglected by historians, Alexis Schwarzenbach successfully argues that these sources have to be seen as important lieux de mernoire and that they are ideally suited for the study of the interrelated topics of memory and identity.
-- 1. Introduction -- 2. Decision-making 1880-1913 -- 3. Portraits 1880-1913 -- 4. The First World War -- 5. Inter-war decision-making -- 6. Portraits 1919-1933/34 -- 7. Portraits 1933/34-1939/40 -- 8. The Second World War
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"The maintenance of law and order during the governorship of Sir John Francis Davis in Hong Kong 1844-1848." Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1993. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5887822.

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by Chan Yue Shan.
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1993.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 128-133).
ABSTRACT --- p.i-ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS --- p.iii
INTRODUCTION --- p.1-8
Chapter CHAPTER ONE --- THE CONDITIONS OF HONG KONG
Chapter I. --- The Establishment of the Colonial Government --- p.9-13
Chapter II. --- Nature of the Population --- p.13-16
Chapter III. --- Lawless Situation --- p.16-24
Chapter IV. --- Measures Taken to Fight Crime Prior to the Governorship of Davis --- p.24-31
Chapter CHAPTER TWO --- A BRIEF BIOGRAPHY OF SIR JOHN FRANCIS DAVIS --- p.32-38
Chapter CHAPTER THREE --- DAVIS' DETERMINATION TO IMPROVE THE STATE OF THE COLONY --- p.39-46
Chapter CHAPTER FOUR --- DEVICES OF SOCIAL CONTROL
Chapter 1. --- Reforms on the Police Force --- p.47-51
Chapter 2. --- The Appointment of Chinese Peace Officers: Paouchong and Paoukea --- p.52-59
Chapter 3. --- Establishment of the Supreme Court --- p.60-63
Chapter CHAPTER FIVE --- PUNISHMENTS FOR CRIMINALS
Chapter 1. --- Prison Reform --- p.64-68
Chapter 2. --- Expatriation of Convicts --- p.69-73
Chapter 3. --- The Enforcement of Capital Punishment --- p.74-77
Chapter CHAPTER SIX --- MEASURES AGAINST ORGANIZED CRIME
Chapter 1. --- suppression of the Triad Society --- p.78-86
Chapter 2. --- Suppression of Piracy --- p.87-93
Chapter CHAPTER SEVEN --- REGULATION OF THE MOVEMENTS OF INHABITANTS
Chapter 1. --- The Continuation of Curfew --- p.94-95
Chapter 2. --- Implementation of Registration as a Police Measure --- p.96-104
Chapter CHAPTER EIGHT --- DISCUSSION ON DAVIS' MEASURES IN THE MAINTENANCE OF LAW AND ORDER --- p.105-113
CONCLUSION --- p.114-116
APPENDICES
Appendix 1 --- p.117
Appendix 2 --- p.118-119
Appendix 3 --- p.120
Appendix 4 --- p.121-124
Appendix 5 --- p.125
GLOSSARY --- p.126-127
BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.128-133
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Books on the topic "Switzerland – Politics and government – 1848-"

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1935-, Butler Michael, Butler Michael, Pender Malcolm, and Charnley Joy 1960-, eds. The making of modern Switzerland, 1848-1998. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000.

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1935-, Butler Michael, Pender Malcolm, and Charnley Joy 1960-, eds. The making of modern Switzerland, 1848-1998. New York: St. Martin's Press, 2000.

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Wandeler, Werner. Vom Freischärler bis zum erzkonservativen Junker: Eine Darstellung der Luzerner Wahlen in die Bundesversammlung 1848. Hitzkirch: Comenius, 1999.

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Staatsbürgerschaft und Nation: Ausschliessung und Integration in der Schweiz 1848-1933. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2007.

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Le Conseil d'Etat fribourgeois: 1848-2011 : son histoire, son organisation, ses membres. Fribourg: Editions La Sarine, 2012.

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A laboratory of liberty: The transformation of political culture in republican Switzerland, 1750-1848. Leiden: Brill, 2012.

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Favez, Pierre-Yves. Le Grand conseil vaudois de 1803: Notices biographiques des deputes elus en 1803, 1808 et 1813. [France]: Cercle vaudois de genealogie, 2003.

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Rossel, Patrice. La maison vaudoise: Histoire du Cercle démocratique de Lausanne, 1843-1993. Yens/Morges: Cabédita, 1993.

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Gallatin: America's Swiss founding father. New York: New York University Press, 2010.

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H, Trechsel Alexandre, ed. The politics of Switzerland. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008.

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Book chapters on the topic "Switzerland – Politics and government – 1848-"

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Linder, Wolf, and Sean Mueller. "Building a Multicultural Society by Political Integration." In Swiss Democracy, 9–58. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-63266-3_2.

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AbstractThis chapter explains how, despite the absence of single ethnic culture, Swiss state- and nation-building was possible. Neither the Swiss nation, nor the Swiss society existed when modern Switzerland was founded in 1848, after a brief civil war. The chapter provides a reading of Swiss history since then as one of gradually achieving the participation of the most important minority groups and the different social classes through proportional representation. Beginning with the losers of the civil war, the Catholic-Conservatives, followed by Protestant farmers and the petite bourgeoise, and ending with the Social-Democrats, the Swiss thus invented the ‘magic formula’ in 1959 for proportionally sharing the seven seats in the federal government. Even the rise of right-wing populism since the 1990s has not changed this basic feature.
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Church, Clive H. "Informal Politics." In The Politics and Government of Switzerland, 172–78. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230509009_17.

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Linder, Wolf. "Swiss Politics Today." In The Making of Modern Switzerland, 1848–1998, 97–110. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230598133_5.

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Church, Clive H. "The People at Politics." In The Politics and Government of Switzerland, 51–59. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230509009_5.

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Church, Clive H. "Introduction." In The Politics and Government of Switzerland, 1–8. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230509009_1.

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Church, Clive H. "Parliament." In The Politics and Government of Switzerland, 103–12. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230509009_10.

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Church, Clive H. "The Executive." In The Politics and Government of Switzerland, 113–22. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230509009_11.

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Church, Clive H. "Judiciary, Police and Army." In The Politics and Government of Switzerland, 123–30. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230509009_12.

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Church, Clive H. "The Electoral Process." In The Politics and Government of Switzerland, 133–42. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230509009_13.

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Church, Clive H. "The Direct Democratic Process." In The Politics and Government of Switzerland, 143–53. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230509009_14.

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Conference papers on the topic "Switzerland – Politics and government – 1848-"

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Glauser, Christoph, and Uwe Serdült. "From Alibaba to Youtube: User Search for Digital Democracy Topics in Switzerland." In 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002581.

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Digital Democracy tools such as e-consultation, e-petitions or internet voting play an increasing role and are part of the digitalisation process in politics and government. Digital life styles in general and during the pandemic in particular might have pushed for an increasing demand for so called civic tech tools. Digital democracy search terms were monitored across multiple digital channels for several months in the year 2021 and contrasted to the offer for such tools in the German, French and Italian speaking part of the country. To measure the offer for digital participation tools an index per canton established in 2021 is being used.
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