Journal articles on the topic 'Sweden – Foreign relations – Egypt'
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Bedi̇r, Ayşe. "EVREN KÜÇÜK, Türkiye-İsveç İlişkileri (1914-1938) / Turkey-Sweden Relations (1914- 1938), Publications of Turkish Historical Society, Ankara 2017. [Book Review]." Belleten 82, no. 294 (August 1, 2018): 759–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2018.759.
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The purpose of this book review is to fulfi ll the absence of comprehensive study on the Turkey-Sweden relations both Sweden and Turkey yet. Turkey-Sweden Relations (1914- 1938) is an original work, which is suitable for scientifi c criteria and prepared as a doctoral thesis, receives the details of the relations of both countries for the fi rst time in detail, and sheds light on the last years of the Ottoman Empire and the early Republican period of Turkey. Very rich sources are used in this work with a simple language and style. As it is seen that in preparation of the book the sources of the foreign archives and local archives such as Sveria Riksarkivet (Sweden State Archives), Sveria Krigsarkivet (Sweden Military Archives), Kungliga Bibliotek (Sweden Royal Library), Uppsala University, Carolina Rediviva Library, The National Archives (London), League of Nations Photo Archive, Prime Ministry Republican Archives, Prime Ministry Ottoman Archives, Red Crescent Archives, Presidency Archive, Foreign Ministry Archives, Istanbul Sea Museum Archive, Turkish Revolution History Institute Archives have been used. Additionally, the book uses domestic and foreign literature, newspapers and magazines.
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Brown, L. Carl, and Jon B. Alterman. "Egypt and American Foreign Assistance, 1952-1958." Foreign Affairs 82, no. 2 (2003): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033553.
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Thomson, Jennifer. "What's Feminist about Feminist Foreign Policy? Sweden's and Canada's Foreign Policy Agendas." International Studies Perspectives 21, no. 4 (January 24, 2020): 424–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekz032.
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Abstract Across politics and public discourse, feminism is experiencing a global renaissance. Yet feminist academic work is divided over the burgeoning use of the term, particularly in reference to economic and international development policy. For some, feminism has been co-opted for neoliberal economic ends; for others, it remains a critical force across the globe. This article explores the nascent feminist foreign policies of Sweden and Canada. Employing a discourse analysis of both states’ policy documents, it asks what the term “feminist” meant in preliminary attempts at constructing a feminist foreign policy. It argues that although both use the term “feminist,” they understand the term very differently, with Sweden centering it in domestic and international commitments to change, while Canada places greater emphasis on the private sector. This suggests that this policy agenda is still developing its central concepts, and is thus ripe for intervention on the part of policymakers and civil society organizations.
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Elder, N. C. M. "Democracy and foreign policy: the case of Sweden." International Affairs 63, no. 4 (1987): 685–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2619712.
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Al-Weshah, Abdellateef. "American Foreign Policy Towards Egypt under Hosni Mubarak’s Regime." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 9 (November 15, 2016): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2016.1.5.
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Sari, Deasy Silvya. "Indonesian Foreign Policy Towards Egypt Post-Husni Mubarak Administration." Jurnal ICMES 2, no. 2 (December 26, 2018): 108–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.35748/jurnalicmes.v2i2.29.
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The article explains the change and continuity of Indonesian Foreign Policy toward Egypt post Husni Mubarak Administration. This issue is explored because after the administration of Husni Mubarak, Egypt experienced domestic political instability in the form of a government regime change in a short time, namely the election of Mursi as president through elections in 2011, the overthrow of Mursi, and the election of Al Sisi as new president in 2013 through elections. This article concludes that on facing some changes in Egypt post-Husni Mubarak, Indonesia did ‘the change and continuity’ in her foreign policy. The ‘change’ was done because of administration of Presiden Yudhoyono wanted to ensure the implementation of Indonesia's national interests, namely, the security of Indonesian citizens in Egypt, education programs, and the sustainability of Indonesia-Egypt trade relations. This change was motivated by bureaucratic advocacy and restructuring domestic agent on decision making of Indonesian government. The ‘continuity’ takes place in terms of Indonesia’s doctrine of foreign policy, namely ‘free and active policy’. 'Free policy’ was carried out impartially in the Egyptian conflict and ‘active policy’ was implemented by maintaining security, education, and trade cooperation with Egypt.
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Saleh, Alamira Samah. "Foreign Correspondents between the Hammer and the Anvil." Contemporary Arab Affairs 13, no. 3 (August 28, 2020): 98–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2020.13.3.98.
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For many decades, Egypt has been considered a distinctive society in which individuals from different nations with different backgrounds and ideologies can live. However, it seems that the Egyptian political, social, and media landscape has witnessed considerable shifts in the dimensions of such diversity. This study examines the contemporary Egyptian perspective on the presence of foreign correspondents and the radical change in Egypt’s regulations toward their work, and moreover, the repercussions of such policies that might be affecting the safety, level of freedom, and sometimes the whole identity of foreign correspondents in Egypt. Moreover, it examines the tactics with which the government seeks to accentuate the discourses of “Othering” in Egyptian public perceptions via whipping up hype in the media. Undoubtedly, the events experienced by Egypt between 25 January 2011 and the present have changed the idea the state and society have of foreigners, in general, and foreign correspondents, in particular. Some indicators confirmed that a state of “xenophobia” has been escalating over the past nine years. Foreign correspondents and journalists have been among the groups harmed by this sentiment, to the detriment of their working conditions. Results show that the transitional period that followed Hosni Mubarak’s toppling in 2011 until today has witnessed many transformations in the handling of foreign correspondents’ work in Egypt. There have been attacks on and expulsions of journalists from Al Arabiya, Al Jazeera, The Associated Press, the BBC, CBS, CNN, Danish television, and others.
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Elfakharani, Ashraf M. A., Rohana Abdul Rahman, Hamza E. Albaheth, and Nor Anita Abdullah. "Bilateral Investment Treaties and the Increase in Egyptian Appearances before International Arbitration Tribunals." African Journal of International and Comparative Law 29, no. 1 (February 2021): 40–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ajicl.2021.0349.
