Journal articles on the topic 'Sweden – Foreign relations – Czechoslovakia'
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1
Martiushev, Aleksandr, Oleg Eduardovich Terekhov, and Oksana Nikolaevna Terekhova. "Foreign policy of the First Czechoslovak Republic in the coverage of Soviet historiography." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 4 (April 2020): 84–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2020.4.33287.
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The goal of this article consists in determination of the key aspects of foreign policy of the First Czechoslovak Republic, described in the Soviet historical science since the end of the World War II until dissolution of the Soviet Union. The subject of this research is the writings of Soviet historians dedicated to examination of foreign policy of interwar Czechoslovakia. The object of this research is the Soviet historiography of the late 1940s – late 1980s. The interest towards foreign policy problematic is substantiated by its crucial importance for the existence of the First Republic, which fully depended on the stability of the Versailles System of international relations that gave rise to it and was eliminated along with it. Analysis the works of Soviet historians allows concluding that the main vectors in examination of foreign policy of the First Czechoslovak Republic and its assessment were formed by the early 1960s, and with no significant changes lasted until dissolution of the Soviet Union. It is worth noting that the national historiography at that time significantly advances in studying various aspects of foreign policy of the First Czechoslovak Republic, namely Czechoslovakia–Soviet Union relations and events preceding the Munich Agreement and liquidation of the First Republic. However, the prevalent in Soviet science class approach, with all its significance, did not allow giving an unbiased assessment to the events of 1938, as well as to foreign policy of the interwar Czechoslovakia overall.
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Bedi̇r, Ayşe. "EVREN KÜÇÜK, Türkiye-İsveç İlişkileri (1914-1938) / Turkey-Sweden Relations (1914- 1938), Publications of Turkish Historical Society, Ankara 2017. [Book Review]." Belleten 82, no. 294 (August 1, 2018): 759–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2018.759.
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The purpose of this book review is to fulfi ll the absence of comprehensive study on the Turkey-Sweden relations both Sweden and Turkey yet. Turkey-Sweden Relations (1914- 1938) is an original work, which is suitable for scientifi c criteria and prepared as a doctoral thesis, receives the details of the relations of both countries for the fi rst time in detail, and sheds light on the last years of the Ottoman Empire and the early Republican period of Turkey. Very rich sources are used in this work with a simple language and style. As it is seen that in preparation of the book the sources of the foreign archives and local archives such as Sveria Riksarkivet (Sweden State Archives), Sveria Krigsarkivet (Sweden Military Archives), Kungliga Bibliotek (Sweden Royal Library), Uppsala University, Carolina Rediviva Library, The National Archives (London), League of Nations Photo Archive, Prime Ministry Republican Archives, Prime Ministry Ottoman Archives, Red Crescent Archives, Presidency Archive, Foreign Ministry Archives, Istanbul Sea Museum Archive, Turkish Revolution History Institute Archives have been used. Additionally, the book uses domestic and foreign literature, newspapers and magazines.
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Taterová, Eva. "Proměny přístupu československé diplomacie k arabsko-izraelskému konfliktu v letech 1948–1967." Mezinárodní vztahy 57, no. 1 (April 7, 2022): 43–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv-cjir.1795.
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This study examines the evolution of Czechoslovak foreign policy towards selected actors of Arab-Israeli conflict in 1948–1967. Once very friendly relations of Czechoslovakia with Israel were soon replaced by a gradually developing cooperation with some Arab actors. However, even this partnership encountered several difficult moments. Despite long-term ideological disputes with Arab nationalist leaders, Czechoslovakia demonstrated unconditional support for the Arab coalition in the Six-Day War (1967), and the pro-Arab orientation had become the unquestionable line of Czechoslovak Middle East policy in the Cold War. Since the article is based on the New Cold War History approach, in addition to the previously unpublished information from the archival documents it also aims to offer a partial interpretation of Czechoslovakia’s diplomatic position as a satellite state of the Soviet Union with regard to its foreign policy strategies towards selected Middle Eastern Third world countries in the first two decades of the Cold War.
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Dmytryshyn, Basil. "The Legal Framework for the Sovietization of Czechoslovakia 1941–1945." Nationalities Papers 25, no. 02 (June 1997): 255–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408502.
