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Journal articles on the topic 'Swedish civil society'
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1
Eliaeson, Sven. "Neoliberalism and Civil Society: Swedish Exceptionalism in a Comparative Perspective – On the Conceptual and Real History of Civil Society." Stan Rzeczy, no. 2(13) (November 1, 2017): 227–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.51196/srz.13.10.
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Social science is a battlefield for the formation of concepts. The Swedish case is particular. “Civil society” re-entered the scene as a neoliberal and social-conservative reaction against the social-democratic ideology of the “strong state,” in which the state and society were conceived to be almost synonymous. The Swedish revival of an old concept is in obvious contrast with the concept’s reception east of the Elbe in recent decades, where “civil society” has often been used as a label for grass roots social movements, which are independent of the state and the nomenklatura, in malfunctioning regimes with low legitimacy and poor output. This idea is lacking in the Swedish case, where we find a characteristic merger between the “top-down” and “bottom-up” perspectives. “Real, existing” civil society in Sweden has a long history. Self-organised initiatives sought support from the state and often received it – in some cases creating institutions that grew into state agencies. Forestry, electrification, and early social insurance provide examples of the interplay between the state, the market, and society. Swedish civil society has deep roots in history, going back at least to late medieval days. Civil society was a formative element in the design of the relatively successful “Swedish model” through social engineering and piecemeal reforms during the period from the 1930s to the late 1960s.
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Arvidson, Malin, Håkan Johansson, Anna Meeuwisse, and Roberto Scaramuzzino. "A Swedish culture of advocacy?" Sociologisk Forskning 55, no. 2-3 (July 3, 2018): 341–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.37062/sf.55.18196.
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This article sets out to identify a culture of advocacy that has come to characterise Swedish civil society, formed around a long-standing tradition of close and cordial relations between civil society organisations, popular movements, and state and government officials. We argue that Swedish civil society organisations (CSOs) have been allowed to voice critique against public actors and policies and are expected to do so. Based on a large survey of Swedish CSOs, this study contributes unique data on what type of advocacy strategies CSOs practise, and the range of advocacy strategies that organisations employ. The analysis also explores norm-breaking behaviour, such as holding back criticism of public authorities. The results reveal a complex picture of a culture of advocacy: we find patterns of intense political activity among organisations that admit they hold back in their criticism of public authorities and the use of a wide range of advocacy strategies. The article contributes to and challenges established advocacy research and analyses established patterns of organisations’ advocacy activities with the symbolic acts of breaking norms, as an analytical approach for the study of advocacy strategies in general and advocacy culture in particular.
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Arvidson, Malin, Håkan Johansson, Staffan Johansson, and Marie Nordfeldt. "Local civil society regimes: liberal, corporatist and social democratic civil society regimes in Swedish metropolitan cities." Voluntary Sector Review 9, no. 1 (March 31, 2018): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204080518x15199961331635.
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Bildtgard, Torbjorn, and Peter Öberg. "Birth of the Society of Divorees – Changing Patterns of Civil Status in Later Life." Innovation in Aging 5, Supplement_1 (December 1, 2021): 916–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igab046.3322.
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Abstract Half a century ago Lopata used the concept “society of widows” to describe the gendered reality of late life singlehood, where widowed women were excluded from coupled social life, depended on a community of other widows for social integration, and refrained from initiating new relationships due to “sanctification” of their former husbands. We use Swedish, American and EU census data and a national survey to Swedes 60-90 years old (n=1225; response rate 42%) to illustrate a substantial change in the demographic landscape of late life singlehood. More people enter later life as divorcees or become divorced at a high age. Among Swedes 60+ divorcees outnumber widowed people, and the incidence of late life divorce has more than doubled since the millennium in what has been called the “grey divorce revolution”. Many other Western countries follow the same demographical trend, posing important questions about the transformation of late life singlehood. Based on two Swedish studies we will show that the structure of the late life single community is becoming less gender skewed as a consequence of the emerging society of divorcees, and that in this society relationship careers are increasingly complex, attitudes to repartnering increasingly liberal and partner sanctification seldom an issue. We conclude by proposing the concept “society of divorcees” for this new demographic landscape of late life singlehood, argue that research is needed to capture this new reality, and discuss the implications of this change for access to social support later life.
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Hedling, Elsa, and Anna Meeuwisse. "Europeanize for Welfare? EU Engagement among Swedish Civil Society Organizations." Journal of Civil Society 11, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 39–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2015.1009696.
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Pierre, Jon. "Dépolitisée, repolitisée ou simplement politique ? La bureaucratie suédoise." Revue française d'administration publique 86, no. 1 (1998): 301–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.1998.3207.
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Depoliticised, Repoliticised or Simply Political ? The Case of Sweden. It is hard to measure the degree of politicisation of the Swedish civil service. On the one hand, like any civil service, it is, due to its very role in society, political. On the other hand, the existence of political tendencies in civil servants in no way constitutes proof of politicisation one way or another to be measured from an individual and institutional point of view. The Swedish institutional system seems to be a defence against general politicisation and probably contributes towards checking the influence of the new public management.
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Lundberg, Erik. "Toward a New Social Contract? The Participation of Civil Society in Swedish Welfare Policymaking, 1958–2012." VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations 31, no. 6 (November 13, 2017): 1371–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11266-017-9919-0.
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AbstractIn contribution to current debates on the changing roles and responsibilities of civil society in welfare state arrangements, I examined the participation of various types of civil society organizations in national welfare policymaking in Sweden between 1958 and 2012. Drawing upon an extensive dataset of over 1400 civil society, state, and for-profit organizations, I tested three claims related to the role and responsibility of civil society in the governance of welfare: the changing balance between corporatist and welfare organizations, the shift from voice to service, and another shift from nonprofit organizations to FPOs. My results revealed weak but emerging trends aligned with changing patterns of corporatism and the marketization of Sweden’s welfare system. However, support for any shift from voice to service remains uncertain.
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Åberg, Pelle, Stefan Einarsson, and Marta Reuter. "Organizational Identity of Think Tank(er)s: A Growing Elite Group in Swedish Civil Society." Politics and Governance 8, no. 3 (September 4, 2020): 142–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i3.3086.