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Bilateral investment treaties (BITs), as the name indicates, are meant to govern investment relations between two signatory states. In this context, Egypt holds a significant place among all respondent states, having to face a very high number of legal issues from foreign investors. These cases are pending before several international investment tribunals and Egypt is facing claims of over USD 20 billion annually from its foreign investors. In spite of such a grim situation, there are legal arbitrations that have increased the appearance of Egypt in international arbitration forums. There are several reasons for such a situation to arise, mainly because of the governmental measures towards foreign investors and interests. This article argues that in spite of the unspecified criteria shown towards foreign investors, the Bilateral Investment Treaty's items have played a vital role in increasing Egyptian appearances.
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Karvonen, Lauri, and Bengt Sundelius. "Interdependence and Foreign Policy Management in Sweden and Finland." International Studies Quarterly 34, no. 2 (June 1990): 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2600709.
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Rydberg, Åsa. "Constitutional and Institutional Developments." Leiden Journal of International Law 12, no. 2 (June 1999): 451–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156599000217.
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On 10 February 1999, H.E. Ms. Anna Lindh, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Sweden visited the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) to sign an Agreement with the United Nations on the enforcement of sentences of the ICTY. The Agreement with Sweden differs from the previously concluded agreements with Italy, Finland and Norway in that it is limited to convicted persons with strong ties to Sweden.
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Das, Hirak Jyoti. "Israel’s Gas Diplomacy with Egypt." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 7, no. 2 (February 12, 2020): 215–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798920901877.
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Historically, Israel has been dependent on the imports of oil, coal, and natural gas to meet its energy demands, and energy security is an integral part of its security and foreign policy. In its neighborhood, gas relations with Egypt began in 2008, which was terminated in 2012, thereby propelling Israel to diversify its imports and explore domestic production. The latter inverted the energy balance that transformed Israel from being a buyer, and Egyptian firms have shown interest to open their market for Israeli gas. At the same time, fresh gas discoveries in Egypt have opened up new policy options and challenges for Israel. The research would be exploratory and contextualize the Israel–Egyptian relations through the prism of energy and focus on the potential for Israel’s gas diplomacy and engagement and would evaluate the drawbacks and challenges in its energy policy vis-à-vis Egypt.
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Ignatiev, P., and P. Bovsunivskyi. "EGYPT’S FOREIGN POLICY UNDER ABDEL FATTAH EL-SISI." ACTUAL PROBLEMS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, no. 134 (2018): 4–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2018.134.0.4-15.
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The article covers revolutionary changes in Egyptian foreign policy after the rise to power of Abdel Fattah el-Sisi. The authors note that the new President introduced a multidimensional policy, taking steps away from traditional dependence on the United States of America. To this end Egypt diversified suppliers for armed forces with the assistance of France and the Russian Federation, simultaneously expanding economic ties with China and the EU countries. The focus on the GCC monarchies that provide significant financial assistance to the regime also remains the important component of the Egyptian foreign policy. The article states that the aggravation of water shortages forces Egypt to conduct more active relations with African states, primarily with the Nile basin countries, but those attempts are “too little, too late”. The authors conclude that after exhausting all diplomatic means, Egypt can apply military force to protect its own water security against Ethiopia, but such policy will lead to direct clash with the United States of America and deterioration of Egyptian influence in Africa.
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Rupasov, Aleksander. "Finland in Search of Foreign Policy Guidelines." ISTORIYA 12, no. 7 (105) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016509-8.
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The article analyzes Finland's attempts to find a solution to current foreign policy problems in the interwar period. The main problem was the search for possible allies and guarantors of independence. The solution to this problem was complicated by a complex of factors: the limited interest of the great powers in accepting obligations guaranteeing the preservation of independence by Finland, the political and military weakness of possible allies (Latvia and Estonia), contradictions in relations with Sweden (not least caused by domestic political aspects both in Finland and Sweden), fears about Poland's foreign policy ambitions, potentially dangerous Finnish involvement in crisis situations Domestic political consensus on the issue of foreign policy orientation seemed to be achieved in the mid-1930s. However, the so-called Scandinavian orientation did not even partially solve the security problem. By the beginning of the pan-European crisis, the search for guarantors of independence remained an unresolved problem.
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Van Wyk, Jo-Ansie. "South Africa: A Growing Embrace of Feminist Foreign Policy?" Thinker 94, no. 1 (February 17, 2023): 64–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/the_thinker.v94i1.2359.
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In 2014, Sweden became the first country to adopt a feminist foreign policy. Although a new Swedish government abandoned the country’s feminist foreign policy in October 2022, Sweden has inspired many other states to adopt such a foreign policy to advance the status of women and girls. These developments have not gone unnoticed in South Africa, where historical relations between Swedenand the country’s liberation movements endure in post-apartheid South Africa. Unlike Sweden, South Africa never adopted or declared a feminist foreign policy due to historical and cultural reasons, and different conceptualisations of women, gender, and feminism. Instead, under the leadership of the African National Congress (ANC) since 1994, South Africa has diplomatically capitalised on its liberation struggle and human rights credentials; the latter which, to some extent, have for some time superseded a more focused emphasis on women’s rights. A more nuanced foreign policy focus on improving the status of women and gender equality emergedpartly due to international developments regarding women, peace, and security. Hence, the contribution explores feminist and/or gendered aspects of South Africa’s foreign policy of ubuntu (human-ness and humanity) and diplomatic practice, and the implications thereof. It has shown that South Africa’s growing embrace of elements associated with a feminist foreign policy includes memorialisation and symbolism (i.e. linking the liberation struggle and female stalwarts to foreign policy), positioning women in progressive internationalism, and integrating women in the definition of South Africa’s national interests.
