Relevant bibliographies by topics / Swedish labor politics

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Swedish labor politics'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 25 June 2021
Last updated: 4 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Swedish labor politics"

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PONTUSSON, JONAS. "The Comparative Politics of Labor-Initiated Reforms." Comparative Political Studies 25, no. 4 (January 1993): 548–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414093025004005.

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This article explores the reasons why some reform initiatives launched by the Swedish labor movement have succeeded and others have failed. It presents four case studies: two success stories (the pension reform of 1959 and the industrial democracy reforms of the 1970s), and two failures (inheritance taxation in the 1920s and 1940s, and wage-earner funds in the 1970s). The article casts these case studies in an analytical framework that emphasizes three variables. To the extent that they challenge the interests of capital, labor's reform initiatives are likely to precipitate a powerful countermobilization, but the politics of reformism are also shaped by the extent to which labor's initiatives embody a universalistic conception of social justice and/or appeal to the material interests of swing voters.
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Adman, Per, and Per Strömblad. "Political Integration in Practice: Explaining a Time-Dependent Increase in Political Knowledge among Immigrants in Sweden." Social Inclusion 6, no. 3 (August 30, 2018): 248–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v6i3.1496.

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Scholarly findings suggest that immigrants in Western countries, in general, participate less in politics and show lower levels of political efficacy than native-born citizens. Research is scarce, however, when it comes to immigrants’ knowledge about politics and public affairs in their new home country, and what happens with this knowledge over the years. This article focuses on immigrants in Sweden, a country known for ambitious multicultural policies, but where immigrants also face disadvantages in areas such as labor and housing markets. Utilizing particularly suitable survey data we find that immigrants, in general, know less about Swedish politics than natives, but also that this difference disappears with time. Exploring the influence of time of residence on political knowledge, the article shows that the positive effect of time in Sweden among immigrants remains after controlling for an extensive set of background factors. Moreover, the article examines this political learning effect through the lens of an Ability–Motivation–Opportunity (AMO) model. The findings suggest that the development of an actual ability to learn about Swedish politics—via education in Sweden, and by improved Swedish language skills—is an especially important explanation for the increase in political knowledge.
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Anderson, Karen M., and Traute Meyer. "Social Democracy, Unions, and Pension Politics in Germany and Sweden." Journal of Public Policy 23, no. 1 (January 2003): 23–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x03003027.

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This article investigates the politics of reforming mature, pay-as-you-go pensions in the context of austerity. In both Sweden and Germany the Social Democratic party leadership advocated reform in response to similar financial and demographic pressures, but the Swedish reform was more successful in correcting perceived program weaknesses and in defending social democratic values. To explain this difference in outcomes, we focus on policy legacies and the organizational and political capacities of labor movements. We argue that existing pension policies in Germany were more constraining than in Sweden, narrowing the range of politically feasible strategies. By contrast, in Sweden, existing pension policy provided opportunities for turning vices into virtues and financing the transition to a new system. In addition, the narrow interests of German unions and the absence of institutionalized cooperation with the Social Democratic Party hindered reform. By contrast, the Swedish Social Democrats' bargaining position in pension reform negotiations with non-socialist parties was formulated with blue collar union interests in mind. The encompassing interests of Swedish unions and their close links with the Social Democrats facilitated a reform compromise.
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Kurzer, Paulette. "The Politics of Central Banks: Austerity and Unemployment in Europe." Journal of Public Policy 8, no. 1 (January 1988): 21–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00006838.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines the divergences in labor market-performances in four small, open economies: Austria, Belgium, the Netherlands, and Sweden. It argues that great unemployment in Belgium and the Netherlands is partly due to the implementation of deflationary policies during the 1980s. The decline of Keynesian intervention in Belgium and the Netherlands is traced to the institutional independence of their central banks to set monetary and exchange rate policies separate from government. Because the Swedish and Austrian central banks are more integrated in the policy process and their countries are not members of the Common Market or the European Monetary System, social democratic governments have been able to go against the European trend of monetary restrictiveness and fiscal austerity. Accordingly, business in Austria and Sweden is more optimistic about future profit returns and is more willing to invest in productive capital, resulting in lower unemployment.
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Lill, Linda. "Staff shortages in Swedish elderly care – reflections on gender and diversity politics." International Journal of Migration, Health and Social Care 16, no. 3 (June 29, 2020): 269–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijmhsc-04-2019-0042.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to discuss how the labor shortage is described at the national level and how these problematizations correlate to gender and diversity politics. The paper is overview of the governance of staff shortages in elderly care, how it is articulated and how the governmental scenario of solutions, which includes the channeling of unemployed migrants into elderly care. Politicians and public media describe the situation as desperate and the issue of the staff shortages in elderly care is described as a state of crisis. A highly profiled solution is to open up elderly care for unemployed migrants. Design/methodology/approach By analyzing specific management strategies for controlling a phenomenon, the paper will also be able to highlight values surrounding the phenomenon. The ambition is to understand how institutions, authorities and organizations handle practical forms of knowledge that are aimed to implement a particular policy or working method within the welfare system. Findings One important aspect of the findings is the ways in which these official political discourses link the issues of migration and the shortages of staff in elderly care. But also visualize factors in how the government bodies with the formal responsibilities and authorities express their concerns about these links and the quality of the elderly care more generally. Originality/value It is well-known that migrants are employed to take care of the growing population of elderly in Europe. In Spain and Italy, for example, immigrants are frequently employed directly by families to care for their elderly family members. This type of employment entails a series of new social risks. The most important of those risks is the global “care chain” that these arrangements incur for the sending families, who lose a family member on whom they depend. This paper is connecting the international research on the global “care chain,” but focuses on the Swedish context, where the migrants already are established and elderly care work is not linked to migration in the same way. However, the experience of migration and the importance of transnational and cultural knowledge can be influential in understanding the changing processes in Swedish elderly care, not the least as the question of staff recruitment has been linked to migration by the highest political levels.
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Marzec, Wiktor, and Risto Turunen. "Socialisms in the Tsarist Borderlands." Contributions to the History of Concepts 13, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 22–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2018.130103.