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Think tanks, defined as organizations that produce policy research for political purposes (McGann, 2007; Medvetz, 2008), are an increasingly ubiquitous type of policy actor world-wide. In Sweden, the last 20 years’ sharp increase in think tank numbers (Åberg, Einarsson, & Reuter, 2019) has coincided with the decline of the traditional Swedish corporatist model based on the intimate involvement of the so-called ‘popular movements’ in policy-making (Lundberg, 2014; Micheletti, 1995). Contrary to the large, mass-membership based and democratically organized movement organizations, think tanks are small, professionalized, expert-based, and seldom represent any larger membership base. Their increasingly important role as the ideological greenhouses in Swedish civil society might, therefore, be interpreted as an indication of an increasingly elitist and professionalized character of the latter. But what is a think tank? The article explores how a shared understanding of what constitutes a think tank is constructed by think-tankers themselves. In the study, interviewed think tank executives and top-level staff reflect upon their own organizations’ missions and place in the Swedish policy system.
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Öberg, Peter, and Torbjörn Bildtgård. "THE DAWN OF A SOCIETY OF DIVORCEES: CHANGING PATTERNS OF LATE LIFE CIVIL STATUS." Innovation in Aging 6, Supplement_1 (November 1, 2022): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igac059.155.
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Abstract Half a century ago Lopata used the concept “society of widows” to describe the gendered reality of late life singlehood, where widowed women were excluded from coupled social life, depended on a community of other widows for social integration, and refrained from initiating new relationships due to “sanctification” of their former husbands. We use Swedish, American and EU census data 1970-2020 and a national survey to Swedes 60-90 years old (n=1225; response rate 42%) to illustrate a substantial change in the demographic landscape of late life civil status. More people enter later life as divorcees or become divorced at a high age. Among Swedes 60+ divorcees outnumber widowed people, and the incidence of late life divorce has more than doubled since the millennium in what has been called the “grey divorce revolution”. Many other Western countries follow the same demographic trend, posing important questions about the transformation of unmarried later life. We conclude by proposing the concept “society of divorcees” for this new demographic landscape of late life singlehood, argue that research is needed to capture this new reality, and discuss the implications of this change for access to social support later life.
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Grafström, Maria, Karolina Windell, and Pernilla Petrelius Karlberg. "Mediatization of Civil Society Organizations: (De)legitimation of the Swedish Red Cross." Journal of Civil Society 11, no. 3 (July 3, 2015): 227–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2015.1057415.
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Feltenius, David, and Jessika Wide. "Business as usual? Civil society organizations in a marketized Swedish welfare state." Journal of Civil Society 15, no. 3 (July 3, 2019): 230–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2019.1623452.
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Glover, Nikolas. "Sweden, South Africa and the business of partnership in the 1990s." Culture Unbound 13, no. 1 (July 27, 2021): 41–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.3324.
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This article examines the background and ambitions of the large-scale Swedish-South Africa Partnership Week that was rolled out across South Africa in November 1999. The Swedish delegation was spearheaded by Prime Minister Göran Persson and consisted of 800 Swedes; high-level ministers, diplomats, civil society representatives and business leaders. The analysis places particular emphasis on the involvement of Swedish multinationals and the central role played by the public relations agency Rikta Kommunikation. Its focus lies on the broader pedagogical function that the Week was intended to have, primarily from a Swedish point of view. I argue that the stated aim to forge an economic partnership between Sweden and South Africa as the logical extension of decades of historical political solidarity was a means of ensuring that citizens learned to understand the pressures and demands of the new era of globalisation. The foreseeable end of Swedish aid to South Africa was to be the dawn of self-sustaining economic relations; “business interests” – for so long derided by the anti-apartheid activists – were henceforth to lead the way. In light of this, I conclude by arguing that the official launch and marketing of a bilateral partnership in 1999 can be seen as part of a government-funded effort to adapt Swedish internationalism to a new era.
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Friberg, Anna. "Folkhemmets demokrati - En analys av den svenska socialdemokratins språkbruk kring demokratiska deltagandeformer." Slagmark - Tidsskrift for idéhistorie, no. 69 (March 9, 2018): 89–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/sl.v0i69.104324.
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This article investigates the role that civic participation played for the formation of the concept of democracy, by surveying the language of The Swedish Social Democratic Party (SAP) in the 1920s. During the first half of the decade, the SAP outlined various forms of participation for the citizens. Having adopted the traditionally conservative concept of the People’s Home, the party increasingly used it as a metaphor for the fully democratized society. This, however, created a tension between the Social Democrats’ arguments about the importance of civil participation in a democratic society, and the idea of the state building the People’s Home for the citizens. Using theoretical insights from conceptual history as the point of departure, this article addresses this tension by showing that according to the SAP, the fully democratic society could be realized at two levels: both by the state and by the citizens themselves.
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Van Wyk, Anna-Mart. "Sweden Against Apartheid: A Historical Overview." Thinker 94, no. 1 (February 17, 2023): 16–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/the_thinker.v94i1.2355.
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Sweden’s relations with the South African liberation movements date back to the 1960s, when the Swedish anti-apartheid movementarose. In addition to moral support and about $400 million dollars in financial support, Sweden became the first Western country to give official political support to the anti-apartheid movement. Such was the relationship between the African National Congress (ANC) and Sweden, that the latter became the first country outside of Africa to be visited by Nelson Mandela in 1990, after his release from decades of imprisonment. The aim of this contribution is therefore to provide a brief synopsis of the rich history of Sweden’s solidaritywith the South African liberation struggle and the role played by the Swedish youth, the Swedish antiapartheid movement, civil society, trade unions, and Olof Palme, former Swedish prime minister, who was one of the most committed allies of the liberation movements.
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Johansson, Evelina, and Mona Lilja. "Understanding Power and Performing Resistance: Swedish Feminists, Civil Society Voices, Biopolitics and “Angry” Men." NORA - Nordic Journal of Feminist and Gender Research 21, no. 4 (December 2013): 264–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08038740.2013.858569.
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Torgyik, Judit. "Civilians for Education." Practice and Theory in Systems of Education 12, no. 1 (February 1, 2017): 36–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ptse-2017-0004.
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AbstractCivil initiatives, free time learning activities with pleasure are significant in general development of society, in the consolidation of knowledge and skills of local communities. However, it also has positive effects on well-being, community building, too. A form of civil initiative is the Swedish study circle which has been operating for decades, recently more and more popular in other countries, too.