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Kural, Muzaffer, and Gökhan Erdem. "Saudi Arabia’s Foreign Policy Towards Turkey During and After Arab Uprising: A Defensive Realism Approach." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 15 (February 15, 2023): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.4.
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The Arab Uprisings in 2011 have led to redistribution of power in the Middle East. It has brought challenges and opportunities for regional powers such as Saudi Arabia and Turkey. While Turkey has perceived the developments as an opportunity to increase its influence in the region, it has created threat perceptions for Saudi Arabia’s hegemony in the Middle East. Especially, due to Turkey’s rising influence in Egypt and Syria it has been perceived as a second rival, after Iran, by Riyadh. This article argues that due to Turkey’s rising power in Egypt and Syria, Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy towards Turkey has been shifting by supporting local actors in Egypt and Syria in order to maintain the status quo. The paper aims to analyze shifts in Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy towards Turkey during and post-Arab uprisings in the Middle East in the framework of defensive realism through the regional level of analysis.
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Aggestam, Karin, Annika Bergman Rosamond, and Annica Kronsell. "Theorising feminist foreign policy." International Relations 33, no. 1 (November 27, 2018): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117818811892.
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A growing number of states including Canada, Norway and Sweden have adopted gender and feminist-informed approaches to their foreign and security policies. The overarching aim of this article is to advance a theoretical framework that can enable a thoroughgoing study of these developments. Through a feminist lens, we theorise feminist foreign policy arguing that it is, to all intents and purposes, ethical and argue that existing studies of ethical foreign policy and international conduct are by and large gender-blind. We draw upon feminist International Relations (IR) theory and the ethics of care to theorise feminist foreign policy and to advance an ethical framework that builds on a relational ontology, which embraces the stories and lived experiences of women and other marginalised groups at the receiving end of foreign policy conduct. By way of conclusion, the article highlights the novel features of the emergent framework and investigates in what ways it might be useful for future analyses of feminist foreign policy. Moreover, we discuss its potential to generate new forms of theoretical insight, empirical knowledge and policy relevance for the refinement of feminist foreign policy practice.
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Kotlyar, Oleh. "Features of Sweden’s and Norway’s foreign policy towards Russia: Main problems and challenges." Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne 6, no. 2 (December 28, 2020): 97–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/we.2020.6.2.97-113.
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The article presents the characteristics of the foreign policy of Sweden and Norway towards Russia. The chronological framework of the work covers the period from the collapse of the USSR and the beginning of the functioning of the Russian Federation as a separate actor in the international arena and up to the present day. The author analyzes the evolution of the policy of the Scandinavian countries towards Russia. The article sets out the main elements of the policy of these countries in relations with the Russian Federation. The researcher presents the main challenges that Sweden and Norway face today in the process of implementing this policy towards Russia.
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Yang, Kai, and Stephan Ortmann. "From Sweden to Singapore: The Relevance of Foreign Models for China's Rise." China Quarterly 236 (May 28, 2018): 946–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741018000486.
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AbstractChina can be described as a “learning state” which has adapted to changing conditions and frequently turned outward for lessons. In recent years, Sweden and Singapore have drawn particularly strong interest from Chinese academics because the two countries represent two different “third ways” between Communism and capitalism and have been useful for developing a socialism “with Chinese characteristics.” Sweden is seen to symbolize the ideals of social equity and harmony while Singapore is seen as a model of authoritarian state-capitalism. China's transformation has resembled the Southeast Asia city state's model more than the Scandinavian social democratic model. Since Xi Jinping assumed power in 2012, interest in Sweden has reached a nadir, while attentiveness to Singapore has peaked. Although Chinese state-capitalism faces many challenges, including rising inequality and persistent corruption, it will be difficult to find an alternative role model that can successfully combine one-party rule with economic modernization.
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Cantori, Louis J. "The Islamic Movement in Egypt." American Journal of Islam and Society 13, no. 4 (January 1, 1996): 571–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v13i4.2288.
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The author of this book is a member of the Egyptian diplomatic servicewith a Ph.D. from the University of Geneva. This study employs carefullydefined concepts, the most important one being Islamism as the politicizationof Islamic symbols. In addition, however, he defines the boundarybetween the internal world of perceptions and the external world that isbeing perceived as the ummah. In so doing, the author logically raises thequestion of the universalism of Islam and the particularism of Egyptiannationalist foreign policy perceptions. It is this carefulness that allows theauthor to tell the story of Islamic ideological perceptions objectively andwithout raising controversies of theological interpretation.The book begins with a historical treatment of the Islamic perceptionof international relations from the foreign policy of the Prophet Muhammadto the formulations of al-Afghani, 'Abduh, and Ri<;ia. He includes inthis survey the organizational development and points of view of the allkhwanal-Muslimm, the al-Jama'at al-Isla.m1yah, and the clandestineorganizations, (e.g., Shabab Mul:tammad, al-Takfir wa al-Hijrah, and alJihad).He then goes on to identify the positions of these organizations onthe internal issues of the Muslim world, e.g., the Iranian revolution, theMuslim world in general, and the attitude toward particular Muslim countries.On the question of the Iranian revolution, the Ikhwan initially supportedit but, as the Iranians attacked it and its leader, al-Tilmasiin1, thissupport cooled. The Ikhwan had less concern with the Shi'ism of theIranian revolution than did the remaining more extreme groups in Egypt.These supported the revolution but had doubts about its Shi'ism.The "external" issue of the Israeli Zionist threat also provides evidenceof relative moderation by the lkhwan. It initially opposed the EgyptianIsraeli peace but then tacitly came to accept it. It also was totally opposedto the normalization of relations with Israel. As the author notes, this positionwas very much in conformity with Egyptian public sentiment. Theother groups, on the other hand, remained adamantly opposed.In general, the Egyptian Muslim organizational point of view offoreign policy naturally responded to international forces. Thus, theywere uniformly opposed to communism and especially the Soviet invasion ...
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Al-Hamati, Mohammed Abduljalil. "Foreign economic relations between Russia and Egypt in the agricultural sphere: Problems and prospects of development[54]." RUDN Journal of Economics 30, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 124–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2022-30-1-124-132.