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This article presents a conceptual history of socialism in two Western borderlands of the Russian Empire—namely, the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Finland. A contrastive comparison is used to examine the birth, dissemination, and breakthrough of the concept from its first appearance until the Revolution of 1905. The concept entered Polish political conversation as a self-applied label among émigrés in the 1830s, whereas the opponents of socialism made it famous in Finland in the 1840s in Swedish and in the 1860s in Finnish. When socialism became a mass movement at the turn of the century, socialist parties (re)defined the concept through underground leaflets and brochures in Poland, and through a legal labor press in Finland. In both cases, the Revolution of 1905 meant the final democratization of socialism, attaching more meanings to the concept and making it the most discussed ism of modern politics.
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Navarro, Vicente. "Introduction: Objectives and Purposes of the Study." International Journal of Health Services 33, no. 3 (July 2003): 407–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/34dh-r3ga-gkdu-09p2.

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This article introduces a series of research projects (carried out by the International Network on Social Inequalities and Health) focused on the impact of politics on policy and the consequences for health and quality of life, an area that has been understudied in the social science literature. The introduction describes the conceptual model that guided the research, centered on the study of how political parties and social agents (such as trade unions) affect social inequalities and mortality indicators through labor market and welfare state policies. The major theme of this research is whether political and social interventions matter in health policy and health outcomes. The introduction also describes the different types of research projects carried out by the International Network at the national levels (among OECD countries) and at the regional and local levels (in the United Kingdom, Italy, Germany, Spain, and Sweden). This Journal issue presents the multinational study and the U.K. case study; the next issue will include the Italian, German, Spanish, and Swedish case studies and the summary and conclusions.
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Cabrita, Joel. "Writing Apartheid: Ethnographic Collaborators and the Politics of Knowledge Production in Twentieth-Century South Africa." American Historical Review 125, no. 5 (December 2020): 1668–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhaa512.

