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Journal articles on the topic 'Swedish labor politics'
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1
PONTUSSON, JONAS. "The Comparative Politics of Labor-Initiated Reforms." Comparative Political Studies 25, no. 4 (January 1993): 548–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414093025004005.
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This article explores the reasons why some reform initiatives launched by the Swedish labor movement have succeeded and others have failed. It presents four case studies: two success stories (the pension reform of 1959 and the industrial democracy reforms of the 1970s), and two failures (inheritance taxation in the 1920s and 1940s, and wage-earner funds in the 1970s). The article casts these case studies in an analytical framework that emphasizes three variables. To the extent that they challenge the interests of capital, labor's reform initiatives are likely to precipitate a powerful countermobilization, but the politics of reformism are also shaped by the extent to which labor's initiatives embody a universalistic conception of social justice and/or appeal to the material interests of swing voters.
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Adman, Per, and Per Strömblad. "Political Integration in Practice: Explaining a Time-Dependent Increase in Political Knowledge among Immigrants in Sweden." Social Inclusion 6, no. 3 (August 30, 2018): 248–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v6i3.1496.
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Scholarly findings suggest that immigrants in Western countries, in general, participate less in politics and show lower levels of political efficacy than native-born citizens. Research is scarce, however, when it comes to immigrants’ knowledge about politics and public affairs in their new home country, and what happens with this knowledge over the years. This article focuses on immigrants in Sweden, a country known for ambitious multicultural policies, but where immigrants also face disadvantages in areas such as labor and housing markets. Utilizing particularly suitable survey data we find that immigrants, in general, know less about Swedish politics than natives, but also that this difference disappears with time. Exploring the influence of time of residence on political knowledge, the article shows that the positive effect of time in Sweden among immigrants remains after controlling for an extensive set of background factors. Moreover, the article examines this political learning effect through the lens of an Ability–Motivation–Opportunity (AMO) model. The findings suggest that the development of an actual ability to learn about Swedish politics—via education in Sweden, and by improved Swedish language skills—is an especially important explanation for the increase in political knowledge.
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Anderson, Karen M., and Traute Meyer. "Social Democracy, Unions, and Pension Politics in Germany and Sweden." Journal of Public Policy 23, no. 1 (January 2003): 23–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x03003027.
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This article investigates the politics of reforming mature, pay-as-you-go pensions in the context of austerity. In both Sweden and Germany the Social Democratic party leadership advocated reform in response to similar financial and demographic pressures, but the Swedish reform was more successful in correcting perceived program weaknesses and in defending social democratic values. To explain this difference in outcomes, we focus on policy legacies and the organizational and political capacities of labor movements. We argue that existing pension policies in Germany were more constraining than in Sweden, narrowing the range of politically feasible strategies. By contrast, in Sweden, existing pension policy provided opportunities for turning vices into virtues and financing the transition to a new system. In addition, the narrow interests of German unions and the absence of institutionalized cooperation with the Social Democratic Party hindered reform. By contrast, the Swedish Social Democrats' bargaining position in pension reform negotiations with non-socialist parties was formulated with blue collar union interests in mind. The encompassing interests of Swedish unions and their close links with the Social Democrats facilitated a reform compromise.
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Kurzer, Paulette. "The Politics of Central Banks: Austerity and Unemployment in Europe." Journal of Public Policy 8, no. 1 (January 1988): 21–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00006838.
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ABSTRACTThis article examines the divergences in labor market-performances in four small, open economies: Austria, Belgium, the Netherlands, and Sweden. It argues that great unemployment in Belgium and the Netherlands is partly due to the implementation of deflationary policies during the 1980s. The decline of Keynesian intervention in Belgium and the Netherlands is traced to the institutional independence of their central banks to set monetary and exchange rate policies separate from government. Because the Swedish and Austrian central banks are more integrated in the policy process and their countries are not members of the Common Market or the European Monetary System, social democratic governments have been able to go against the European trend of monetary restrictiveness and fiscal austerity. Accordingly, business in Austria and Sweden is more optimistic about future profit returns and is more willing to invest in productive capital, resulting in lower unemployment.
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Lill, Linda. "Staff shortages in Swedish elderly care – reflections on gender and diversity politics." International Journal of Migration, Health and Social Care 16, no. 3 (June 29, 2020): 269–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijmhsc-04-2019-0042.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to discuss how the labor shortage is described at the national level and how these problematizations correlate to gender and diversity politics. The paper is overview of the governance of staff shortages in elderly care, how it is articulated and how the governmental scenario of solutions, which includes the channeling of unemployed migrants into elderly care. Politicians and public media describe the situation as desperate and the issue of the staff shortages in elderly care is described as a state of crisis. A highly profiled solution is to open up elderly care for unemployed migrants. Design/methodology/approach By analyzing specific management strategies for controlling a phenomenon, the paper will also be able to highlight values surrounding the phenomenon. The ambition is to understand how institutions, authorities and organizations handle practical forms of knowledge that are aimed to implement a particular policy or working method within the welfare system. Findings One important aspect of the findings is the ways in which these official political discourses link the issues of migration and the shortages of staff in elderly care. But also visualize factors in how the government bodies with the formal responsibilities and authorities express their concerns about these links and the quality of the elderly care more generally. Originality/value It is well-known that migrants are employed to take care of the growing population of elderly in Europe. In Spain and Italy, for example, immigrants are frequently employed directly by families to care for their elderly family members. This type of employment entails a series of new social risks. The most important of those risks is the global “care chain” that these arrangements incur for the sending families, who lose a family member on whom they depend. This paper is connecting the international research on the global “care chain,” but focuses on the Swedish context, where the migrants already are established and elderly care work is not linked to migration in the same way. However, the experience of migration and the importance of transnational and cultural knowledge can be influential in understanding the changing processes in Swedish elderly care, not the least as the question of staff recruitment has been linked to migration by the highest political levels.