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Allard, Christina. "Sami Land Rights." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 19, no. 1 (June 29, 2022): 221–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117_011.
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Abstract The Indigenous Sami people traditionally live in what is now Sweden, Norway, Finland, and Russia. A crucial matter for Indigenous peoples, including the Sami living in Sweden, is that of the recognition of their land rights and access to their traditional lands. This article’s aim is to present and analyse recent case law developments in Sweden that relate to the recognition and protection of Sami land rights, specifically the Girjas and Talma cases, through legal-scientific and textual analyses and relevant legal literature. Both cases concern Sami reindeer herding rights in Sweden and the Swedish state as defendant. These cases raise complex legal issues and historical circumstances, demonstrating the need for the Swedish state to treat Sami land rights as equal to other civil rights in Swedish society, in line with international human rights law.
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Odmalm, Pontus. "Civil society, migrant organisations and political parties: theoretical linkages and applications to the Swedish context." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 30, no. 3 (May 2004): 471–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13691830410001682043.
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Meili, Kaspar Walter, Anna Månsdotter, Linda Richter Sundberg, Jan Hjelte, and Lars Lindholm. "An initiative to develop capability-adjusted life years in Sweden (CALY-SWE): Selecting capabilities with a Delphi panel and developing the questionnaire." PLOS ONE 17, no. 2 (February 8, 2022): e0263231. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0263231.
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Introduction Capability-adjusted life years Sweden (CALY-SWE) are a new Swedish questionnaire-based measure for quality of life based on the capability approach. CALY-SWE are targeted towards use in cost-effectiveness evaluations of social welfare consequences. Here, we first motivate the measure both from a theoretical and from a Swedish policy-making perspective. Then, we outline the core principles of the measure, namely the relation to the capability approach, embedded equity considerations inspired by the fair-innings approach, and the bases for which capabilities should be considered. The aims were to 1) the most vital capabilities for individuals in Sweden, 2) to define a sufficient level of each identified capability to lead a flourishing life, and to 3) develop a complete questionnaire for the measurement of the identified capabilities. Material and methods For the selection of capabilities, we used a Delphi process with Swedish civil society representants. To inform the questionnaire development, we conducted a web survey in three versions, with each Swedish 500 participants, to assess the distribution of capabilities that resulted from the Delphi process in the Swedish population. Each version was formulated with different strictness so that less strict wordings of a capability level would apply to a larger share of participants. All versions also included questions on inequality aversion regarding financial, educational, and health capabilities. Results The Delphi process resulted in the following six capabilities: Financial situation & housing, health, social relations, occupations, security, and political & civil rights. We formulated the final phrasing for the questionnaire based on normative reasons and the distribution of capabilities in the population while taking into account inequality aversion. Conclusion We developed a capability-based model for cost effectiveness economic evaluations of broader social consequences, specific to the Swedish context.
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Hertting, Krister, and Inger Karlefors. "“We Can’t Get Stuck in Old Ways”: Swedish Sports Club’s Integration Efforts With Children and Youth in Migration." Physical Culture and Sport. Studies and Research 92, no. 1 (November 26, 2021): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pcssr-2021-0023.
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Abstract The last years many people have been forcibly displaced due to circumstances such as conflicts in the world, and many people have come to Sweden for shelter. It has been challenging for Swedish society to receive and guide newcomers through the resettlement process, and many organizations in civil society, such as sports clubs, have been invited to support the resettlement. However, a limited numbers of studies has drawn the attention to sports clubs experiences. Therefore the aim of the paper was enhance understanding of sports clubs’ prerequesites and experiences of integration efforts with immigrant children and youth. Ten Swedish clubs with experience of working with newcomers participated. Semi-structured interviews were conducted, and analyzed with qualitative content analysis. Two categories were identified: Struggling with sporting values and organization and Seeing integration in everyday activities. The clubs experienced that integration occurs in everyday activities, but current ideas focusing competition and rigid organization of sports constrained possibilities for integrating newcomers with no or limited former experience of club sports. The clubs experienced potential to contribute to personal development, social connectedness and enjoyment in a new society and building bridges between cultures. In conclusion, clubs cannot solve the challenges of resettlement in society but have potential to be part of larger societal networks of integration.
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Kaneberg, Elvira, Susanne Hertz, and Leif-Magnus Jensen. "Voluntary defense networks in emergency preparedness in developed countries: the case of Sweden." Revista Científica General José María Córdova 17, no. 26 (April 1, 2019): 229–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.21830/19006586.379.
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Voluntary networks are actors in civil society and central to the emergency preparedness efficiency of developed countries’. This study focuses on the voluntary defense networks in Sweden, a unique set of networks that contribute to the efficiency of emergency preparedness. Through interviews with experts in Swedish civil and military fields and their associated voluntary defense networks, as well as secondary data, we examined the coordination of these voluntary defense networks in practice. Although voluntary network coordination is highly associated with efficiency, in practice, most voluntary networks are not well coordinated. This study confirms that civil and military practitioners in developed countries, struggling with the coordination of voluntary networks are not isolated in their struggle; inattentive practices are indeed the norm. This article also establishes a course that civil and military practitioners can follow to improve emergency response efficiency.
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Mårtensson, Ulrika, and Mark Sedgwick. "Preface." Tidsskrift for Islamforskning 8, no. 1 (February 23, 2014): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/tifo.v8i1.25321.