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Abstract Knowledge production in apartheid-era South Africa was a profoundly collaborative process. In particular, throughout the 1930s–1950s, the joint intellectual labor of both Africans and Europeans created a body of knowledge that codified and celebrated the notion of a distinct realm of Zulu religion. The intertwined careers of Swedish missionary to South Africa Bengt Sundkler and isiZulu-speaking Lutheran pastor-turned-ethnographer Titus Mthembu highlight the limitations of overly clear demarcations between “professional” versus “lay” anthropologists as well as between “colonial European” versus “indigenous African” knowledge. Mthembu and Sundkler’s decades-long collaboration resulted in a book called Bantu Prophets in South Africa ([1948] 1961). The work is best understood as the joint output of both men, although Sundkler scarcely acknowledged Mthembu’s role in the conceptualization, research, and writing of the book. In an era of racial segregation, the idea that African religion occupied a discrete, innately different sphere that the book advanced had significant political purchase. As one of a number of African ideologues supportive of the apartheid state, Mthembu mobilized his ethnographic findings to argue for innate racial difference and the virtues of “separate development” for South Africa’s Zulu community. His mysterious death in 1960 points to the high stakes of ethnographic research in the politically fraught climate of apartheid South Africa.
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Špadina, Helga. "Responsible employment policy: Comparative analysis of Croatian, Swedish and Danish active labour market policies." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta Nis 59, no. 89 (2020): 181–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfn0-28911.

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In the past decades, the reduction of unemployment has been one of the crucial areas of social policies of the EU Member States because it is a key to economic growth and development. Taking into consideration the fast-changing labour market needs and the rapid transformation of labour relations, European public employment services are continuously creating new measures of active employment, with the aim to assist as many unemployed beneficiaries as possible and to swiftly re-integrate them into the labour markets. The main goal of active labour market programs is to make the matching process more efficient and to increase the number of successful matches of job vacancies and job seekers. Referring to examples of selected active employment measures in Croatia, Sweden and Denmark, this paper provides a comparative analysis of active labour market measures. The paper is divided into four sections. Section 1 provides an overview of measures to reduce unemployment; section 2 outlines the purpose of active labour market measures; section 3 provides a comparative analysis of five active labour market programs in Croatia, Denmark and Sweden, and a brief description of new activation strategies during Covid-19 in Croatia. The conclusion is that the creation of impactful social policies for employment substantially rests on conducting comprehensive analysis of the impact of active labour market measures from the perspective of new employment opportunities and the acquisition of new skills, as well as the analysis of the level of social inclusion of jobseekers.
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Johansson, Jesper. "Swedish Employers and Trade Unions, Labor Migration and the Welfare State—Perspectives on Swedish Labor Migration Policy Debates during the 1960s and the 2000s." Nordic Journal of Working Life Studies 4, no. 1 (March 1, 2014): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.19154/njwls.v4i1.3554.

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This article uses a political economy approach and explores the nexus between labor migration and the welfare state and how its specificities have been viewed and presented by organized interests of employers and trade unions in Swedish labor migration policy debates during the 1960s and the 2000s. The analysis demonstrates that the Swedish Employers’ Confederation (SAF) and its organizational successor the Swedish Confederation of Enterprise (SN) have preferred a market-liberal labor migration policy. Over time, a liberal immigration policy has been viewed by employers as an important policy solution to extend levels of economic growth, increase firm competitiveness, and maintain funding for generous welfare state services. However, since the 1960s the Swedish Trade Union Confederation (LO) has preferred a state-coordinated and regulated labor migration policy. In LO’s perspective, a regulated immigration policy is a fundamental precondition for guaranteeing workers’ rights, and for minimizing potential negative effects for the functioning of the Swedish labor market model and for a prosperous Swedish welfare state.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Swedish labor politics"

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Lundin, Martin. "The Conditions for Multi-Level Governance : Implementation, Politics, and Cooperation in Swedish Active Labor Market Policy." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala University, Department of Government, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-7916.

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How can the central state direct local public units to work effectively towards public sector goals? In an effort to understand the conditions for governance, the three self-contained essays housed in this thesis examine the role of central and local government agencies in implementation of active labor market policy (ALMP) in Sweden. The study is based on new and unique quantitative data.

To understand steering possibilities, it is necessary to examine how local politics impinges on local actions. Thus, essay I concerns the following question: Does it matter for local government actions whether left wing or right wing parties govern at local level? I propose that the effect of political partisanship depend on entity size. I expect left-wing governments to be more engaged in ALMPs, but that the impact will be larger in sizeable entities. Empirical evidence supports the theoretical priors.