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Nowadays Russia is actively developing economic cooperation with the African continent states. The article presents an analysis of trade and economic relations between Russia and Egypt. The Arab Republic of Egypt is a strategic partner of Russia in mutual trade in agricultural products and food in North Africa and the Middle East. The country is a major food importer and is a promising market for increasing the supply of agricultural products from Russia. The authors analyze: the dynamics of trade turnover in food products and agricultural raw materials between two countries; the commodity structure of exports and imports; Egypts place in Russian exports and imports of agricultural raw materials and food. The importance of the markets of the analyzed countries for mutual supplies is under authors consideration. The possibilities of development are analyzed and the problems and prospects of expanding investment cooperation between these countries in the field of agriculture are identified. The significance of the opening of the Russian Industrial Zone in Egypt for deepening trade and investment ties in the agro-industrial business is proved.
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Ibragimov, I. E. "The Role of Leaders in Formulation of the Foreign Policy Identity in Egypt." MGIMO Review of International Relations 14, no. 4 (September 9, 2021): 70–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2021-4-79-70-90.
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The features of the formation of the of the state explains the high level of interest in this scientific problem in the modern theory of international relations. The study of for eign policy identity is capable of providing an understanding of the policy-making activity of the state and its positioning in the international arena. The process of forming a foreign policy identity linked to both objective and subjective factors. The objective factors should be classified as geographical, historical, cultural and religious, the key subjective factors can be considered the role of a leader. This factor is standard for Middle Eastern states, especially for Egypt, where there are traditions of strong centralized powers. Egyptian leaders have supreme power in foreign policy decisions within the framework of the political system. Egypt's foreign policy is often determined by the personal character traits of the country's leaders. This article aims to study the role of the head of the Egypt in the search for foreign policy identity in the context of an identity crisis at the national level. Egypt has a long history of authoritarian rule, because it is impossible to separate national identity from foreign policy identity. Since its independent existence, each period with its own context established a different framework of identity and worldview for decision-makers in the field of Egypt`s foreign policy. The predominance of various elements in ideological as well as worldview in the age of the rule of a particular president has led to noticeable differences in Egypt's foreign policy at the current stage. This article attempts to answer the following research questions: What place does of the institute of the heads of State in foreign policy decisions? How leader's influence does determine the foreign policy role of the state? What changes in foreign policy priorities have taken place during the analysis period? What are the reasons for the differences between the main periods of Egypt's foreign policy in goals, tools and approaches to the outside world? The author comes to the conclusion that the change of the political leader plays an important role in the transformations of Egypt's foreign policy. The article analyzes the main trends in the foreign policy self-perception of Egypt in order to confirm the hypothesis that the foreign policy identity of Egypt had not evolved a discontinuity even in the conditions of dramatic events, whether it is the Arab-Israeli conflict, the Peace treaty with Israel or the events of the Arab Spring.
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Bjereld, Ulf, and Ann-Marie Ekengren. "Foreign Policy Dimensions: A Comparison Between the United States and Sweden." International Studies Quarterly 43, no. 3 (September 1999): 503–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0020-8833.00132.
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Krasnodębska, Molly. "‘Like us’ or ‘One of us’: Tensions between Liberal and Communitarian Values in EU-Ukraine Relations." New Perspectives 24, no. 2 (September 2016): 51–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2336825x1602400204.
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The article compares the Eastern Neighbourhood policies of the two founders of the Eastern Partnership (EaP), Poland and Sweden. It focuses on the two countries’ approaches towards Ukraine during the preparations of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement (AA) in late 2013. The article argues that while both Sweden and Poland have a strongly value-driven approach towards Ukraine, their foreign policies are guided by two different understandings of values: a liberal and a communitarian understanding. Sweden's foreign policy, which is based on liberal values, focuses on the promotion of certain ‘universal’ norms connected to human rights, democracy, and good governance in its neighbourhood, offering assistance in reforms to those countries which show commitment to these norms. By contrast, Poland's approach towards the Eastern neighbourhood is guided by a communitarian understanding of solidarity and ‘kinship duty’ based on perceptions of a common heritage and a shared regional identity. From the different understandings of values follow different logics of action. For Sweden, Ukraine's inclusion into the EU's institutional structures, e.g. through the AA, is conditioned on Ukraine's democratic performance and approximation to European standards. Poland, on the other hand, views Ukraine's inclusion into EU structures as a precondition for the country's success in reforms. Because of these different logics, the EaP at large, which is shaped by both liberal and communitarian values, entails intrinsic tensions. These tensions are arguably more problematic than tensions between values and interests, to which scholars often attribute the EaP's shortcomings.
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Zavada, Ya, and Ya Palok. "SWEDISH NEUTRALITY POLICY IN THE XXI CENTURY." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 3(55) (December 21, 2022): 48–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2022.3(55).269546.
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The article examines the neutrality policy of Sweden in the 21st century. The Kingdom of Sweden is one of the few countries on the international scene in the 21st century that implements its foreign policy through a policy of neutrality. It should be noted that Sweden has not directly participated in any military conflicts since the Napoleonic Wars. Also, the article analyzes Sweden's response to modern security challenges in the world and examines the transformation of the country's defense system between the end of the Cold War and the present day. It was established that the traditional policy of neutrality in the light of modern security problems has become ineffective, which forced the country to review its own security structure, as well as to deepen foreign policy relations with its partners, in particular in the field of security and defense. It is worth noting that the country maintained strong ties with NATO, but despite close cooperation, Sweden was a non-aligned state. However, the difficult situation on the international arena, namely the Russian armed invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, forced some countries, primarily Sweden and Finland, to review their security policy and join the countries of the North Atlantic Alliance.
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Hannum, Hurst. "The Strasbourg Declaration on the Right to Leave and Return." American Journal of International Law 81, no. 2 (April 1987): 432–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2202420.