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This special issue is the outcome of a generous invitation by the Center for Islamic Studies of Youngstown State University, Youngstown, Ohio, to arrange a seminar on Nordic Islam at Youngstown State and to publish the proceedings in the Center’s journal, Studies in Contemporary Islam. To make the proceedings available to Nordic audiences, the proceedings are also being published in the Tidsskrift for Islamforskning. The seminar was held on 25–26 October 2010, and was highly rewarding. The contributors are grateful for the hospitality they received during their stay in Youngstown. They are also grateful to Professor Rhys Williams, Director of the McNamara Center for the Social Study of Religion at Loyola University Chicago, for contributing to the seminar and the special issue. Rhys Williams’ perspective is that of an experienced researcher of religion in the USA, and represents the logical opposite of the Nordic state model and its way of organizing welfare, civil society, and religion. Dr. Williams’ perspective helps to highlight the specifics of the Nordic context. Last but not least, the contributors wish to thank the editors of the Tidsskrift for Islamforskning.The fact that this special issue about Islamic institutions and values in the context of the Nordic welfare state is intended for both American and Nordic readers has inspired the framework that introduces the issue. The first three contributions constitute one group, as they each deal with the significance that the two different welfare and civil society models represented by the Nordic countries and the USA may have for the institutionalization of Islam and Muslims’ public presence and values. First, Ulrika Mårtensson provides a historical survey of the Nordic welfare state and its developments, including debates about the impact of neoliberal models and (de)secularization. This survey is followed by Rhys Williams’ contribution on US civil society and its implications for American Muslims, identifying the significant differences between the US and the Nordic welfare and civil society models. The third contribution, by Tuomas Martikainen, is a critical response to two US researchers who unfavorably contrast European ‘religion-hostile’ management of religion and Islam with US ‘religion-friendly’ approaches. Martikainen , with reference to Finland, that globalized neoliberal ‘new public management’ and ‘governance’ models have transformed Finland into a ‘postsecular society’ that is much more accommodating of religion and Islam than the US researchers claim.The last seven contributions are all concerned with the ‘public’ dimensions of Nordic Islam and with relations between public and Islamic institutions and values. In the Danish context, Mustafa Hussain presents a quantitative study of relations between Muslim and non-Muslim residents in Nørrebro, a part of Copenhagen, the capital, which is often portrayed in the media as segregated and inhabited by ‘not well integrated’ Muslims. Hussain demonstrates that, contrary to media images, Nørrebro’s Muslim inhabitants feel that strong ties bind them to their neighborhood and to non-Muslims, and they trust the municipality and the public institutions, with one important exception, that of the public schools.From the horizon of the Norwegian capital, Oslo, Oddbjørn Leirvik explores public discourses on Islam and values with reference to national and Muslim identity and interreligious dialogue; Leirvik has personal experience of the latter since its start in 1993. From the Norwegian city of Trondheim, Eli-Anne Vongraven Eriksen and Ulrika Mårtensson chart the evolution of a pan-Islamic organization Muslim Society Trondheim (MST) from a prayer room for university students to the city’s main jami‘ mosque and Muslim public representative. The analytical focus is on dialogue as an instrument of civic integration, applied to the MST’s interactions with the church and the city’s public institutions. A contrasting case is explored in Ulrika Mårtensson’s study of a Norwegian Salafi organization, whose insistence on scriptural commands and gender segregation prevents its members from fully participating in civic organizational activities, which raises questions about value-driven conditions for democratic participation.In the Swedish context, Johan Cato and Jonas Otterbeck explore circumstances determining Muslims’ political participation through associations and political parties. They show that when Muslims make public claims related to their religion, they are accused of being ‘Islamists’, i.e., mixing religion and politics, which in the Swedish public sphere is a strong discrediting charge that limits the Muslims’ sphere of political action in an undemocratic manner. Next, Anne Sofie Roald discusses multiculturalism’s implications for women in Sweden, focusing on the role of ‘Swedish values’ in Muslims’ public deliberations about the Shari‘a and including the evolution of Muslims’ values from first- to second-generation immigrants. Addressing the question of how Swedish Islamic schools teach ‘national values’ as required by the national curriculum, Jenny Berglund provides an analysis of the value-contents of Islamic religious education based on observation of teaching practices. In the last article, Göran Larsson describes the Swedish state investigation (2009) of the need for a national training program for imams requested by the government as well as by some Muslims. The investigation concluded that there was no need for the state to put such programs in place, and that Muslims must look to the experiences of free churches and other religious communities and find their own ways to educate imams for service in Sweden.
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Wijkström, Filip, and Stefan Einarsson. "Comparing Swedish Foundations: A Carefully Negotiated Space of Existence." American Behavioral Scientist 62, no. 13 (May 20, 2018): 1889–918. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218773439.
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Foundations and philanthropy currently play a very limited role in the Swedish welfare. The same is true in fields like Culture and Recreation or International Activities. Only in the case of funding of research do Swedish foundations exhibit a role possible to define in terms of substitution rather than weak complementarity in relation to government. Despite marginal positions for philanthropy, Sweden displays a wealthy as well as growing foundation population, which seems like a paradox, at least in comparison to the situation in Germany and the United States where foundations traditionally play a more visible and pronounced role in society. A striking difference between the Swedish foundations and their U.S. or German counterparts is their weak bonds to religious communities or causes. Instead, we can identify in our new data set a growing segment of the Swedish foundation world that is affiliated with other parts of civil society. The same is true for the category of independent foundations, which points toward the U.S. model. We find in the article some limited support for a “philanthropic turn” in Sweden, but overall the foundation world is still deeply embedded in the social contract and strong Social-Democratic regime of the 20th century. In comparison to neighboring Scandinavian or Nordic countries, both similarities and differences are identified where, for example, the Norwegian case display a much larger segment of operating foundations, closely affiliated with government, while in Denmark, on the other hand, the corporate-owning foundation seems to be a much more important form than in Sweden.
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Miloiu, Silviu-Marian. "Editorial Foreword." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 9, no. 1 (July 15, 2017): 5–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v9i1_1.
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Volume 9, issue no. 1 (2017) of Revista Română pentru Studii Baltice şi Nordice / The Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies (RRSBN) is divided into three main parts. The first part deals with the Swedish perception of East-Central European 20th Century developments. The article bearing the signature of Paweł Jaworski of the University of Wrocław tackles the first two months Solidarność as seen from the perspective of the Swedish press. A very innovative article it details the imagology of the set up and evolution of the syndicate and investigates how the relations between this emerging independent civil society and the Communist Party evolved. The article corroborates press analysis with international relations and bilateral relations between Poland and Sweden and shows their impact on the rather privileged status enjoyed by Swedish journalists in the Communist country. The second article by Alin-Marian Dudoi focuses on Gustav Bolinder and Arvid Fredborg’s accounts of Transylvania at the end of World War II. Although the original Swedish books and their significance have already been investigated by some authors, the article looks at their perspectives in relation to the Romanian national credo and adopts the stand of the former which supported the claim that Transylvania should belong to Romania mostly based on ethnography.
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Harding, Tobias. "Learning democracy in a Swedish gamers' association: Representative democracy as experiential knowledge in a liquid civil society." European Journal for Research on the Education and Learning of Adults 2, no. 2 (October 4, 2011): 135–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/rela.2000-7426.rela0042.