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Marzec, Wiktor, and Risto Turunen. "Socialisms in the Tsarist Borderlands." Contributions to the History of Concepts 13, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 22–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2018.130103.
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This article presents a conceptual history of socialism in two Western borderlands of the Russian Empire—namely, the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Finland. A contrastive comparison is used to examine the birth, dissemination, and breakthrough of the concept from its first appearance until the Revolution of 1905. The concept entered Polish political conversation as a self-applied label among émigrés in the 1830s, whereas the opponents of socialism made it famous in Finland in the 1840s in Swedish and in the 1860s in Finnish. When socialism became a mass movement at the turn of the century, socialist parties (re)defined the concept through underground leaflets and brochures in Poland, and through a legal labor press in Finland. In both cases, the Revolution of 1905 meant the final democratization of socialism, attaching more meanings to the concept and making it the most discussed ism of modern politics.
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Navarro, Vicente. "Introduction: Objectives and Purposes of the Study." International Journal of Health Services 33, no. 3 (July 2003): 407–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/34dh-r3ga-gkdu-09p2.
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This article introduces a series of research projects (carried out by the International Network on Social Inequalities and Health) focused on the impact of politics on policy and the consequences for health and quality of life, an area that has been understudied in the social science literature. The introduction describes the conceptual model that guided the research, centered on the study of how political parties and social agents (such as trade unions) affect social inequalities and mortality indicators through labor market and welfare state policies. The major theme of this research is whether political and social interventions matter in health policy and health outcomes. The introduction also describes the different types of research projects carried out by the International Network at the national levels (among OECD countries) and at the regional and local levels (in the United Kingdom, Italy, Germany, Spain, and Sweden). This Journal issue presents the multinational study and the U.K. case study; the next issue will include the Italian, German, Spanish, and Swedish case studies and the summary and conclusions.
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Cabrita, Joel. "Writing Apartheid: Ethnographic Collaborators and the Politics of Knowledge Production in Twentieth-Century South Africa." American Historical Review 125, no. 5 (December 2020): 1668–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhaa512.
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Abstract Knowledge production in apartheid-era South Africa was a profoundly collaborative process. In particular, throughout the 1930s–1950s, the joint intellectual labor of both Africans and Europeans created a body of knowledge that codified and celebrated the notion of a distinct realm of Zulu religion. The intertwined careers of Swedish missionary to South Africa Bengt Sundkler and isiZulu-speaking Lutheran pastor-turned-ethnographer Titus Mthembu highlight the limitations of overly clear demarcations between “professional” versus “lay” anthropologists as well as between “colonial European” versus “indigenous African” knowledge. Mthembu and Sundkler’s decades-long collaboration resulted in a book called Bantu Prophets in South Africa ([1948] 1961). The work is best understood as the joint output of both men, although Sundkler scarcely acknowledged Mthembu’s role in the conceptualization, research, and writing of the book. In an era of racial segregation, the idea that African religion occupied a discrete, innately different sphere that the book advanced had significant political purchase. As one of a number of African ideologues supportive of the apartheid state, Mthembu mobilized his ethnographic findings to argue for innate racial difference and the virtues of “separate development” for South Africa’s Zulu community. His mysterious death in 1960 points to the high stakes of ethnographic research in the politically fraught climate of apartheid South Africa.
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Špadina, Helga. "Responsible employment policy: Comparative analysis of Croatian, Swedish and Danish active labour market policies." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta Nis 59, no. 89 (2020): 181–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfn0-28911.
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In the past decades, the reduction of unemployment has been one of the crucial areas of social policies of the EU Member States because it is a key to economic growth and development. Taking into consideration the fast-changing labour market needs and the rapid transformation of labour relations, European public employment services are continuously creating new measures of active employment, with the aim to assist as many unemployed beneficiaries as possible and to swiftly re-integrate them into the labour markets. The main goal of active labour market programs is to make the matching process more efficient and to increase the number of successful matches of job vacancies and job seekers. Referring to examples of selected active employment measures in Croatia, Sweden and Denmark, this paper provides a comparative analysis of active labour market measures. The paper is divided into four sections. Section 1 provides an overview of measures to reduce unemployment; section 2 outlines the purpose of active labour market measures; section 3 provides a comparative analysis of five active labour market programs in Croatia, Denmark and Sweden, and a brief description of new activation strategies during Covid-19 in Croatia. The conclusion is that the creation of impactful social policies for employment substantially rests on conducting comprehensive analysis of the impact of active labour market measures from the perspective of new employment opportunities and the acquisition of new skills, as well as the analysis of the level of social inclusion of jobseekers.
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Johansson, Jesper. "Swedish Employers and Trade Unions, Labor Migration and the Welfare State—Perspectives on Swedish Labor Migration Policy Debates during the 1960s and the 2000s." Nordic Journal of Working Life Studies 4, no. 1 (March 1, 2014): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.19154/njwls.v4i1.3554.
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This article uses a political economy approach and explores the nexus between labor migration and the welfare state and how its specificities have been viewed and presented by organized interests of employers and trade unions in Swedish labor migration policy debates during the 1960s and the 2000s. The analysis demonstrates that the Swedish Employers’ Confederation (SAF) and its organizational successor the Swedish Confederation of Enterprise (SN) have preferred a market-liberal labor migration policy. Over time, a liberal immigration policy has been viewed by employers as an important policy solution to extend levels of economic growth, increase firm competitiveness, and maintain funding for generous welfare state services. However, since the 1960s the Swedish Trade Union Confederation (LO) has preferred a state-coordinated and regulated labor migration policy. In LO’s perspective, a regulated immigration policy is a fundamental precondition for guaranteeing workers’ rights, and for minimizing potential negative effects for the functioning of the Swedish labor market model and for a prosperous Swedish welfare state.