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A small 3-day meeting of international lawyers and other experts was convened by the International Institute of Human Rights in Strasbourg, France, in November 1986 to consider the current status of the right to leave any country, including one’s own, and to return to one’s country. The approximately 30 participants were from Costa Rica, Egypt, the Federal Republic of Germany, France, Morocco, the Netherlands, Sweden, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, the United States and Zambia.
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Sadova, Lyudmila. "Escalation of Swedish-Norwegian Conflict in 1895 According to the Documents of Russian Diplomats." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2021): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640015015-4.
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The Swedish-Norwegian conflict, which resulted in the dissolution of the union in 1905, was accompanied by outbursts of tension in relations between political forces and the public of the two countries. In 1895, when the crisis reached its peak, rumours about the threat of a war between the “fraternal peoples” were circulating among the Swedish and Norwegian public. The purpose of this work is to analyze the reports of Russian representatives in the United Kingdom of Sweden and Norway, to identify the events in 1895 that attracted the attention of diplomats and the degree to which their attitudes towards opposing political forces influenced the formation of the general picture in the Russian Foreign Ministry. The research is based on documents from the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire. They contain a sufficient amount of information allowing one to identify the causes, course, stages, and evolution of the Swedish-Norwegian conflict as well as the driving forces behind it. The author concludes that, firstly, diplomatic reports suggest that Russian diplomacy took the threat of an armed clash between Sweden and Norway in 1895 quite seriously; secondly, the correspondence between the Russian ambassador and the Foreign Ministry contains a generally sober assessment of the political situation in Sweden and Norway The author concludes that, firstly, the threat of an armed conflict between Sweden and Norway in 1895 was taken quite seriously by Russian diplomacy, secondly, the correspondence between the Russian ambassador and the Foreign Ministry contains a generally sober assessment of the political situation in Sweden and Norway, and the actions of Norwegian radicals are openly condemned by the former on the pages of his reports; at the same the difficult situation in which the Swedish–Norwegian king Oscar II found himself aroused sympathy, and the monarch’s position in the conflict – respect.
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Holten, Birgitte. "Brazil's Early Nineteenth-Century Policy Towards Denmark and Sweden, 1808–1831." Itinerario 20, no. 1 (March 1996): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300021550.
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Brazil's active foreign policy tradition dates from the beginning of its existence as an independent state in the early nineteenth century. More than the former Spanish colonies in Latin America, Brazil considered the international recognition of its sovereignty an important goal. Therefore, Brazil demonstrated in the 1820s a great interest in the establishment of diplomatic relations and the negotiation of commercial treaties with the European nations and the United States.
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Makko, Aryo. "Sweden, Europe, and the Cold War: A Reappraisal." Journal of Cold War Studies 14, no. 2 (April 2012): 68–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00221.
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Traditionally, Sweden has been portrayed as an active bridge-builder in international politics in the 1960s and 1970s. The country advocated a “third way” toward democratic socialism and greater “justice” in international affairs, but these foreign policy prescriptions were never applied to European affairs. This article examines Sweden's relations with Europe by contrasting European integration with the Cold War. Negotiations on Swedish membership in the European Communities and Swedish policy at the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe were influenced by a general Berührungsangst toward Europe, which persisted during the years of détente. Because Swedish decision-makers believed that heavy involvement in European affairs would constrict Sweden's freedom of action, Swedish leaders' moral proclamations were applied exclusively to distant Third World countries rather than the egregious abuses of human rights in the Soviet bloc.
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Buriak, K. M. "FEATURES OF CONFLICT-OF-LAWS REGULATION OF INTERNATIONAL WORK RELATIONS." Constitutional State, no. 41 (March 17, 2021): 103–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2411-2054.2021.41.225615.
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The article provides a comprehensive legal study of the basic principles of conflict-oflaws and legal regulation of work, complicated by a foreign element. It is determined that work relations complicated by a foreign element include: work of local citizens with foreign employers outside their country; foreign business trips of citizens to work abroad; work at enterprises owned by foreign entrepreneurs on the territory of their state; work of foreigners in the host state. It is noted that conflict-of-laws issues in the field of work relations complicated by a foreign element arise due to the specifics of the national legislation of each of the countries and the inconsistency of private international law in this area. The article analyzes the peculiarities of work of foreigners in Austria, Brazil, Canada, China, Romania, USA, Tunisia, Hungary, Ukraine, France, Germany, Czech Republic, Sweden, Switzerland, Japan. Based on the analysis it is concluded that the working conditions of emigrants are regulated by Public Law Regulations, which are mandatory and less humane in their content than the general conditions established by the general labor legislation and collective agreements. Foreign workers are directly dependent on entrepreneurs due to threats of expulsion, language difficulties, lack of professional training and other reasons. It is characterized by free overtime work, non-provision of vacations and sick leave. The article describes the conflict-of-laws bindings, which regulate work relations complicated by a foreign element, namely: the law of the autonomous will of the parties, the law of the place of performing of work, the law of the location of the employer, the law of the place of conclusion of an employment contract, the principle of the employer's personal law, the law of citizenship (domicile), the law of the flag, the principle of the closest connection. The features of the operation of conflict-of-laws bindings regulating work relations complicated by a foreign element in countries of different legal families are considered
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Berg, Roald. "Norway’s Foreign Politics during the Union with Sweden, 1814-1905: A Reconsideration." Diplomacy & Statecraft 31, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2020.1721051.
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Seeberg, Peter. "The EU and Constitutionalism in Egypt: EU Foreign and Security Policy Challenges with a Special Focus on the Changing Political Setting in the MENA-region." European Foreign Affairs Review 18, Issue 3 (August 1, 2013): 411–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2013025.