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Scaramuzzino, Gabriella, and Roberto Scaramuzzino. "The weapon of a new generation?—Swedish Civil Society Organizations’ use of social media to influence politics." Journal of Information Technology & Politics 14, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 46–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2016.1276501.
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Leis-Peters, A. "Hidden by Civil Society and Religion? Diaconal Institutions as Welfare Providers in the Growing Swedish Welfare State." Journal of Church and State 56, no. 1 (February 20, 2014): 105–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/cst134.
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Lieden, Sven-Erick. "Civil servants close to the people: Swedish University intellectuals and society at the turn of the century." History of European Ideas 8, no. 2 (January 1987): 155–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(87)90107-0.
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Åberg, Pelle. "Managing Expectations, Demands and Myths: Swedish Study Associations Caught Between Civil Society, the State and the Market." VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations 24, no. 3 (March 6, 2012): 537–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11266-012-9271-3.
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Karlberg, Eva, and Kerstin Jacobsson. "A Meta-organizational Perspective on the Europeanization of Civil Society: The Case of the Swedish Women’s Lobby." VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations 26, no. 4 (August 5, 2014): 1438–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11266-014-9463-0.
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Kaneberg, Elvira, Susanne Hertz, and Leif-Magnus Jensen. "Emergency preparedness planning in developed countries: the Swedish case." Journal of Humanitarian Logistics and Supply Chain Management 6, no. 2 (August 1, 2016): 145–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jhlscm-10-2015-0039.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to understand the needs of the supply-chain (SC) network when coping with permanent and temporary demands, this paper analyzes the Swedish emergency preparedness SC network. This network comprises planning procedures and resources, as well as numerous organizations and other participants in civil society that take part in the system to cope with threats and ongoing crises. Planning constitutes a critical infrastructure because the system must develop the ability to shift SC functions from permanent to temporary networks in ongoing crises and war. Design/methodology/approach – A research study is performed based on data gathered by three qualitative methods concerning the SC network of emergency preparedness planning. Findings – This study demonstrates the relevance of a wide empirical field challenging several theoretical perspectives of the SC network in preparedness planning and the shift to ongoing crises. Further research targeting key capabilities is needed to further improve understanding of the challenges for developed countries in managing potential threats and crises. Originality/value – Actors taking part in the preparedness system have found it challenging to coordinate. Due, in part, to the lack of a common threat profile, key capabilities remain outside preparedness planning, e.g., military, commercial and voluntary actors as well as unclear and inconsistent regulations. Thus, building the SC network demonstrates the need to target the military, the voluntary and commercial sectors and their ability to develop the networks in preparedness planning. In a reformed system, all actors must strengthen civil defense in an all-hazard approach, which in planning encompasses the entire threat scale, demonstrating key functions and the ability to shift to temporary networks responding to ongoing crises, including war.
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Herzig Van Wees, Sibylle L., Mats Målqvist, and Rachel Irwin. "Achieving the SDGs through interdisciplinary research in global health." Scandinavian Journal of Public Health 47, no. 8 (November 29, 2018): 793–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1403494818812637.
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The Swedish Global Health Research Conference held in Stockholm, 18–19 April 2018, convened researchers from across Sweden’s universities to foster collaboration and new research. In response to the theme of the conference, How can Sweden contribute to the Sustainable Development Goals? From research to action, many of the plenary and keynote speakers highlighted the importance of interdisciplinary research and teaching. This commentary draws upon a workshop discussing interdisciplinarity, which took place at the conference. Participants included senior professors, lecturers, students and collaborators from the private sector and civil society and we discussed the conceptual and structural challenges that prevent engagement in interdisciplinary research. Although the workshop focused on the Swedish context, issues will be familiar to researchers working outside of Sweden. The 17 Sustainable Development Goals highlight the grand challenges for global society and are intertwined, with progress in one affecting progress in all others. With this starting point, we argue that interdisciplinary research is the way to achieve them. Accordingly, we need to overcome the conceptual and structural challenges that can hinder it. We therefore argue for a paradigm shift of how we value knowledge. We also call for fundamental changes in external and internal (university-level) funding structures, and for the strengthening of interdisciplinary global health teaching.
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Hallin, Johanna, and Nathalie Ahlstedt Mantel. "Transformation of Swedish CSOs Using the Strengths of Purpose and Empathy." Applied Science and Innovative Research 3, no. 4 (November 18, 2019): p264. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/asir.v3n4p264.
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Civil society organizations in Sweden are facing new challenges and opportunities in a rapidly changing context. Demographical changes, a new political climate and a broad professionalization of the sector demand a transformational shift in business. In the project Tailwind, four leading CSOs in Sweden develop new strategies and policies to navigate the new landscape. The project explores the question of how these organizations will have to transform to be able to thrive in the future. Using positive psychology and appreciative inquiry as a method for this piece of research, key insights found include: the CSOs need to draw on the strengths of the organization when strategically developing the operations, to build their operations on empathic meetings with the target group, and to step up to claim an expert position in the public eye, sharing knowledge and insight with decision-makers about the needs of the target group.
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Halldorf, Joel. "Lewi Pethrus and the Creation of a Christian Counterculture." Pneuma 32, no. 3 (2010): 354–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007410x531907.
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AbstractThis article presents and analyzes the life and work of Lewi Pethrus (1884-1974), the leader of the Swedish Pentecostal movement. The argument is that Pethrus created a Christian counterculture in the midst of a secularized Western society. Although a radical congregationalist skeptical toward organization, Pethrus spent most of his life building institutions. The first institutions he created were for the benefit of the spiritual life of Pentecostal congregations and churches. These included a publishing house, an edifying journal, a hymn book, and a school for evangelism. During World War II, however, Nazism and Communism made Pethrus attentive to the dangers of secularization. He now began founding institutions that were part of the broader civil society, such as a daily newspaper, a radio station, a bank, and a political party. His goal was to turn Sweden into a Christian society. He did not achieve this, but what he did leave was the legacy of a Christian counterculture.
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Guerrero Cantarell, Rosalia. "Technology as a Woman’s Call: The Efforts of the Fredrika Bremer Association to Promote Women’s Education in Technology 1978–1999." Nordic Journal of Educational History 9, no. 2 (December 20, 2022): 125–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.36368/njedh.v9i2.268.