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Abalo, Ernesto, and Diana Jacobsson. "Class struggle in the era of post-politics." Nordicom Review 42, s3 (April 1, 2021): 20–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/nor-2021-0024.
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Abstract This article addresses how class as a category of conflict and struggle is understood and shaped discursively in mainstream media today. We utilise a case study of how Swedish news media represents the long-lasting conflict in the Swedish labour market between the Swedish Dockworkers’ Union and the employer organisation, Sweden's Ports. Using critical discourse analysis, we show two ways in which class relations are recontextualised in three Swedish newspapers. One is through obscuring class and centring the conflict around business and nationalist discourses, which in the end legitimise a corporate perspective. The other, more marginalised, way is through the critique of class relations that appears in subjective discourse types. This handling of class, we argue, serves the reproduction of a post-political condition.
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Öberg, Perola, and Torsten Svensson. "Power, Trust and Deliberation in Swedish Labour Market Politics." Economic and Industrial Democracy 23, no. 4 (November 2002): 451–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x02234002.
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Boräng, Frida, and Lucie Cerna. "Constrained Politics: Labour Market Actors, Political Parties and Swedish Labour Immigration Policy." Government and Opposition 54, no. 1 (January 23, 2017): 121–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.51.
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Sweden used to be one of the most restrictive countries in the Organisation of Economic Development and Cooperation (OECD) in terms of labour immigration policy. This was drastically changed in 2008 when a very liberal immigration law was passed. Why did one of the most restrictive labour immigration countries suddenly become one of the most liberal ones? The article argues that it is necessary to consider labour market institutions and their consequences for labour migration. These factors will influence the preferences, strategies and chances of success for various policy actors. A decline in union power and corporatism in Sweden had important consequences for its labour immigration. Following this decline, employers and centre-right parties became more active and adopted more liberal policy positions than previously. The article analyses policy developments since the 1960s and draws on official documents, position statements, party manifestos, media coverage and original elite interviews.
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Pries, Johan, and Erik Jönsson. "Remaking the People’s Park: Heritage Renewal Troubled by Past Political Struggles?" Culture Unbound 11, no. 1 (April 12, 2019): 78–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.2000.1525.201911178.
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This article explores how a series of heritage-driven renewal plans in the Swedish city Malmö dealt with a landscape deeply shaped by radical politics: Malmö People’s Park (Folkets Park). Arguing against notions of heritage where the past is essentially considered a malleable resource for present commercial or political concerns, we scrutinise plans for the People’s Park from the 1980s onward to emphasise how even within renewal attempts built on seemingly uncontroversial nostalgic readings of the park’s past, tensions proved impossible to keep at bay. This had profound effects on the studied development process.
Established by the city’s social-democratic labour movement in 1891, the People’s Park is both enmeshed with historical narratives, and full of material artefacts left by a century when the Social Democrats had a decisive presence in the city. As municipal planners and politicians targeted this piece of land, the tensions they had to navigate included not only what present ideas to bring to bear on the making of heritage, but also how to deal with past politics and the park as a material landscape. Our findings point to how the kinds of labour politics that had faded for decades became impossible to dismiss in urban renewal. Both political representations and de-politicising nostalgic representations of Malmö People’s Park’s past provoked (often unexpected) resistance undoing planning visions.
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Jansson, Sune. "SWEDISH LABOUR-OWNED INDUSTRIAL FIRMS." Annals of Public and Cooperative Economics 57, no. 1 (January 1986): 103–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8292.1986.tb01934.x.
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Gougoulakis, Petros. "Popular Adult and Labor Education Movement in Sweden—History, Content, Pedagogy." International Labor and Working-Class History 90 (2016): 12–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000235.
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AbstractIn Sweden, workers’ education—Arbetarbildning—is part of the all-embracing popular adult education movement that assumed its organizational consolidation in the late 1800s. Popular education—Folkbildning—is a culturally determined practice of social communication with roots in the Reformation and the Enlightenment, playing a decisive role in the shaping of the Swedish labor movement in the late 1800s, the history of which is intertwined with democratization and the transformation of Sweden into a highly developed welfare society. The pedagogical and ideological configuration of labor education in Sweden is surveyed from a historical perspective through the lenses of the Workers’ Educational Association (ABF) and the labor movement's most powerful branches: the Social Democratic Party (SAP) and the Swedish Trade Union Confederation (LO). Workers’ education was utilized as a political strategy for a just and equitable society, via successive reforms, based on knowledge and initiated and supported by well-informed citizens.
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Rom-Jensen, Byron Z. "Yellow-Blue Collars: American Labor and the Pursuit of Swedish Policy, 1961-1963." American Studies in Scandinavia 50, no. 2 (October 30, 2018): 43–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v50i2.5777.
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This article studies the Kennedy administration’s labor market policies as a case of lesson drawing during a transnational moment in the early 1960s. With the election of Kennedy, leaders in the labor movement rose to positions of policymaking influence, in the process reimagining the United States’ political and economic landscape. This spirit of reform led to the embrace of Sweden’s solidarity wage policy and Rehn-Meidner model as lessons on how to balance full employment, economic growth, and a powerful labor movement. However, Secretary of Labor Arthur Goldberg and Walter Reuther of the United Automobile Workers found implementing Swedish policies to be more difficult than they expected, even with the support of a sitting president. Their experiences demonstrate the possibility for policy diffusion from small states to the United States over a short period, as well as its risks and limitations.
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Selberg, Niklas, and Markus Gunneflo. "Discourse or Merely Noise? Regarding the Disagreement on Undocumented Migrants." European Journal of Migration and Law 12, no. 2 (2010): 173–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181610x496867.