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The academic works on transition processes following the Arab revolts in the Middle East since the beginning of 2011 have so far mostly focused on the extraordinary character of the events which took place in Tunis, Cairo, Benghazi, etc. - attempting to explain the reasons for the in many ways surprising development in the region. This article analyses how strategic relations between the EU and Egypt are being challenged by constitutional changes in Egypt following the political development since early 2011. Initially the article describes European-Egyptian relations prior to the fall of President Hosni Mubarak by briefly going back to early contacts between the EEC and President Gamal Abdel Nasser and how more elaborate agreements developed up to recent times. Taking this historical point of departure the article characterizes the role of the EU in connection with the development since the start of the unrest in Egypt followed by an analysis of the European-Egyptian relationship over the last two years divided in three parts: Egypt and the ENP-UfM complex, the Muslim Brotherhood and the Egyptian political transformation process seen in a European perspective and finally the migration issue in the context of Egyptian-European relations. The article argues that the EU policies, which earlier have been dominated by a pragmatic approach towards the Mubarak regime, now have to be rethought considering an Egyptian polity, where the contours of a new constitutionalism are developing.
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Němečková, Tereza, Lea Melnikovová, and Natalia Piskunova. "Russia's return to Africa: a comparative study of Egypt, Algeria and Morocco." Journal of Modern African Studies 59, no. 3 (August 26, 2021): 367–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x21000070.
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AbstractThe article analyses Russia's recent return to Africa. It attempts to answer the question to what extent Russia has abandoned its traditional tools of cooperation such as nuclear energy and military cooperation and engaged in new ‘smart’ ones as indicated by former Foreign Minister Ivanov in 2011. The paper builds on three case studies of African countries having the largest trade volume with Russia in 2018, i.e. Egypt, Algeria and Morocco, and analyses their changing relationship with Russia over the last decade. The results show that Russia has not abandoned its traditional tools but has intensified the use of new ones. The North African region as such has regained significance in Russia's foreign policy. Bilateral relations with all three North African countries have increased at both political and economic levels recently.
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Parlanova, Aila Telman kyzy. "Turkey's Geopolitical interests in Sudan." Мировая политика, no. 2 (February 2022): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2022.2.36649.
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The subject of the study is Turkish–Sudanese relations at the present stage, the object is Turkey's foreign policy strategy. The aim of the work is to identify Ankara's geopolitical goals in Sudan after the conclusion of the Suakin Island lease agreement in 2017 and to analyze the state of bilateral relations after the overthrow of Sudanese President Omar al–Bashir in 2019. Turning to primary sources, the study shows that Turkey's foreign policy in Sudan is a logical continuation of the policy of neo-Ottomanism and pan-Islamism. An analysis of political events in the region reveals that Ankara needs to consolidate in Sudan in order to weaken the positions of the President of Egypt, A. F. Al–Sisi. It is determined that in the case of the creation of a military base on the island of Suakin, near the Suez Canal, Ankara gets access to four of the seven most vulnerable logistics hubs of the World Ocean at once. In the Russian literature, this topic has been studied only in certain aspects, without a comprehensive analytical generalization, which determines the novelty of this work. The establishment of a new government in Sudan in December 2019, loyal to Saudi Arabia and Egypt, meant that Ankara's foreign policy course in Khartoum did not justify itself. A comparison of Turkey's foreign policy strategy in Somalia and Sudan reveals Ankara's main miscalculation – insufficient use of "soft power" tools. Nevertheless, in the Program of the Foreign Policy of the Republic of Turkey for 2021, Sudan is given a separate place among potential partners. It is concluded that despite the obvious political miscalculation, Ankara still intends to promote relations with Khartoum and pursue its geopolitical interests. Consequently, East Africa and the Red Sea region play a significant role in Turkey's foreign policy. It is necessary to take this factor into account when studying and forecasting Ankara's foreign policy on the world stage.
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Ehteshami, Anoushiravan. "Egypt and the Arabs: foreign policy and the search for national identity." International Affairs 67, no. 2 (April 1991): 370–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620918.
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Campbell, John C., and Joseph P. Lorenz. "Egypt and the Arabs: Foreign Policy and the Search for National Identity." Foreign Affairs 69, no. 5 (1990): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044666.
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Volkov, A. M. "Contemporary Foreign Economic Relations of Russia with the Countries of Northern Europe." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 3 (July 3, 2021): 176–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-3-10.
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Recently new problems have arisen that have complicated Russia’s foreign economic relations with foreign countries. The countries of Northern Europe were no exception. The economic situation in many countries was far from optimal. Problems with economy took place in the euro area. A significant drop in oil prices led to a slowdown in economic growth in the Russian Federation and a sharp decline of ruble exchange rate. Since 2014, various Western sanctions have emerged, followed by retaliatory sanctions from Russia. Against this background, the analysis of the dynamics of Russian economic relations with the Nordic countries is of particular interest. A sharp decline in foreign economic indicators occurred in 2015–2016. Subsequent development has shown different dynamics. On the one hand, by the end of the 2010s foreign trade with Finland and Sweden did not reach the level of 2013–2014 (primarily due to the decline in oil prices), but on the other, foreign trade indicators with Denmark and Norway were exceeded (due to Russian exports). Year 2020 brought new problems – the coronavirus pandemic and the associated restrictions on the movement of goods, services and people, as well as the rupture of production chains, which had an impact on foreign economic relations – and exacerbated the old ones: a new sharp drop in oil prices and a new depreciation of ruble. The article reveals the features of the general dynamics and commodity structure of foreign trade with each of the observed countries. The significant dependence of Russian exports, primarily on energy supplies, is considered in detail. Special attention is given to the general dynamics of foreign direct investment in Russia. The problems of modern development of Russian export and import were analyzed.
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Elayah, Moosa. "Lack of foreign aid effectiveness in developing countries between a hammer and an anvil." Contemporary Arab Affairs 9, no. 1 (January 1, 2016): 82–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2015.1124519.
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This article examines reasons for the ineffectiveness of foreign aid interventions in developing countries, using the examples of Yemen, Egypt and Jordan. It starts with a review of two contradictory theories used to explain foreign aid ineffectiveness: the public interest perspective (PIP) and the public choice perspective (PCP). On the basis of the PCP, this article shows that deficiencies are locked within a vicious circle of a poor policy and institutional environments in developing countries and donors' self-interest. The article ends by proposing a third explanation of foreign aid ineffectiveness that goes beyond the scope of the PCP.