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In 1978, Sweden’s oldest women’s organisation, the Fredrika Bremer Association (FBF), organised an event on women and technology. This was the first event of its kind in Sweden and it was met with great interest. Consequently, it became a recurring annual event until the late 1990s. At a time when the computerisation of society precipitated a response from the Swedish state, labour market parties and civil society, the FBF became an authority in the area of technology and gender equality. Framed within the field of history of knowledge, this article claims that the FBF sought to redefine the concept of technology to include what they considered to be female features. They circulated this new definition in the school system and among the broader society. The FBF has been overlooked as a relevant actor in the circulation of technology knowledge, even though it played a significant role in the discussion of women and computer technology in Sweden from the late 1970s to the late 1990s.
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Blomqvist, Anna. "How can stakeholder participation improve European watershed management: the Water Framework Directive, watercourse groups and Swedish contributions to Baltic Sea eutrophication." Water Policy 6, no. 1 (February 1, 2004): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wp.2004.0003.
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Nutrient losses from agricultural land constitute an important part of the total flow of nutrients to lakes and seas in Sweden and the Baltic region. With the Water Framework Directive, to be implemented shortly throughout Europe, emphasis is increasing on the role of stakeholder participation and decentralisation of various responsibilities from authorities to groups in the civil society. This paper investigates a Swedish case where local watercourse groups (WCGs) have formed in order to be involved more actively in the efforts to reduce nutrient losses from agricultural lands. This paper presents a qualitative analysis of the institutional landscape surrounding WCGs, goals, goal formulation and space of action.
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Westberg, Annika, Elisabeth Engberg, and Sören Edvinsson. "A Unique Source for Innovative Longitudinal Research: The POPLINK Database." Historical Life Course Studies 3 (March 15, 2016): 20–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.51964/hlcs9351.
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This paper presents the longitudinal database POPLINK, which has been developed at the Demographic Data Base at Umeå University, Sweden. Based on digitized Swedish population registers between c. 1700-1950, the database contains micro-data that covers the agrarian society through industrialization and further on to the Swedish welfare state and contemporary society. It is now possible to study the profound processes of the second demographic transition using individual level data with a proper size population. POPLINK allows for a large array of longitudinal studies, such as social mobility, migration, fertility, mortality, civil status, kinship relations, diseases, disability and causes of death. International standards of occupations (HISCO) and diseases (ICD-10) have been applied, facilitating comparability. POPLINK covers two large regions in Northern Sweden and is built on complete registrations. It is one of the world’s most information-dense historical population databases, covering up to 15 generations and 350,000 individuals described by 300 variables, allowing the ability to monitor populations over time. POPLINK has been built to allow linkage to modern registries, clinical data and medical biobanks, which enables the study of transgenerational effects, heredity and genetic transfers in disease incidence of the population today. DDB serves as an infrastructure for research and is open to researchers of any nationality.
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Virkkunen, J. "Disease control and border lockdown at the EU’s internal borders during Covid-19 pandemic: the case of Finland." Baltic Region 12, no. 4 (2020): 83–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2020-4-5.
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The article discusses the lockdown of the EU’s internal borders during the Covid-19 pandemic in Finland. Special attention is paid to bordering as a means of disease control and the governments’ aim to “protect the population and secure functions of society”. Not only did the government restrict flights and ‘non-essential’ travel from non-Schengen countries such as Russia, China and Thailand but, with some exceptions, it also restricted travel-to-work commuting and everyday cross-border encounters between Finland and its Schengen neighbours of Sweden, Norway and Estonia. The restrictions hampered tourism and migrant-dependent industries as well as complicated the lives of migrants’ families. While the lockdown of the Estonian and Russian border does not cause any debates in Finnish society, the closure of the Finnish-Swedish border that has been completely open since the 1950s and the new regime led to a debate of citizens’ constitutional rights and to civil disobedience that materialised in semi-legal border crossings.
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Virkkunen, J. "Disease control and border lockdown at the EU’s internal borders during Covid-19 pandemic: the case of Finland." Baltic Region 12, no. 4 (2020): 83–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2020-4-5.
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The article discusses the lockdown of the EU’s internal borders during the Covid-19 pandemic in Finland. Special attention is paid to bordering as a means of disease control and the governments’ aim to “protect the population and secure functions of society”. Not only did the government restrict flights and ‘non-essential’ travel from non-Schengen countries such as Russia, China and Thailand but, with some exceptions, it also restricted travel-to-work commuting and everyday cross-border encounters between Finland and its Schengen neighbours of Sweden, Norway and Estonia. The restrictions hampered tourism and migrant-dependent industries as well as complicated the lives of migrants’ families. While the lockdown of the Estonian and Russian border does not cause any debates in Finnish society, the closure of the Finnish-Swedish border that has been completely open since the 1950s and the new regime led to a debate of citizens’ constitutional rights and to civil disobedience that materialised in semi-legal border crossings.
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Elgenius, Gabriella, and Magnus Wennerhag. "The changing political landscape of Sweden." Sociologisk Forskning 55, no. 2-3 (July 3, 2018): 139–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.37062/sf.55.18187.
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The political landscape in Sweden has undergone considerable changes in recent decades The number of political parties in the Swedish parliament has increased from five to eight, and the socio-economic issues of the traditional political right–left scale has been challenged by socio-cultural issues relating to lifestyle and identity. Notably, the notion of Swedish exceptionalism and the particularities of its welfare state is lingering despite findings pointing in the opposite direction e.g. with the increased electoral support for the radical right, and its ethno-nationalist and anti-immigrant rhetoric. The corporatist model has been challenged by new forms of political authority, participation and representation. New political actors, such as social movements and civil society actors, think tanks and policy professionals, are becoming increasingly engaged in political processes. The long-term trend suggests that traditionally marginalised groups, such as the young, women and groups of migrant background, are represented in decision-making forums to a higher degree than before. Yet, current conditions need further analysis. In this article, we provide a background to Sociologisk Forskning’s special issue on the political landscape of the parliamentary election in 2018.
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Åberg, Martin, and Ann-Kristin Högman. "Histories Meet Histories: A Pilot Study of Migration and Civil Society in Swedish Medium-Sized Cities, Small Towns, and Villages." Journal of Civil Society 11, no. 2 (April 3, 2015): 187–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2015.1050849.