It is also important to know how actors can be coordinated. Thus, essay II tries to explain cooperation between agencies. Trust, goal congruence, and resource interdependence are focused upon. The results indicate that there is no impact of trust on cooperation if goals diverge. Similarly, it does not matter that agencies trust one another if they have different agendas. But if both factors exist simultaneously, cooperation increases. On the other hand, resource interdependence boosts cooperation regardless of trust levels.

But does cooperation really improve policy implementation? Essay III proposes that the impact is contingent on task complexity. I expect cooperation to be more valuable when the task is complex. In accordance with this hypothesis, the evidence suggests that only complex tasks can be carried out better through intense interorganizational cooperation.

Taken together, the insights from the essays might help us find routes to better governance.

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Forsén, Sven Johan Richard. "Investigating Swedish Trade Unions’ Labor Market Preferences: the role of union member labor market risk exposure and the white-collar/blue-collar union divide." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-380569.

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In the literature on the emergence of the welfare state, the strength of trade unions and the organized working class is often touted as the primary driving force behind the welfare state project. Furthermore, much of the previous literature has tended to assume union homogeneity across countries, federations, industries and professions. What is conspicuously lacking from the current political science literature is a systematic analysis of real-world trade unions’ choice of labor market advocacy focus. Using a qualitative approach and studying both published union material as well as conducting a number of elite interviews with high-level union officials, this thesis studies the degree to which Swedish trade unions’ labor market policy preferences are defined by the union members’ labor market risk exposure and whether the union adheres to white-collar or blue-collar unionism. While the conclusions indeed suggest that labor market risk and blue-collar/white-collar unionism do have a systematic impact on cartain aspects of trade unions’ labor market advocacy, future “large N” studies utilizing alternative methodological approaches will be required to draw more easily generalizable conclusions.
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Wiljander, Filip. "Hela Sveriga ska leva : Idéer och konfliktdimensioner i svensk landsbygdspolitik." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-152457.

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Recent political developments, with the outcome of the Brexit referendum and the election of Donald J. Trump as President of the United States, have revitalized the discussion about so called political cleavages. Drawing upon the work of Lipset and Rokkan, some see the urban-rural cleavage as an explanation to the election outcomes. In a Swedish context it is primarily the increase in electoral support for the Sweden Democrats that has brought up the question. The overarching purpose with this master’s thesis is to explain the role of Lipset and Rokkans theoretical cleavages in Swedish rural politics. Rural politics is considered a most likely-case for finding ideas related to the urban-rural cleavage, a cleavage which is said to have gained a greater importance over the past couple of years. Political cleavages exist when political actors demonstrate cohesive ideas and in a structured matter relate to them. For this reason, the thesis’ subordinate purpose is to describe what ideas parliamentary parties have in the rural political debate. This is done through an idea analysis where problems and solutions presented by the political parties are described and interpreted. The conclusion is that the worker-owner-cleavage is the dominant cleavage in Swedish rural politics. Political parties tend to problematize issues that are a part of the cleavage, with issues such as welfare, regional redistribution, entrepreneurship and taxation. The urban-rural and center-periphery cleavage can only be regarded as secondary and subordinate to the worker-owner-cleavage. However, there are ideas in the debate relating to these two cleavages. Ideas relating to the state-church cleavage is absent in the chosen material.
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Källström, Böresson Jonna. "From Politics to Practice : The representation of foreign-born women in Swedish labour market policy." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Umeå centrum för genusstudier (UCGS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-188324.

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By studying the representation of foreign-born women in the Swedish labour market policy debate, between the years 2010-2020, I want to discover if there has been a change of the rhetoric in political debates and how that affects the activities provided to foreign-born immigrant women. My conclusion is that there has been a change towards a more individualistic approach, with a representation of the group that further amplifies systematic discrimination in the Swedish labour market system. By creating a group with weaker standing on the labour market that can be used as low wage labour under the cover of support, the rhetoric can be seen as upholding the capitalist system.
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Dackeby, Carl. "Det goda arbetet: En idéhistorisk studie av fackföreningsrörelsen i Sverige 1966–1985." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Idéhistoria, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-45926.