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KRESIN, OLEKSIY. "Ukrainian-Swedish Relations and Treaties of the XVII–XVIII Centuries." Право України, no. 2020/02 (2020): 291. http://dx.doi.org/10.33498/louu-2020-02-291.
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It can be said that Sweden’s appeal to Ukraine during the Thirty Years War (1618–1648) and the formation of an imperial state was quite understandable: Ukraine was the enemy of Sweden’s enemies. But the peculiarities of political and economic development of Sweden and its allies caused their claims to the West Ukrainian and Belarus lands. This made it impossible to conclude a full-fledged political treaty. The like situation is with Ukrainian-Swedish relations in 1708–1709, when Sweden was a guarantor of possession of West Ukrainian lands by Polish-Lithuanian state. Ukrainian-Swedish treaties of the XVII – early XVIII centuries had only a military-tactical character and a short-lived action. Only a crisis after Swedish-Ukrainian forces defeat and prolonged living hand-by-hand in the Ottoman Empire (1709–1714) gradually brought royal Swedish protectorate as a form of military alliance to full-fledged recognition of Ukraine as the state and concluding treaty of political nature. Unfortunately, its implementation was very limited. In addition, the close encounter with foreign legal culture and other circumstances of UkrainianSwedish relations gave the impetus to reviewing the grounds of state and law of Ukraine and the emergence of the “Pacts and Resolutions of the Rights and Privileges of the Viysko Zaporozke”, known as the Constitution of Ukraine of 1710. We argue that this document together with confirmation and assecuration charters by Karl XII is not only a monument of Ukrainian constitutionalism, but also a treaty between Ukraine and its protector, the king of Sweden.
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Kelly, Elaine. "Performing Diplomatic Relations: Music and East German Foreign Policy in the Middle East during the Late 1960s." Journal of the American Musicological Society 72, no. 2 (2019): 493–540. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2019.72.2.493.
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Music provided the German Democratic Republic (GDR) with a crucial international platform during the Cold War. Denied diplomatic recognition by most Western nations until the early 1970s, the state depended on artists to negotiate its image abroad and channeled considerable resources to this end. This article explores how the GDR tried to expedite diplomatic relations with Egypt, Syria, and Lebanon in the late 1960s through an intensive program of musical activity, which included attempts to send East German musical “experts” to Cairo and Damascus, and the organization of state-funded tours to the region by high-profile ensembles such as the Dresdner Philharmonie, the Rundfunk-Sinfonieorchester Leipzig, the Gewandhausorchester Leipzig, and the Deutsche Staatsoper. Examining variously the politics of cultural transfer that these activities entailed, the economics involved, and the power dynamics that played out in the relations between the GDR and Egypt, in particular, the article illuminates the way music diplomacy functioned between Cold War periphery states. Notably, cultural exchange between the GDR and the Arab nations was shaped as much by discourses of postcolonialism, anti-imperialism, and anti-Zionism as it was by any binary opposition of Marxist-Leninism and capitalist democracy.
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Gharib, Samir. "Virtues and Tragedies of Surrealism in Egypt." Nka Journal of Contemporary African Art 2021, no. 49 (November 1, 2021): 100–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10757163-9435709.
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The author begins by providing a summarized timeline of the beginning and development of surrealism in Egypt, with a focus on the activities of the Art and Liberty group, inspired and established in 1939 by Georges Henein. Nearly 50 years later, in 1986, the author published Surrealism in Egypt and Plastic Arts (Cairo: Ministry of Culture, Foreign Cultural Relations, 1986), a historical account of surrealism in Egypt and the artistic and societal impact of the Art and Liberty group within this context. He offers the reader a glimpse into his interest and intention in writing Surrealism in Egypt and a selective account of and his rebuttal to certain critics of his book. The author concludes by reiterating the importance of this era and the activities of the Art and Liberty group and by recommending that another, deeply researched book be published to surpass Surrealism in Egypt that includes the international or non-Egyptian relationships and activities of this group of writers and artists.
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Bogdan, Michael. "Private International Law Aspects of the Introduction of Same-Sex Marriages in Sweden." Nordic Journal of International Law 78, no. 3 (2009): 253–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/090273509x12448190941246.
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AbstractOn 1 May 2009, Swedish law was amended in order to allow regular marriages between two persons of the same gender. While this reform was relatively simple from the point of view of Swedish family law, it gives rise to a number of questions concerning private international law, mainly because the large majority of foreign countries do not, and within foreseeable future will not, permit such marriages.
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Schumacher, Tobias. "The Mediterranean as a New Foreign Policy Challenge? Sweden and the Barcelona Process." Mediterranean Politics 6, no. 3 (January 23, 2001): 81–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713604533.
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Haddad, Yvonne. "Good Copt, Bad Copt: Competing Narratives on Coptic Identity in Egypt and the United States." Studies in World Christianity 19, no. 3 (December 2013): 208–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2013.0058.
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This study analyses the relationship between the Coptic community in the United States and Egyptian Copts regarding the status of Coptic citizenship in the Egyptian state. The conception of citizenship for the Coptic Christian minority has been debated since the formation of the modern nation-state and has acquired greater relevance after the revolution that brought the Muslim Brotherhood to power. One primary narrative of citizenship is promoted by the Egyptian Church. It recognises that, while Copts may not feel like equal citizens, they are devoted to their homeland. They try to promote greater equality through civil discourse, opposing foreign intervention and seeking to foster positive relations with Egypt's Muslims. While many Diaspora Copts echo the message of the Egyptian Church, a minority of activist Copts have challenged that narrative. Inculcated with ideas of Islamophobia and neoconservatism, they tend to dismiss hopes of national unity and focus rather on incidents of persecution. These diaspora activist groups continue to challenge the Coptic Church. Their policies have influenced American foreign policy and have broader implications for Muslim–Christian relations in Egypt.