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Marchukov, A. N. "In search of a dialogue: Digital di-plomacy of Sweden." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 13, no. 4 (January 13, 2022): 162–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2021-13-4-162-181.
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Digital diplomacy opens up new opportunities for both developed and devel-oping states to promote their international image, clarify their position on current issues, and realize long-term foreign policy aspirations, but it also brings com-pletely new challenges. The chief one among them is establishing a continuous constructive dialogue with the target audience in the virtual space. Facilitation for this dialogue is one of the key priorities of the digital diplomacy of Sweden. The author examines the activities of the key actors of Sweden’s digital diplomacy (the Ministry of Foreign Aff airs of Sweden, the Swedish Institute, the Swedish Tourist Association (Svenska Turistföreningen), ‘Visit Sweden’) and identifi es their key features. Particularly, the author emphasizes the government’s readiness to implement innovative and creative methods to promote its media projects. The latter include such projects as ‘The Second House of Sweden’, ‘Curators of Sweden’, and ‘Swedish Number’, which were aimed at improving the quality of communication with the foreign audience. In doing so, the responsible minis-tries and agencies placed a heavy emphasis on promoting a dialogue via social networks between the Swedish offi cials and representatives of the civil society on the one hand and foreign users on the other. The leading actors of Sweden’s digital diplomacy actively engaged the foreign audience in discussions on the most important issues on the foreign policy agenda of Sweden. This was most clearly demonstrated in media campaigns designed to eliminate discrimination against women and gender-based violence. The author concludes that Sweden has achieved a certain degree of success in establishing a dialogue with the foreign audience, yet this dialogue is not comprehensive enough and still depends on the initiative of individual politicians and diplomats.
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Granath Hansson, Anna. "Social innovation in housing development:." Nordic Journal of Surveying and Real Estate Research 15, no. 1 (September 28, 2020): 7–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.30672/njsr.88990.
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Homelessness has increased substantially in Sweden in the last decade with an emphasis on structural homelessness. Further, municipalities have the responsibility to house a certain number of newly-arrived immigrants under the Settlement Act. Many municipalities have had difficulties in meeting the acute housing need, as well as its costs, and have started to look at new types of housing solutions. Socially innovative initiatives of the civil society and private developers have been encouraged. This paper investigates three civil society and private housing developments and how they might contribute to socially and economically sustainable housing solutions for households in or on the verge to homelessness. In order to operationalize the sustainability concept related to these local projects, an analytical set of questions have been developed based on the literature and project data. It is concluded that all three projects are socially and economically sustainable at the outset, but that certain traits of the project set-ups make them more uncertain in the longer run. The sustainability lens was fruitful in analyzing the projects, but non-physical factors will in many cases be person dependent and therefore difficult to generalize. As it is expected that this new type of housing in the Swedish setting will increase in numbers, the analytical set of questions should be tested in relation to further projects and be developed further.
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Aggestål, Anna, and Josef Fahlén. "Managing Sport for Public Health: Approaching Contemporary Problems with Traditional Solutions." Social Inclusion 3, no. 3 (June 25, 2015): 108–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v3i3.197.
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In the area of public health, civil society involvement in attaining government objectives on physical activity participation is often carried out by voluntary sport organizations (Agergaard & Michelsen la Cour, 2012; Österlind & Wright, 2014; Skille, 2009; Theeboom, Haudenhuyse, & De Knop, 2010). In Sweden, this responsibility has been given to the Swedish Sport Confederation (SSC), a voluntary and membership-based non-profit organization, granted government authority to govern Swedish sport towards government objectives (Bergsgard & Norberg, 2010; Bolling, 2005). Research has pointed to difficulties for sport organizations to shoulder such responsibilities due to the deeply rooted logic of competition in sport and organizational structures adapted for competitive sport (Skille, 2011; Stenling & Fahlén, 2009). This article focuses on how public health is being constructed, implemented and given meaning within the SSC. Drawing on a critical discourse approach (Fairclough & Fairclough, 2012) this study explores the SSC’s role and position in public health promotion by interviewing SSC representatives and National Sport Organizations’ (NSO) general managers. Results indicate how discourses on democracy, equality and physical activity are used to legitimize the SSC’s role in public health. Also, how these discourses are compromised in practice, posing challenges for organized sport in meeting objectives of public health.
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Gray, John. "From Post-Communism to Civil Society: The Reemergence of History and the Decline of the Western Model." Social Philosophy and Policy 10, no. 2 (1993): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026505250000412x.
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For virtually all the major schools of Western opinion, the collapse of the Communist regimes in Eastern Europe and in the Soviet Union, between 1989 and 1991, represents a triumph of Western values, ideas, and institutions. If, for triumphal conservatives, the events of late 1989 encompassed an endorsement of “democratic capitalism” that augured “the end of history,” for liberal and social democrats they could be understood as the repudiation by the peoples of the former Soviet bloc of Marxism-Leninism in all its varieties, and the reemergence of a humanist socialism that was free of Bolshevik deformation. The structure of political and economic institutions appropriate to the transition from post-Communism in the Soviet bloc to genuine civil society was, accordingly, modeled on Western exemplars—the example of Anglo-American democratic capitalism, of Swedish social democracy, or of the German social market economy— or on various modish Western academic conceptions, long abandoned in the Soviet and post-Soviet worlds, such as market socialism. No prominent school of thought in the West doubted that the dissolution of Communist power was part of a process of Westernization in which contemporary Western ideas and institutions could and would successfully be exported to the former Communist societies. None questioned the idea that, somewhere in the repertoire of Western theory and practice, there was a model for conducting the transition from the bankrupt institutions of socialist central planning, incorporated into the structure of a totalitarian state, to market institutions and a liberal democratic state. Least of all did anyone question the desirability, or the possibility, of reconstituting economic and political institutions on Western models, in most parts of the former Soviet bloc.
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Magnusson, Finnur. "Life in a State of Limbo – Narratives of Place, Health, and Integration Among Later Life Female Migrants in Sweden." Socialinė teorija, empirija, politika ir praktika 28 (May 2, 2024): 86–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/stepp.2024.28.6.