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This thesis paper is a historical study that examines the labor political issues which the movement of Swedish trade unions faced between the years 1966–1985. How did they understand and formulate these problems and what solutions did they present? “The good work” (“Det goda arbetet”) was one such solution which was introduced in 1985 by The Union of Industrial Metalworkers (Metallindustriarbetareförbundet). This thesis explores the underlying ideas and the history behind this visionary program and how it took inspiration from the ideological developments of the previous decades. This is done by analysing four conference reports published in association with yearly union conferences between 1966 and 1985. These reports center around themes of technological development, working conditions, worker power and self determination to name a few.  The analysis focuses on the labor political issues that arose after the establishment of the “Swedish model” and the post-war era economic boom. One of the major ideological developments during the 1960s was the backlash against the fordist model of production and the critique of rationalisation of work in general. This is shown to be one the major shifts in thinking about work which leads towards the development of solutions such as “The good work” during the 1970s and 80s. Furthermore, it is shown how “The good work” was linked historically to alienation theory and sociological research during the period. The key conclusions from the analysis focus on how worker discontent during the late 1960s led to massive labor political reforms during the 1970s along with the larger project of democratising the workplace gaining new life. This development, however, took a turn in 1976 when the social democratic party lost their first election in nearly 40 years. The analysis of the report by The Union of Industrial Metalworkers from 1985 shows the vision of “The good work” as they formulated it to be stuck between two separate eras. On the one hand it was still in conversation with the left-wing project of advancing labor power and democracy from the 1970s. On the other it had to confront the new political landscape of the 1980s and the right-wing turn towards neoliberalism.
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Dingwell, Robin. "Friend or Foe? : A discourse analysis of two Swedish political parties’ policies on immigration." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Kulturgeografiska institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-217853.

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Jarl, Johan. "Return to loyalty : New patterns of cooperation in the Swedish labour market regime." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-5806.

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This study aims at defining the development of the macro/meso level Swedish labourmarket regime during the last decade. This includes the effect of structural changesand what development tendencies exist. For this purpose three questions have beenformulated:1. How can the macro/meso level relations between the labour market organizations of the bargainingrounds since 1997 be described using the concepts exit, voice and loyalty as an interpretation oforganizational choices?2. How can the changing relations between the labour market organizations be explained?3. Based on this, how can the present labour market regime be defined?For this purpose the concept of labour market regimes is used. The interactionbetween actors in this is interpreted through a cooperative game theory coupled withthe concepts exit, voice, loyalty. Exit means the actors leaving the system,corresponding to the negotiation game threats. Voice means negotiation conflictresolution. Loyalty both correspond to coalition patterns and forces keeping theregime in place. Material is informant interviews with key actors and officialdocuments from bargaining and negotiation. The results of the study are that therelations have been stabilized by the IA of 1997, since which the development istowards increased peak-level organizational involvement. Because of labour marketfragmentation this takes the form in confederation coordination between differentparties. To conceptualize this I propose the concept peak-level coordinatedbargaining. In this the coalition development is towards the reemergence of oldloyalty patterns and the inclusion of new actors in this system. To explain this pathdependency due to well established loyalties and actor continuity is suggested.

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Engren, Jimmy. "Railroading and Labor Migration : Class and Ethnicity in Expanding Capitalism in Northern Minnesote, the 1880s to the mid 1920s." Doctoral thesis, Växjö universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-1636.