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AbstractDrawing on Jacques Rancière’s theorising of the political, this article analyses the disagreement on undocumented migrants in recent legislation in Sweden and within the European Union as well as in Swedish labour union practice. Both the consensus understanding of the issue of undocumented migrants and the materialisation of dissensus through the political activities of undocumented migrants are studied. The aims of the article are: firstly, to show that undocumented migrants in Sweden engage in a political struggle that is not recognised as such, to analyse the structure or conditions of possibility of this non-recognition, and finally, to analyse the ways in which these conditions might be undone through the political activities of undocumented migrants. The theoretical claim is that the issue of undocumented migrants involves intimately core aspects of both politics and law and that the struggle of undocumented migrants is a process in which our understanding of political and legal subjectivity is called into question. In conclusion we reflect on the question of political change against the background of the theoretical and empirical findings of the analysis.
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Ericsson, Tom. "Shopkeepers and the Swedish Model: The Petty Bourgeoisie and the State during the Interwar Period." Contemporary European History 5, no. 3 (November 1996): 357–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077730000391x.
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When the Swedish Social Democratic Labour Party came to power in 1932, Sweden experienced a turning point in its history. For the first time the role of the Social Democratic Party in the construction of the welfare state became significant. Until the end of the 1910s the Social Democrats had concentrated their primary efforts on the problems of trade union recognition and the struggle for parliamentary democracy. After 1920 the Social Democrats became the largest party, but did not gain political power except for a brief interlude. The concept of the ‘Swedish Model’ has often been used in Sweden and abroad to describe the unique development of Swedish society in the twentieth century. However, historians and social scientists have tended to analyse Swedish society without a clear definition of the very concept, the ‘Swedish Model’.
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Andersson, Elias, and Peter Lundqvist. "Gendered time in Swedish family farming." Journal of Family Business Management 6, no. 3 (October 10, 2016): 310–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jfbm-07-2015-0023.
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Purpose The agricultural sector has undergone extensive changes in the 20-30 years since the peak academic debate on family farming. Still today, the understanding and concept of family farming has political implications in the processes of rural and agricultural policy. The purpose of this paper is to study the development of agrarian structure by analysing the gendered and family relations of family farming. Design/methodology/approach This paper examines the concept of the family farm and its utilisation and diversity in the current Swedish agricultural sector from a gender perspective, using empirical data from the Farm Accountancy Data Network. The paper operationalises a situated agrarian typology and examines the gendered position and temporalities of family farms in Sweden, based on patterns of labour use. Findings A workable, fruitful typology of the agrarian structure suitable for future comparative studies is revealed. It also demonstrates the gendered time in the farm labour process, the different temporalities involved and their interconnection between gender, family and various spheres. The spatial and geographical implications, as well as the increased dependence on family and hired labour in different farm types, are emphasised. Originality/value The focus of this study contributes to the understanding of spatial-temporal relations of family farm business and organisation in general and in Sweden particularly. It also provides empirical basis for developing and gender mainstreaming rural and agricultural policies.
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PONTUSSON, JONAS, and PETER SWENSON. "Labor Markets, Production Strategies, and Wage Bargaining Institutions." Comparative Political Studies 29, no. 2 (April 1996): 223–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414096029002004.
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Transformed patterns of labor market governance occupy a central place in the study of contemporary West European political economies. Here, detailed analysis of the dramatic decentralization of wage bargaining in Sweden identifies organized employers, especially engineering employers, as the decisive agents of institutional change. We argue that the employer offensive should be understood as a response to a shift in power within old wage-bargaining institutions, introducing invasive regulation of firm-level pay practices and, at the same time, as a consequence of new flexibility-centered production strategies, giving rise to demands for more firm-level autonomy in wage bargaining. The exceptional features of the old Swedish bargaining and the particular needs of different sectors come into play as we seek to explain the mixed pattern of wage-bargaining changes across Western Europe.
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Pontusson, Jonas. "Labor, Corporatism, and Industrial Policy: The Swedish Case in Comparative Perspective." Comparative Politics 23, no. 2 (January 1991): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/422359.
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Jordan, Jason. "Mothers, Wives, and Workers." Comparative Political Studies 39, no. 9 (November 2006): 1109–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414005284215.
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Feminist criticism has uncovered significant differences in the approach of welfare states to women’s employment and the family not captured by more mainstream, class-based approaches. At the same time, a coherent explanation for gendered variation has been slow to develop. Exploring the French, German, and Swedish cases, this article develops a theory of welfare-state development that links the welfare state’s approach to women and the family to the state’s response to labor-market conditions during crucial periods of labor shortage. These three cases suggest a trade-off between the economy’s dependence on immigrant labor and the welfare state’s willingness to adapt to the specific interests of working mothers. This suggests a link between seemingly unrelated differences in immigration policy and the state’s support for working mothers.
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Ibsen, Christian Lyhne, and Kathleen Thelen. "Diverging Solidarity." World Politics 69, no. 3 (June 7, 2017): 409–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887117000077.
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The transition from Fordist manufacturing to the so-called knowledge economy confronts organized labor across the advanced market economies with a new and more difficult landscape. Many scholars have suggested that the future of egalitarian capitalism depends on forging new political coalitions that bridge the interests of workers in the “new” and “old” economies. This article explores current trajectories of change in Denmark and Sweden, two countries that are still seen as embodying a more egalitarian model of capitalism. The authors show that labor unions in these countries are pursuing two quite different strategies for achieving social solidarity—the Danish aimed at equality of opportunity and the Swedish aimed at equality of outcomes. The article examines the origins of these different strategic paths and explores the distinctive distributional outcomes they have produced. The conclusion draws out the broad lessons these cases hold for the choices currently confronting labor movements throughout the advanced industrial world.
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Kotiswaran, Prabha. "The Sexual Politics of Anti-Trafficking Discourse." Feminist Legal Studies 29, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 43–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10691-020-09447-x.