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Literature in many languages (documentary, monographic, memoir-like and periodical) is abundant on the sovietization of Czechoslovakia, as are the reasons advanced for it. Some observers have argued that the Soviet takeover of the country stemmed from an excessive preoccupation with Panslavism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries by a few Czech and Slovak intellectuals, politicians, writers and poets and their uncritical affection and fascination for everything Russian and Soviet. Others have attributed the drawing of Czechoslovakia into the Soviet orbit to Franco-British appeasement of Hitler's imperial ambitions during the September 1938, Munich crisis. At Munich, Czechoslovakia lost its sovereignty and territory, France its honor, England its respect and trust; and the Soviet Union, by its abstract offer to aid Czechoslovakia (without detailing how or in what form the assistance would come) gained admiration. Still others have pinned the blame for the sovietization of Czechoslovakia on machinations by top leaders of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, who, as obedient tools of Moscow, supported Soviet geopolitical designs on Czechoslovakia, who sought and received political asylum in the USSR during World War II, and who returned to Czechoslovakia with the victorious Soviet armed forces at the end of World War II as high-ranking members of the Soviet establishment. Finally, there are some who maintain that the sovietization of Czechoslovakia commenced with the 25 February 1948, Communist coup, followed by the tragic death of Foreign Minister Jan Masaryk on 10 March 1948, and the replacement, on 7 June 1948, of President Eduard Beneš by the Moscow-trained, loyal Kremlin servant Klement Gottwald.
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Marjina, V. "Gustáv Husák, Prague Spring of 1968, Czechoslovakia, USSR foreign policy, Brezhnev doctrine, Soviet-Czechoslovak relations." Славяноведение, no. 5 (October 2018): 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0869544x0000854-2.
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Thomson, Jennifer. "What's Feminist about Feminist Foreign Policy? Sweden's and Canada's Foreign Policy Agendas." International Studies Perspectives 21, no. 4 (January 24, 2020): 424–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekz032.
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Abstract Across politics and public discourse, feminism is experiencing a global renaissance. Yet feminist academic work is divided over the burgeoning use of the term, particularly in reference to economic and international development policy. For some, feminism has been co-opted for neoliberal economic ends; for others, it remains a critical force across the globe. This article explores the nascent feminist foreign policies of Sweden and Canada. Employing a discourse analysis of both states’ policy documents, it asks what the term “feminist” meant in preliminary attempts at constructing a feminist foreign policy. It argues that although both use the term “feminist,” they understand the term very differently, with Sweden centering it in domestic and international commitments to change, while Canada places greater emphasis on the private sector. This suggests that this policy agenda is still developing its central concepts, and is thus ripe for intervention on the part of policymakers and civil society organizations.
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Serapionova, Elena. "The Interim treaty between the RSFSR and Czechoslovakia: on the 100th anniversary of signing." Slavic Almanac, no. 1-2 (2022): 68–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2022.1-2.1.04.
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The article is devoted to establishing contacts of Soviet Russia and Czechoslovakia. It also deals with the signing of the first treaty between the countries on June 5, 1922. The centenary of the document and the complicated Russian-Czech relations in recent years determine the relevance of addressing these subjects. The aim of the article is on the basis of documents found in the Russian Foreign Policy Archive (the correspondence of the Soviet representatives in Prague S. I. Gillerson and P. N. Mostovenko with the People’s Commissar for Foreign Affairs V. G. Chicherin and his deputy M. M. Litvinov), as well as on published materials on the history of Soviet-Czechoslovak relations, to explain the contradictions that existed between the parties and to show ways of overcoming them. Based on the latest research by Russian and Czech historians, the author analyses the international situation of that time, the terms of the agreement, draws attention to the fact that the agreement was not ratified by the Parliament of the Czechoslovak Republic, but came into effect by a government decree. It is concluded that the strategic goal of the Soviet foreign policy to achieve a de jure recognition was not implemented at that time. However, the Interim Treaty meant a de facto recognition of the RSFSR and created conditions for the development of trade and economic cooperation.
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Elder, N. C. M. "Democracy and foreign policy: the case of Sweden." International Affairs 63, no. 4 (1987): 685–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2619712.
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Zorin, Artem. "The February 1948 Crisis in Czechoslovakia: Reaction, Assessments And Consequenses for the USA Foreign Policy." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (April 2022): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.2.6.
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Introduction. The article examines the reaction of American diplomatic, political and media circles, who were involved in the development of the US political course and the formation of mass sentiments, to the crisis in Czechoslovakia in February 1948. It reveals connections between the perceptions of political processes in Eastern Europe by various segments of the American political elite and the nature of political decisions made by the US government. Methods. The research is based on archival documents and articles of leading American papers. Their analysis allows us to consider the transformation of the image of Czechoslovakia, perceptions of its domestic and foreign policy, the evolution of assessments of Czechoslovak realities in the US, depending on the domestic and international situation and changing world situation. Analysis. In February 1948, during the tense political crisis, a communist regime was established in Czechoslovakia. This event completed the creation of the Soviet bloc in Europe, and influenced the development of the US containment policy towards the USSR and the escalation of the Cold War. The February crisis caused a tangible reaction in the United States. It was considered in American media, diplomatic and political circles in general context of growing international tension and Soviet-American controversies. Results. The author concludes that the US government was convinced that the communists’ coup d’état was inspired by the Kremlin. The Americans were shocked by its suddenness and speed, the lack of resistance from democratic forces. This effect was used by the US government to whip up anti-Soviet sentiments and to adopt the Marshall Plan.