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In the 1880s, capitalism as a social and economic system integrated new geographic areas of the American continent. The construction of the Duluth & Iron Range Railroad (D&IR), financed by a group of Philadelphia investors led by Charlemagne Tower and later owned by the US Steel was part of this emerging political economy based on the exploitation of human and material resources. Migrant labor was in demand as it came cheap and, generally, floated between various construction-sites on the “frontier” of capitalism. The Swedish immigrants were one part of this group of “floaters” during the late 1800s and made up a significant part of the force that constructed and worked on the D&IR between the 1880s and the 1920s. This book deals with power relations between groups based on class and ethnic differences by analyzing the relationship between the Anglo-American bourgeois establishment and the Swedish and other immigrant workers and their children on the D&IR and in the railroad town of Two Harbors, Minnesota. The Anglo-American bourgeois hegemony in Minnesota, to a large extent, dictated the conditions under which Swedish immigrants and others toiled and were allowed access to American society. I have therefore analyzed the structural subordination and gradual integration of workers and, in particular, immigrant workers, in an emerging class society. The book also deals with the political and the cultural opposition to Anglo-American bourgeois hegemony that emerged in Two Harbors and that constructed a radical public sphere during the 1910s. In this process, new group identities based on class and ethnicity emerged in the working class neighborhoods in the wake of the capitalist expansion and exploitation, and as a result of worker agency. Building on traditions of political insurgency an alliance of immigrant workers, particularly Swedes, Anglo skilled workers and parts of the local petty bourgeoisie rose to a position of political and cultural power in the local community. This coalition was held together by the language of class that became the basis of a local multi-ethnic working class identity laying claim to its own version of Americanism. The period of preparedness leading up to the Great War, the war itself, and its aftermath, produced a reaction from the Anglo American bourgeoisie which resulted in a profound change in the public sphere as a coalition between “meliorist middle class reformers”, represented primarily by the YMCA and local church leaders and the D&IR and its program of welfare capitalism launched a broad program to counter socialism locally, and to forge new social bonds that would cut across class lines and ethnic boundaries. By this process, the ethnic working class in Two Harbors was offered entry into American society by acquiring citizenship and by their inclusion in a broader civic community undifferentiated by class. But this could only be realized by the workers’ adoption of an Anglo-American national identity based on identification with corporate interests, a new local solidarity that cut across class lines and a white racial identity that diminished the significance of ethnic boundaries. By these means the Swedish immigrants, or at least a portion of them, became Americans on terms established by the D&IR and its class allies.
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Mikkola, Julia. "Language education and the employment rate : A quantitative study examining the impact of language education on the employent rate of immigrants in Swedish municipalities." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-395206.

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This thesis studies the impact of language education on the employment rate of immigrants in Swedish municipalities. Based on previous research and the theory of Hermut Esser, it aims to find a positive correlation between learning the Swedish language and the employment rate of immigrants. The language knowledge is measured by a Swedish for immigrants(SFI) - language course, which is from 2018 an obligatory part of the integration plan. Therefore, this study tries to see if passing the SFI language course affects the employment rate of immigrants in Swedish municipalities. To examine the impact of passing SFI language course on the employment rate of immigrants, Ordinary Least Square (OLS) regression analyses are used and data will be collected from Statistics Sweden (SCB) and the Swedish Association of Local Authorities and Regions (SKL). After analyzing 240 municipalities between the years 2013-2016, and controlling for different variables, the results show that the passing of the language course decreases the employment rate of immigrants. This result can be explained firstly by the fact that language is no longer a vital part on the Swedish labor market or secondly, by stating that the SFI-language course does not give the level of Swedish that is needed to gain access to the labor market. Further by adding dummy variables for the municipalities to control what is constant during time, the result is no longer statistically significant. This result means that there are important variables that vary in the municipality level, which are affecting the language education and the employment rate of immigrants. However, as SFI language course is important part of the integration program, and this study cannot prove correlation between employment and SFI, the quality and the importance of the course can be lightly questioned. Further studies are needed to explain the low employment rate of immigrants.
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Fleming, James. "The Moral Economy of Swedish Labour Market Co-operation and Job Security in the Neoliberal Era." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för kulturantropologi och etnologi, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-447536.

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In the neoliberal era, there has been a global trend towards increased labour market insecurity and inequality, even in countries traditionally emblematic of union strength and socio-economic security such as Sweden. In this study, I present the first ethnographic research conducted in anthropology of negotiations between the central Swedish union and employer peak bodies (known as the ‘labour market partners’). These negotiations were conducted in 2020 against the background of a political crisis and political pressure to modernise and liberalise longstanding and fundamental job security protec- tions in the Employment Protection Act (LAS). Through the lens of these negotiations, I investigate the role of the labour market partners in moderating neoliberal trends and how the partners see their relationship and role in society. I investigate, for example, why Swedish employers support unions and a system that ostensibly curbs their own power. I employ the notions of moral economy and em- bedding to look beyond economic self-interest, to the moral and institutional norms that help explain the partners’ co-operation over time and the role they see themselves as playing as guardians of the social peace.  I also incorporate interview material describing diverse workers’ experiences of the current job security protections under LAS. I argue that workers’ voices and experiences reveal a parallel moral economy, where current job security protections are revealed to be important but inadequate, and that job security is a highly nebulous, ambivalent and contextual phenomenon. I argue the moral economy of job security is one of entangled reciprocity between employer, worker and the state, and I consider the proposed reforms in this context. The study shows that even in the context of increasing market- isation of labour and society, reciprocity and cooperation both at the workplace and during the LAS negotiations serve to de-commodify labour and embed the economy in various moral norms. In this way, the research contributes to the anthropological literature on embeddedness and moral economy. It also contributes to both an ethnographic and theoretical understanding of job security.
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Books on the topic "Swedish labor politics"

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The conditions for multi-level governance: Implementation, politics, and cooperation in Swedish active labor market policy. Uppsala, Sweden: Uppsala Universitet, 2007.