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Abstract20 years since the negotiation of the Palermo Protocol on Trafficking in 2000, the anti-trafficking field has gone from an early, almost exclusive preoccupation with sex work to addressing extreme exploitation in a range of labour sectors. While this might suggest a reduced focus on the nature of the work performed and a greater focus on the conditions under which it is performed, in reality, anti-trafficking discourse remains in the grip of polarised positions on sex work even as the carceral effects of anti-trafficking law become evident and the Swedish model of criminalising the purchase of sexual services spreads. In this article, I demonstrate how despite the recent discursive shifts to ‘modern slavery’ and ‘forced labour’, the anti-trafficking transnational legal order itself reinforces, rather than diffuses cultures of sex work exceptionalism. The growing international sex workers’ movement has offered resistance, yet a closer look at the movement and the widespread support that it has garnered for decriminalisation from international organisations, while valuable, helps reveal the greatest cost yet of anti-trafficking discourse, namely, the inability of the sex workers’ movement to produce a sophisticated theory of regulation to reduce levels of exploitation within sex work, one which is commensurate with the informality and heterogeneity of sex markets the world over. Finally, to the extent that neoabolitionist projects derive legitimacy from interventions abroad, especially in the global South, I chronicle the edifice on which it rests in one such context, namely India, to demonstrate how countries in the global South are not merely conduits for the global North’s preoccupation with moral gentrification through neo-abolitionism, but rather, that the circuits of global governmentality while influential, are highly contingent, thus producing opportunities for creative forms of mobilisation by sex workers.
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EldéN, Sara, and Terese Anving. "New Ways of Doing the ‘Good’ and Gender Equal Family: Parents Employing Nannies and Au Pairs in Sweden." Sociological Research Online 21, no. 4 (November 2016): 44–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.4163.
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The last decade, Nordic families have started to employ nannies and au pairs to an extent previously never experienced. Political initiatives such as tax deductions for household services, together with global trends of ‘care chains’, have created a private market for care services, which have made it possible for families to hire cheap female, and often migrant, care labour. In the case of Sweden, this is an indication of a re-familializing trend in politics of care and family; a move away from a social democratic welfare regime, towards the privatized and marketized care/family solutions of other Western countries. This qualitative study of Swedish families who hire nannies/au pairs shows how the dual earner/dual carer ideal is being replaced by a dual earner/privately outsourced care ideal, a shift that requires particular forms of accounting for their practices on the part of the parents, related to the discourse of gender equality as well as narratives of what is ‘best for children’. This, we argue, indicates that gender equality and ‘good care’ for children is increasingly becoming a class privilege.
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Hemerijck, Anton, and Jelle Visser. "The Dutch model: An Obvious Candidate for the ‘Third Way’?" European Journal of Sociology 40, no. 1 (May 1999): 103–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600007281.
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While the progressive European politicians are on the lookout for a new model of ‘third way’ capitalism with a human face, after the (temporary?) defeat of the Swedish, Dutch welfare state reform occupies a prominent place in many commentaries.Although it attracted only international attention in the mid- 1990s, the ‘Dutch miracle’ has its basis in policy changes in the early 1980s. For a full explanation of the Dutch experience we must go back at least fifteen years, and study the combination of problem loads, power shifts, institutions, politics and ideas, in three ‘tightly coupled’ policy domains of the Dutch welfare state: industrial relations, social security, and labour market policy. The return to wage moderation took place in the early followed by a series of reforms in the systems of social security in the late 1980s and early 1990s. From the mid-1990s, finally, the adoption of an active labour market policy stance, in order to enhance overall efficiency and create a new domestic balance between wages and social benefits, gained political currency. In this article we present a stylised narrative of these policy changes—what happened, how it happened and what it meant. We demonstrate that these three policy shifts, although embedded in different corporate actors, were interrelated; they created the conditions and the demand for one another, and neither of these policies could have been successful on its own.
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Bosch, Gerhard, and Claudia Weinkopf. "Reducing Wage Inequality." Work and Occupations 44, no. 1 (December 14, 2016): 68–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0730888416683756.
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This article concurs with Weiss’s critique of the myth of the powerless state, which underestimates the possibilities that remain open to nation states to take action. Even today in an environment characterized by globalized markets, nation states have at their disposal instruments that can effectively ensure high job quality. The Swedish and French examples show that the state, by means of various combinations of participative and protective labor standards, can ensure that there is a low share of low-wage workers and a high rate of coverage by collective agreements. Given sufficient political pressure, new standards, such as the minimum wage in Germany, can be put in place.
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Gustafsson, Rolf Å. "Open the Black Box: Paradoxes and Lacunas in Swedish Health Care Reforms." International Journal of Health Services 25, no. 2 (April 1995): 243–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/f81h-w0pl-pmwa-1j0r.
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The idea of using contracting-out as a means for improving public administration dates back to the 1850s, but was then found to be infeasible. The same idea has now become a major building-block in Sweden's health care reforms. Driven by a productivity-focused political discourse and the premises of neoclassical economics, these reforms ignore motivational structures among health care staff. The result may be a delegitimizing of the welfare state from within—either through the extinction of care rationality and its replacement by wage rationality, or, at worst, through the spread of a commercial spirit among health care staff and/or staff frustration at the unavoidable downward adjustments in remuneration rates. The author points to three strategic choices that arise when insights from a labor-process perspective are taken into consideration.
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Yudina, Taisiya. "Sociocultural Perception and Living Conditions of Foreign Citizens in Stalingrad in the 1920s – 1930s." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 4 (August 2021): 117–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.4.10.