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International migration is a prioritized domain of European aging research. Using a qualitative approach, the author has gathered accounts among Iranian later-life females in the Swedish city of Malmö, suffering from social isolation. The women in this article found themselves in a situation like that of other later-life migrants in Sweden. Several studies have shown how these groups are at risk of ending up in a social isolation which can be hard to break. The situation of the later-life migrant women discussed in this study is characterized by the loss of numerous deep-seated and natural social bonds connected to ethnicity, family, language, and culture. To cope with their exposed situation, the local Iranian-Swedish association provided some self-arranged activities, offering opportunities to social integration. The aim of the study is to demonstrate how the women described their life situation where a local day center made up the key foundation of their social life in a Swedish city in 2000–2008. Typical of that period was that solutions of the alarming situation of some foreign-born elderly citizens were discussed by local authorities, as well as volunteer organizations. Thus, the aim is not to describe the present situation among later life migrants. On the contrary, the perspective is retrospective. The theoretical inspirations used in the article derive from a broader backdrop of social-constructive assumptions that define narratives or accounts as explanations of the reality of everyday life and experiences. In the article the women’s stories are defined as small, local, erratic narratives, nevertheless explaining the reality of everyday life and experiences which in their turn reflect the state of illness, locally specific attachment and social isolation. Three salient themes emerge in the material: place bound experiences, illness and unsuccessful integration. The narratives are defined as small irregular accounts, contrasting larger narratives of later-life migration. The article shows how the women depicted their situation as a borderline between an Iranian life in exile and a Swedish society, leaving them in a state of Limbo. The women expressed ambitions of integrate into a Swedish community of senior citizens, providing privileges and civil rights. Thus, the narratives challenge common generalizing images of later-life migrants and their life conditions.
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Giametta, Calogero, Dinah De Riquet-Bons, PG Macioti, Nick Mai, Calum Bennachie, Anne Fehrenbacher, Heidi Hoefinger, and Jennifer Musto. "Racial Profiling and The Larger Impact of Covid-19 on Migrant Sex Workers in France." International Journal of Gender, Sexuality and Law 2, no. 1 (July 6, 2022): 225–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.19164/ijgsl.v2i1.1261.
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In this article we will discuss the first Coronavirus (Covid-19) lockdown and its immediate aftermath on the lives of migrant sex workers living and working in France, drawing on original interviews gathered between May and July 2020. Since 2016 in France, sex workers have worked under the so-called Swedish model legal framework criminalising the demand of sexual services. This has meant that sex workers, both migrant and non-migrant, have had to find various strategies to continue working within a criminalised environment infringing upon their rights and safety. Research in the French context has largely shown that the introduction of the Swedish model increased the financial precarity and impacted in significant, detrimental ways the physical and mental health of sex workers (Le Bail & Giametta 2018). In the context of the existing hardship to which migrant sex workers were exposed under this repressive regime in France, this article investigates if and how the law enforcement and emergency measures around the Covid-19 crisis aggravated their already precarious living conditions. Our analysis here demonstrates that both institutional racism (e.g., government policies and law enforcement targeting racialized migrants) and interpersonal stigmatisation (e.g., poor treatment and stereotyping by clients and civil society) must be combated to reduce the discrimination against migrant sex workers that is amplified in times of crisis.
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Olsson, Louise, Patty Chang, and Angela Muvumba Sellström. "Examining E10 Strategies and Decisions." Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations 29, no. 4 (December 21, 2023): 439–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02904001.
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Abstract Conventional wisdom dictates the ten elected members (E10) operate within the predominance of the five permanent members (P5) in the UN Security Council. Often also constrained by limited internal resources, many of the E10 need to ensure external support to promote their interests. In research, however, limited theoretical disaggregation exists on E10 strategies and conditions affecting their maneuvering to obtain influence. To address this gap, this article draws on existing research to form a framework and further inform this by using material from Sweden’s term (2017–2018) related to how Sweden sought to contribute to the progress of Women, Peace and Security. The article uses qualitative empirical material from thirty semistructured interviews of Swedish diplomats, other Member States of the Council, UN officials, scholars, and civil society advocates. The utility of this framework demonstrates the efficacy of E10 power, thereby opening up new avenues for future research.
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Garcia, Leice Maria, and Armindo dos Santos de Sousa Teodósio. "Análise de limites dos sistemas de contabilidade e controle para o enfretamento do problema da corrupção sistêmica no Brasil: lições dos casos da Suécia e da Itália." Revista de Administração Pública 54, no. 1 (January 2020): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-761220180115.
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Abstract This article seeks to understand the reasons for the persistence of corruption in the Brazilian federal government, despite strong public accounting and financial control systems in the country. More than two-thirds of the states in the world, including Brazil, face the challenge of plundering public finances by political, economic, and bureaucratic elites. In this context, the exclusive use of the dominant approach of economic theories for the structuring of public control systems is limited. It is more appropriate to consider corruption as a problem of collective action. Hence, the theoretical reference chosen includes Bourdieu’s theory of practice and Tocqueville’s and Ostrom’s collective action theories, as they have been understood respectively by Mungiu-Pippidi and Rothstein. The methodological strategy adopted is an exploratory analysis of the cases of contemporary day Brazil, based on the lessons learned from nineteenth-century Sweden, and Italy in the 1990s. The results indicated that overcoming systemic corruption requires more than control systems. It demands, at least, a trigger to disrupt the perverse social imbalance, institutional capacity to offer normative effectiveness and a cohesive and active civil society.
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Kumlin, Staffan, and Bo Rothstein. "Making and Breaking Social Capital." Comparative Political Studies 38, no. 4 (May 2005): 339–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414004273203.
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Since the debate about the importance of social capital and civil society for the quality of democracy began, Scandinavia has caused problems. Observers have been bewildered by an allegedly paradoxical coexistence of a wealth of social capital and extensive welfare-state arrangements. Some theorize that large welfare states make engagement in voluntary associations unnecessary, making the production of social capital more difficult. However, empirical research shows Scandinavia to have comparatively high levels of social capital. To solve this paradox, the authors address how the causal mechanism between variation in the design of welfare-state institutions and social capital works. The empirical analysis, based on Swedish survey data, suggests that the specific design of welfare-state policies matters for the production of social capital. Contacts with universal welfare-state institutions tend to increase social trust, whereas experiences with needs-testing social programs undermine it. The policy implication is that governments, by designing welfare-state institutions, can invest in social capital.