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Organizing interest and organized protest: Difficulties of member representation for the Swedish Central Organization of Salaried Employees (TCO). [Stockholm]: Dept. of Political Science, University of Stockholm, 1985.

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Pontusson, Jonas. Swedish Social Democracy and British Labour: Essays on the nature and conditions of social democratic hegemony. [Ithaca, N.Y.]: Center for International Studies, Cornell University, 1988.

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Hinnfors, Jonas. Reinterpreting social democracy: A history of stability in the British Labour Party and the Swedish Social Democratic Party. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2006.

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Lindvall, Johannes. Introduction. Edited by Jon Pierre. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199665679.013.48.

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This chapter introduces the section on Swedish economic policy and political economy. Sweden’s economic policies, labor market institutions, and welfare programs have long fascinated scholars at home and abroad. The introduction discusses the reasons for this fascination, puts the section’s substantive chapters in context, and explains why the topics of these chapters should be particularly interesting to foreign students and scholars who wish to learn more about the Swedish experience. Specifically, the chapters in this section address the iconic “Swedish model” as an ideological construct, how far Swedish economic policies have been exceptional among Western democracies, how Sweden fared in the aftermath of the financial crisis of the 1990s, and what has characterized Sweden’s model of industrial relations over the years.
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Engstrand, Asa-Karin. The Road Once Taken: Transformation of Labour Markets, Politics and Place Promotion in Two Swedish Cities, Karlskrona and Uddevalla, 1930-2. National Institute for Working Life, 2003.

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Hinnfors, Jonas. Reinterpreting Social Democracy: A History of Stability in the British Labour Party and Swedish Social Democratic Party (Labour Movements Critical Studies). Manchester University Press, 2006.

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Pontusson, Jonas. Swedish Social Democracy and British Labour: Essays on the Nature and Conditions of Social Democratic Hegemony (Cornell University Western Society P). Cornell Univ Pr, 1989.

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Between Growth and Security: Swedish Social Democracy from a Strong Society to a Third Way (Critical Labour Movement Studies). Manchester University Press, 2007.

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Book chapters on the topic "Swedish labor politics"

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Bucken-Knapp, Gregg, Andrea Spehar, and Jonas Hinnfors. "The Eye of the Beholder: Narrating Crisis in the Ongoing Swedish Labor Migration Policy Debate." In Discursive Governance in Politics, Policy, and the Public Sphere, 127–44. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137495785_9.

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Lundström, Catrin. "When the Expatriate Wife Returns Home: Swedish Women Navigating National Welfare Politics and Ideals of Gender Equality in Expatriate Family Migration." In IMISCOE Research Series, 143–60. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-67615-5_9.

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AbstractThis chapter analyses how expatriate women navigate national political ideals formulated around gender equality and the dual-earner model upon their return to Sweden. The study is based on 46 in-depth interviews and participant observation conducted in a network for returning migrant women in Sweden. The vast majority were married to Swedish men working in transnational companies and had returned to Sweden due to their husbands’ completed expatriate contracts. As the women had been situated outside the formal labour market during their time abroad, they had no work experience or pensionable income in the Swedish welfare system, which is based on the idea that women and men share labour- and family-related work. Hence, their positions as ‘trailing spouses’ had a severe impact on their opportunities for reintegration into Swedish society. On the one hand, the women’s work enabled their husband’s mobility and working life in transnational companies. On the other, national social benefits did not take this (gendered) work into account. Thus, the women continued to depend on their husband’s income and private insurances back in Sweden, located in-between different ‘global’ market-based solutions and a national welfare system.
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Frick, Kaj. "Health and Safety Representation in Small Firms: A Swedish Success that is Threatened by Political and Labour Market Changes." In Workplace Health and Safety, 154–76. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230250529_9.