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Introduction. In the late 1920s Stalingrad was undergoing major industrial construction and reconstruction. Due to the shortage of local labor resources, foreign labor resources were required. The study highlights the nationality and number of the labor force, arrival dates and participation in the city’s public life. Methods and materials. The study used sources from the State Archive of Volgograd Oblast. The Research is based on comparative-historical and descriptive-historical methods. Analysis. Housing was the main issue in Stalingrad. Foreign specialists (Americans, Germans, Austrians, Czechs, Swedes) and their families were provided with housing, but living conditions were harsh. Moreover, despite the fact that salary of foreign labors was higher than salary of locals, foreign specialists still considered it insufficient. Providing foreign specialists with better living conditions, special product delivery and essential goods irritated the locals, whose standard of living was low. Results. Construction of buildings for foreign specialists began in the late 1920s. For local workers of such plants as the Stalingradskiy traktornyy zavod (Stalingrad Tractor Plant), the Barrikady (Titan-Barrikady) and the Krasny Oktyabr construction began in 1933. This helped to improve the city’s housing situation and increase the standard of living and the number of citizens. In 1933 Stalingrad became a major industrial center; by the end of the 1930s, it had become a city with a large population, including foreigners who stayed in Stalingrad, provided training for local specialists, adapted to an unfamiliar social life, and mastered the Russian language.
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Pietilä, Maria, Ida Drange, Charlotte Silander, and Agnete Vabø. "Gender and Globalization of Academic Labor Markets: Research and Teaching Staff at Nordic Universities." Social Inclusion 9, no. 3 (July 21, 2021): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v9i3.4131.
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In this article, we investigate how the globalized academic labor market has changed the composition of teaching and research staff at Swedish, Norwegian, and Finnish universities. We use national statistical data on the gender and country‐origin of universities’ teaching and research staff between 2012 and 2018 to study how the globalized academic labor market has influenced the proportion of women across career stages, with a special focus on STEM fields. We pay special attention to how gender and country‐origin are interrelated in universities’ academic career hierarchies. The findings show that the proportion of foreign‐born teaching and research staff rose substantially at the lower career level (grade C positions) in the 2010s. The increase was more modest among the most prestigious grade A positions, such as professorships. The findings show significant national differences in how gender and country‐origin of staff intersect in Nordic universities. The study contributes to research on the gendered patterns of global academic labor markets and social stratification in Nordic universities.
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Bihagen, Erik, Magnus Nermo, Charlotta Stern, and Yvonne Åberg. "Elite mobility among college graduated men in Sweden." Acta Sociologica 60, no. 4 (January 6, 2017): 291–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0001699316684004.
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Using Swedish registry data, we study the chances of mobility into the Swedish labour market elite for men who graduated in the years 1985−2005. The elite is defined as top earners within mid- and large sized firms and within the public sector organisations (henceforth, we use organisation for both firms and public organisations). Using discrete time event history models, we study the incidence of elite entry in terms of external recruitment and internal promotion. The choice of field of study and of college or university are important, as are personality and, to a limited extent, cognitive ability. What is most striking is that having kin in elite positions increases the chance of elite entry in general, and having parents in top positions in the same organisation increases the likelihood of internal promotion. In sum, elite entry among college-educated males is associated with a diversity of factors, suggesting that complex explanations for labour market success should be considered, where skills, personality, and family ties all seem to matter.
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Mattson, Greggor. "Nation-State Science: Lappology and Sweden's Ethnoracial Purity." Comparative Studies in Society and History 56, no. 2 (April 2014): 320–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417514000061.
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AbstractThis paper introduces the concept of “nation-state science” to describe the scientific work of ethnoracial classification that made possible the ideal of the homogenous nation-state. Swedish scientists implicitly defined their nation for Continental Europeans when they explicitly created knowledge about the “Lapps” (today's Sámi/Saami). Nation was coupled to state through such ethnoracial categories, the content of which were redefined as Sweden's geopolitical power rose and fell. These shifts sparked methodological innovations to redefine the Lapp, making it a durable category whose content was plastic enough to survive paradigm shifts in political and scientific thought. Idiosyncratic Swedish concerns thus became universalized through the scientific diffusion of empirical knowledge about Lapps and generalizable anthropometric techniques to distinguish among populations. What Sweden lost during the nineteenth century in terms of geopolitical power, it gained in terms of biopower: the knowledge and control of internal populations made possible by its widely adopted anthropometric innovations. Nation-state science helps unpack the interrelationships between state-building, nation-making, and scientific labor.
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Behtoui, Alireza. "Beyond social ties: The impact of social capital on labour market outcomes for young Swedish people." Journal of Sociology 52, no. 4 (July 10, 2016): 711–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783315581217.
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This study makes use of a dataset which contains material relating to young Swedish people who have recently completed their studies and started working. It explores whether using social networks as such or using individuals’ resources which are accessible through social networks (social capital) provides relative advantages in the competition for better jobs. Interest in this topic stems from the recent development of sociological theories in this field. The results indicate that the use of social ties is a common way to find a job in the highly regulated Swedish labour market, but that informal recruitment methods per se provide no relative advantages in the competition for better jobs. On the other hand, given the same demographic characteristics, socioeconomic background and educational attainments, there is a positive association between resources embedded in an individual’s social network (social capital) and the quality of the jobs obtained.
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Diedrich, Andreas. "Classifying difference in organizing, or how to create monsters." Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: An International Journal 33, no. 7 (September 15, 2014): 614–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/edi-02-2012-0007.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to investigate the operation of classification mechanisms in organizational life, and how they construct the skills and knowledge of initially marginalized client groups. Design/methodology/approach – The paper is based on an ethnographically inspired case study of a Swedish labour market procedure, which was designed to validate the skills and knowledge of non-western immigrant job-seekers. Qualitative data were generated through observations, in-depth interviews and document analysis. Findings – The study found that, contrary to policy-makers’ intentions, the validation procedure ended up dissociating the non-western job-seekers’ heterogeneous experiences, skills and knowledge from the organizing processes of the labour market, displacing them beyond the boundaries of legitimate knowledge, and reproducing their marginalized position on the labour market. As non-western skills and knowledge were found unclassifiable according to the validation procedure, they were deemed too different and monstrous. Research limitations/implications – The research approach and the specific institutional context of Swedish immigration and labour market policy means that the research results are not readily generalizable to other empirical contexts. Therefore, studies outside of Sweden are needed to generate knowledge about similar policies in other countries. Practical implications – The classification of skills and knowledge and the organizing of difference does not primarily require new tools and methods, but a whole new perspective, which recognizes the multiplicity and heterogeneity of unusual skills and knowledge as an important part of labour market integration. Originality/value – The paper examines the monstrous aspects of classification mechanisms within the empirical context of labour market integration efforts, which is hitherto underexplored in the literature on the management of difference and diversity.