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Koo, Youngeun. "The Question of Adoption: “Divided” Korea, “Neutral” Sweden, and Cold War Geopolitics, 1964–75." Journal of Asian Studies 80, no. 3 (February 16, 2021): 563–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911820004581.
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This article examines the early development of South Korean intercountry adoption to Sweden. It focuses particularly on two disruptions in the movement of children between the two nations, drawing on archival sources in Sweden, South Korea, and Denmark. The article demonstrates that South Korean–Swedish adoption was deeply bound up in the shifting Cold War relations within and between the Korean peninsula and Scandinavia in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Further, state actions and strategies during this time reveal that both governments actively utilized their Cold War foreign policy and positionality to shape adoption to meet their respective national interests. This study extends US-centered adoption scholarship by revealing broader implications of Cold War geopolitics in cross-border adoptions to Scandinavia and, more importantly, significant ways in which intercountry adoption challenged, altered, and constituted the Cold War relations and nation-building projects of both sending and receiving states.
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YIMER, Nigusu Adem. "ETHIOPIA: THE CHANGING ASPECTS OF THE ETHIO-EGIPT WATER DIPLOMACY – KEY DRIVES, CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 41 (October 5, 2022): 78–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.41.5.
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Starting the inception of the 2010s, Ethiopia’s relations with Egypt have been experiencing one of the deepest crises in the relationship of the two countries’ history. Ethiopia, one of the upper riparian states of the Nile River not only theoretically challenged the exclusive veto power of Egypt over the Nile River but also practically start constructing one of Africa’s largest hydropower dams on the Blue Nile since 2011. The challenging behavior of Ethiopia over the Nile River worried the long-standing regional hegemon, Egypt. Against this background, this paper aims to forward a new insight into how and why Ethiopia challenged the long-standing superior-subordinate Egypt-led order over the Nile River. Moreover, in its discussion, the paper tries to address key drives, challenges, and prospects of Ethiopia-Egypt water diplomacy. The paper also illustrates how and why the Ethio-Egypt water diplomacy strain becomes a cross-cut on the two nation’s foreign policy matters. The paper has also attempted to understand how the superior-subordinate power duality approach works over the Nile River against the new balancer. Keywords: Ethiopia, Egypt, Relation, Nile River, Challenges, Prospects
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Åse, Cecilia. "Ship of Shame: Gender and Nation in Narratives of the 1981 Soviet Submarine Crisis in Sweden." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 1 (January 2016): 112–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00621.
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This article demonstrates that the concepts of gender and nation illuminate the Swedish-Soviet submarine crisis in February 1981, when a nuclear-armed Soviet submarine was stranded for ten days in the Swedish archipelago. The crisis challenged both the Swedish armed forces’ status as protectors of the national territory and the government's foreign policy doctrine of neutrality. The article analyzes Swedish media from 1981 to identify the interpretive frames, with a particular emphasis on emotions and body imagery. Gendered notions of protection permeated the crisis narratives. Male bodies embodied national and military agency, whereas women's bodies symbolically merged with the Swedish nation's territory. The Soviet intruders were disparaged and Swedish military prestige redeemed through gendered and corporeal representations. The article improves our understanding of the way the Swedish ideal of the neutral soldier and the foreign policy doctrine of neutrality incorporated gender.
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Corell, Hans. "Legal Advisers Meet at UN Headquarters in New york." American Journal of International Law 85, no. 2 (April 1991): 371–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002930000010113.
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On October 29 and 30, 1990, a meeting was held of the heads of the offices responsible for international legal services of the Ministries of Foreign Affairs of the member states of the United Nations—the Legal Advisers. The meeting was organized at the invitation of the Legal Advisers of the Ministries of Foreign Affairs of Canada, India, Mexico, Poland and Sweden, and with the assistance of the Legal Counsel of the United Nations, Under-Secretary-General Carl-August Fleischhauer. Some twenty-five Legal Advisers and thirty-two of their deputies or other representatives attended, including all five colleagues representing the permanent members of the Security Council.
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Owen, Roger. "Power, class and foreign capital in Egypt: the rise of a new bourgeoisie." International Affairs 66, no. 2 (April 1990): 413. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621439.
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Stewart, Philip D., Margaret G. Hermann, and Charles F. Hermann. "Modeling the 1973 Soviet Decision to Support Egypt." American Political Science Review 83, no. 1 (March 1989): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956433.
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We present a contingency model of Soviet foreign policy making that focuses on decision making in the Politburo. The model is designed around three questions and shows how the answers to these questions determine the likely nature of the decision the Politburo will reach at any point in time. The questions are (1) Whose positions on the Politburo are critical to making a decision? (2) What are the positions or preferences of those who count on the issue under consideration? (3) How are disagreements among these individuals handled? The model is illustrated by examining the Soviet decision to increase significantly the numbers and types of weapons delivered to Egypt in early 1973. Of interest in this case is accounting for the shift in Soviet policy from refusing Egypt offensive weapons to providing them.
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OLDBERG, INGMAR. "Peace Propaganda and Submarines: Soviet Policy toward Sweden and Northern Europe." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 481, no. 1 (September 1985): 51–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716285481001005.
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Since the late 1970s, as part of an intensified peace propaganda campaign, the Soviet Union has sought to create a nuclear-free zone in Sweden and northern Europe. Simultaneously, it has increased its criticism of Sweden's defense, partly to offset the effects of Soviet submarine violations of Swedish waters. These violations have increased since the stranding of the U-137 in 1981 and have seriously impaired Soviet-Swedish relations. The Soviet leaders perceive new opportunities with the advent of the Social Democrats in Sweden, whose active foreign policy favors détente and disarmament rather than the arms race. Important factors in the background include growing East-West tension, with Soviet superiority in northern Europe, and the political and economic stagnation, militarization, and “KGB-ization” of Soviet society.