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Tzimoula, Despina, and Diana Mulinari. "‘Pain Is Hard to Put on Paper’: Exploring the Silences of Migrant Scholars." In Pluralistic Struggles in Gender, Sexuality and Coloniality, 239–68. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47432-4_9.

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Abstract Despite the successful collection of thirteen life stories of working-class women of Greek background in their late sixties, who had migrated to Sweden in the 1970s, the two researchers who engaged in the study—Despina, herself a child of migrant Greek parents, and Diana, a political refugee from Argentina—were unable to publish the results. The aim of this chapter is to listen to women’s narratives by bringing into conversation the concept of social suffering through the use of a psychosocial approach. The aim is also to explore our inability (as migrants and daughters of migrants ourselves) to acknowledge what over-exploitation, gender and racial regimes can, and indeed do, to people regarding their sense of self and well-being. The chapter contains four sections. First, the text provides a short introduction to Swedish racial formation, followed by relevant efforts to conceptualise human pain, inspired by the work of Black British feminist scholars Gail Lewis and Yasmin Gunaratnam. Their theoretical intervention suggests the value of a synthesis of politicised psychoanalytic approaches to the dynamics of ‘race’ and emotional labor; providing a frame for a reflection of our own emotions, with special focus on shame and guilt. The central focus of the chapter is in the section ‘What (We Think) Hurts the Most’, which explores the stories collected organised through three topics—(failed) motherhood, broken bodies and (racist) respectability.
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Pierson, Chris. "The end of revisionism?" In Why the Left Loses. Policy Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447332664.003.0012.

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This chapter argues that the starkest of the institutional problems facing social democracy now is a growing inability to win elections. Added to this was the challenge of a long-term decline in the industrial wing of social democracy. Historically, social democracy has been the politics of the labour movement, and a key component of this movement has always been trade unions and their members. While that relationship was not always as close as it was in the British or Swedish cases, trade unionism was almost always the ‘other half’ of social democracy. However, the 1980s were a time of loss for this ‘other side’ of social democracy. Trade unions were becoming increasingly feminised, more focused in the public sector and drawing in increasing numbers of middle-class public service members.
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Bo, Burström, Margaret Whitehead, Christina Lindholm, and Finn Diderichsen. "Inequality in the Social Consequences of Illness: How Well do People with Long-Term Illness Fare in the British and Swedish Labor Markets?" In Political and Economic Determinants of Population Health and Well-Being, 35–50. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315231068-6.

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Baldwin, Peter. "Th e Economy." In The Narcissism of Minor Differences. Oxford University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195391206.003.0005.

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Let Us Begin Where Everything Starts, with the economy and the labor market. This is perhaps where contrasts are thought to be sharpest. America—so the proponents of radical differences across the Atlantic argue—worships at the altar of what West German chancellor Helmut Schmidt once called Raubtierkapitalismus, predatory capitalism, where the market sweeps everything before it and the state exerts no restraint. The result is what another German chancellor, Gerhard Schröder, called amerikanische Verhältnisse, “American conditions,” plucked straight out of a play by Bertolt Brecht: America’s labor market is untrammeled and cruel, jobs are insecure and badly paid. Americans live to work, while Europeans work to live. That is the story. But is it true? America’s core ideological belief is oft en thought to be the predominance of the market and the absence of state regulation. “Everything should and must be pro-market, pro-business, and pro-shareholder,” as Will Hutton, a British columnist, puts it, “a policy platform lubricated by colossal infusions of corporate cash into America’s money-dominated political system. . . . ” Hutton stands in a long line of European critics who have seen nothing but the dominance of the market in America. There is some truth to the American penchant for free markets. But the notion that the Atlantic divides capitalism scarlet in tooth and claw from a more domesticated version in Europe has been overstated. When asked for their preferences, Americans tend to assign the state less of a role than many—though not all—Europeans. Proportionately fewer Americans think that the government should redistribute income to ameliorate inequalities, or that the government should seek to provide jobs for all, or reduce working hours. On the other hand, proportionately more Americans (by a whisker) than Germans and almost exactly as many as the Swedes think that government should control wages, and more want the government to control prices than Germans. Proportionately more Americans believe that the government should act to create new jobs than the Swedes, and about as many as the Germans, Finns, and Swiss. The percentage of Americans that thinks the state should intervene to provide decent housing is low.
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