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Rydén, Göran. "The Enlightenment in Practice: Swedish Travellers and Knowledge about the Metal Trades." Sjuttonhundratal 10 (August 31, 2013): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/4.2621.
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Ever since the publication of the Encyclopédie, in the decades after mid-eighteenth century, there has been an on-going debate about the implications of the metaphor of enlightenment, mainly based on themes discussed in Diderot’s and d’Alembert’s work. Sadly, however, one major field has been left outside; scholars have dealt with two branches of the tree of knowledge, science and the liberal arts, but ignored the branch of mechanical arts. This article takes a starting-point in the reintroduction of political economy, with division of labour, and technology into an assessment of the Enlightenment. It has the ambition of discussing the process whereby progress became a central feature of eighteenth-century thinking, as well as relating this to a discussion about travelling to other places. It deals with Swedish travellers going to Britain, and central Europe, to view differently organised trades with elaborate division of labour, more skilled artisans, fitted<br />into a commercial economy.
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Lauri, Marcus, and Jessica H. Jönsson. "Rustad för morgondagen?" Socialvetenskaplig tidskrift 27, no. 3-4 (April 22, 2021): 269–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/svt.2020.27.3-4.3665.
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During the last couple of decades, the state of the Swedish welfare society has deteriorated. Political decisions concerning the labour market, housing and education have significantly increased precarious conditions for many people. Income inequality and economic difficulties have increased. Changes in the welfare system make it harder to receive adequate support, while the repressive elements have also increased. We argue that critical and radical perspectives in social work can help reverse this negative development. What students learn in their social work education will affect their ways of understanding social problems, their practice, and their ability to work for change. We therefore regard social work education as an important arena for social change. But what is the state of such perspectives at our Swedish universities? This article examines the presence of critical and radical perspectives in the Swedish social work curriculum and attempts to answer the question ”How well equipped are future social workers to work in a critical and radical way?” The study shows that a critical perspective is common in the social work curriculum of some universities, but that critical and radical perspectives in general are absent. We argue that this
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Julén Votinius, Jenny. "Normative Distortions in Labour Law." Social & Legal Studies 27, no. 4 (February 1, 2018): 493–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0964663917753724.
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This article identifies, conceptualizes and analyses a normative conflict, embedded in social practises and conceptions on gender in the institutional framework of the market, which underlies labour law regulation as well as legal argumentation regarding working parents. The article evinces and models the basic structure of vital mechanisms operative in weakening parental rights in working life and labour law. The model is fleshed out inductively, using examples from Swedish national law, where the protection of parental rights is fairly strongly formulated, but where, in the same time, the provisions concerning employees’ parenthood have a relatively weak position in the living law. The weakness is explained as a normative incoherence, as expressed in labour law adjudication. In their application, legal provisions to support parental caring and gender equality thus can be forced to give way to encroaching norms based on the value of market efficiency.
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Fürst, Henrik, and Erik Nylander. "The worth of art education: Students’ justifications of a contestable educational choice." Acta Sociologica 63, no. 4 (July 3, 2020): 422–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0001699320934170.
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How is art education valued in society? In Swedish public discourse the value of educational trajectories is often equated with their usefulness for employability. With competitive winner-takes-all labour markets for artists, art education is largely perceived as a worthless credential and form of education. But what kinds of worth does art education have among students themselves? This article draws on the approach of pragmatic sociology and individual and group interviews with 62 Swedish folk high school participants within the arts, to understand the meanings participants assign to post-compulsory education within the aesthetic realm. The students’ accounts belong to three broad themes, where art education is described as: (a) being a ‘stepping stone’ to becoming an artist, (b) allowing them to have ‘unique’ experiences while being in a particular state of creativity or (c) offering them a chance to regain health and general well-being after a difficult period. These results are discussed in relation to the relative institutional autonomy the folk high school possesses in the Swedish education system, as well as the possibilities of challenging the hegemonic ideas of ‘learning for earning’ that largely reject non-instrumental regimes of self-discovery and artistic creativity.
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Andersson, Per F. "The impact of experts on tax policy in post-war Britain and Sweden." Acta Oeconomica 67, s1 (September 2017): 79–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/032.2017.67.s.7.
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During the decades after World War II, countries began shifting taxation from income to consumption. This shift has been associated with an expanding welfare state and left-wing dominance. However, the pattern is far from uniform and while some left-wing governments indeed expanded consumption taxation, others did not. This paper seeks to explain why, by exploring how experts influenced post-war tax policy in Britain and Sweden. Experts influence is crucial when explaining how the left began to see consumption tax not as a threat but as an opportunity. Interestingly, the influence of experts such as Nicholas Kaldor in Britain was different from the impact of Swedish experts (e.g. Gösta Rehn). I make the argument that the impact of expert advice is contingent on the political risks facing governments. The low risks facing the Swedish Left made it more amenable to the advantages of broad-based sales taxes, while the high-risk environment in Britain made Labour reject these ideas.
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Forsberg, Gunnel. "Regional variations in the gender contract: Gendered relations in labour markets, local politics and everyday life in Swedish regions." Innovation: The European Journal of Social Science Research 11, no. 2 (June 1998): 191–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13511610.1998.9968561.
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Rabotyazhev, N. "West European Social Democracy in the Early 21st Century." World Economy and International Relations, no. 3 (2010): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-3-39-55.
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The article is devoted to the evolution of the West European social democracy in the late 20th and early 21st century. The author analyses the causes of the social democracy crisis in 1980-90s and considers its attempts to meet the challenges of globalization and the “new economy”. Modernization of the British Labour Party under Tony Blair's leadership and updating of the German Social Democratic Party initiated by Gerhard Schröder are thoroughly examined in the article. Political and ideological processes ongoing in such parties as the French Socialist Party, the Dutch Labour Party, the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Austrian Social Democratic Party are also considered. The author comes to a conclusion that the radical shift towards social liberalism took place merely in the British Labour Party. Schröder’s attempt to modernize the German Social Democratic Party turned out to be unsuccessful, while other European social democratic parties did not regard Blair’s “Third Way” as a suitable model for them.
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Stensota, Helena Olofsdotter. "Does Care Experience Affect Policy Interests? Male Legislators, Parental Leave, and Political Priorities in Sweden." Politics & Gender 16, no. 1 (January 3, 2019): 123–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x1800082x.
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A central argument in theories on women's political interests has been that the sexual division of labor, inter alia, gives women greater experience of responsibility for the care of others, especially children, which in turn influences their political attitudes. However, the specifics of this claim have not been sufficiently examined in prior literature. By applying unique data on Swedish legislators’ subjective policy preferences and use of their parental leave over time, this article explores empirically whether the personal roles of members of parliament (MPs) in reproduction affect their political preferences, regardless of their sex. The analysis reveals that men's interest in social policy tends to increase after being on parental leave while in office, whereas women's interest in social and family policy remains strong, regardless. This finding might indicate a care experience mechanism at work, pertinent also to men, but with a possibly shallower content. The analysis raises the question: are care issues, previously seen as women's issues, now becoming human issues? It further contributes to the discussion on ways to measure gender other than using sex as proxy.
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Månsson, Jonas, and Lennart Delander. "Gender differences in active labour market policy: The Swedish self‐employment programme." Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: An International Journal 30, no. 4 (May 3, 2011): 278–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/02610151111135741.
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Wissö, Therése. "What is ‘good timing’ in parenthood? Young mothers’ accounts of parenthood and its timing." Families, Relationships and Societies 8, no. 3 (November 1, 2019): 479–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204674318x15313161373029.
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This article explores how young mothers negotiate the timing of parenthood in relation to Swedish family policy. Drawing on qualitative interviews with individuals who became parents at the ages of 17 to 23 in Sweden, the findings reveal that although the Swedish parental benefits system stipulates that parenthood should follow establishing oneself in the labour market, becoming a parent before getting a job is still counted as good timing by the young parents in this study. The findings suggest that guidelines and state policies do not work as incentives in the way policy-makers suggest, since certain groups develop their own logics as to how and when parenthood should be entered into. However, the study points out a risk for gendered trajectories as the parent’s decision regarding paid work and care for children appears to be in line with structures of gender and generations, and family negotiations tend to be asymmetrical.
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Erlandsson, Anni. "Do Men Favor Men in Recruitment? A Field Experiment in the Swedish Labor Market." Work and Occupations 46, no. 3 (May 22, 2019): 239–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0730888419849467.
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ROTHSTEIN, BO. "The Success of the Swedish Labour Market Policy: the Organizational Connection to Policy*." European Journal of Political Research 13, no. 2 (June 1985): 153–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1985.tb00116.x.
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Slavnic, Zoran. "Taxi drivers: ethnic segmentation, precarious work, and informal economic strategies in the Swedish taxi industry." Journal of Business Anthropology 4, no. 2 (November 13, 2015): 298. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/jba.v4i2.4894.
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This article invesitgates the processes of ethnic segmentation, precarious labour, and informalization in the Swedish taxi industry during a period of rapid deregulation during the 1990s. It does so by focussing on the life story of a single individual―Adem, a taxi driver in the Swedish city of Malmö. Despite his education, long working experience, and all efforts to make use of these advantages, all doors to an appropriate career in Sweden have remained closed to him. As a result, he has been pushed into working in the taxi sector, which is increasingly characterized by ethnic segmentation, hard working conditins, and harsh competition, forcing people to deploy informal economic strategies in order to survive. Adem’s fate becomes strongly determined by these socio-economical processes. At the same time, the article shows that these processes are not separate, but are closely interrelated and reinforce each other. On the broader level these processes are a general consequence of the neoliberal reconstruction of Western economies, and structural economic, political and social changes related to it.
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Kunkel, Christoph, and Jonas Pontusson. "Corporatism versus social democracy: Divergent fortunes of the Austrian and Swedish labour movements." West European Politics 21, no. 2 (April 1998): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389808425243.
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Jansson, Sören. "Food Practices and Division of Domestic Labour. A Comparison between British and Swedish Households." Sociological Review 43, no. 3 (August 1995): 462–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.1995.tb00611.x.
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This paper emanates from a problem with general reference to basic conditions of family life and food practices. More specifically it concerns the striving of preventive health care in persuading contemporary Western Europeans to change their attitudes to food in a health oriented direction. The question is: Do gender roles at home influence people's attitudes towards food? A survey of current sociological and ethnological research in Great Britain and Sweden shows two partly different gender role patterns, one (the British) with obvious traits of role segregation and the other (the Swedish) comparatively more integrated. From these observations follows an analysis of how each pattern respectively affects food practices on a household level. One conclusion is that segregated roles seem to favour conservatism while equality oriented relations create prerequisites for changeability. The discussion comments on social and historical conditions generating differences in gender role patterns, with special emphasis on working class culture and peasant culture as important historical factors. The paper concludes by asserting that the conditions for political initiative aimed at increased equality at home are better today than ever before during the twentieth century. But to succeed these initiatives must primarily focus upon the male role and its relation to domestic work.