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Lampe, John R. "Yugoslavia’s Foreign Policy in Balkan Perspective: Tracking between the Superpowers and Non-Alignment." East Central Europe 40, no. 1-2 (2013): 97–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04001001.
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From 1960 forward, Yugoslavia based its independent foreign policy on three “special relationships”, balancing its accommodation with the Soviet Union by close relations with the United States and the new Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). Paying special attention to the roles of Yugoslavia’s Foreign Ministry and the US State Department as well as President Tito, this article addresses three crucial periods in which the intersection of Yugoslavia’s relations with the US, the USSR and the NAM prompted a decisive turn in its foreign policy. In 1961–63, Tito’s support for the NAM damaged its US relations to Soviet benefit. But in 1967–71, NAM indifference to the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia turned Tito back toward the US, as advocated by his Foreign Ministry. And in 1976-79, Soviet and Bulgarian efforts to coopt the NAM through Cuba’s Presidency prompted a successful rebuff led by Yugoslavia and appreciated in Washington. After 1979, however, Belgrade’s post Tito reliance on economic relations with the NAM members had unintended and damaging domestic consequences, obstructing the Slovenian and Croatian commitment to West European trade while also dividing Bosnian Muslims from Bosnian Serbs.
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Munteanu, Mircea. "When the Levee Breaks: The Impact of the Sino-Soviet Split and the Invasion of Czechoslovakia on Romanian-Soviet Relations, 1967–1970." Journal of Cold War Studies 12, no. 1 (January 2010): 43–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2010.12.1.43.
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Romania's position regarding the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968 was the culmination of almost a decade of increasingly autonomous moves vis-à-vis Moscow. Based on new evidence from the Romanian archives, this article paints a more complete picture of Nicolae Ceauşescu's reaction to the invasion of Czechoslovakia, placing it in the context of the international system and especially the Sino-Soviet split. Following the invasion, Romania remained just as committed as before to the goal of ensuring its maneuverability on the world scene, especially with regard to sovereignty and independence. Although Romanian leaders tried not to provoke the Soviet Union outright, they did not back down on important issues concerning Sino-Romanian relations and did not embrace Moscow's call for a common Warsaw Pact foreign policy. Romania did agree to certain compromises, but only because Ceauşescu believed that Romania would remain largely unaffected by them.
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Karvonen, Lauri, and Bengt Sundelius. "Interdependence and Foreign Policy Management in Sweden and Finland." International Studies Quarterly 34, no. 2 (June 1990): 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2600709.
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Stankov, Nikolaj N. "The First Book about the Czechoslovak Republic in the USSR: “The Modern Czecho-Slovakia” by Pavel N. Mostovenko." Slavic Almanac, no. 1-2 (2021): 78–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2021.1-2.1.05.
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The article dwells upon the book “The Modern Czecho-Slovakia” by Pavel N. Mostovenko — the Soviet representative in Prague from June, 1921 till February, 1923. The author of the article supposes that Mostovenko began to work on this book immediately after his return from Czechoslovakia in the spring of 1923 following his fresh impressions and having all the necessary materials. All the chapters of this book embraced a wide range of problems: a brief history of Czechia, the foundation of the Czechoslovak Republic, its social and economic development, the financial system, the constitution of 1920 and the functioning of the state machinery, the leading political parties, the relations among different ethnic groups, home and foreign policy. In the USSR Mostovenko’s book was the first attempt at interpreting the history of the Czechoslovak Republic from the point of view of the communist ideology. At the same time, the author of the article states that in Mostovenko’s book quite a few aspects of the development of Czechoslovakia at the beginning of 1920s are interpreted in a way different from the documents of Comintern and the Soviet press of that period. The author of the article proves that Mostovenko on the basis of the analysis of the international relations in Central Europe after World War I predicted that in case of an essential breach of the balances of powers in the Versailles system of international relations, Czechoslovakia would became its first victim and neither France nor the allies in the Little Entente would help it. Exactly this happened in 1938.
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Rydberg, Åsa. "Constitutional and Institutional Developments." Leiden Journal of International Law 12, no. 2 (June 1999): 451–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156599000217.
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On 10 February 1999, H.E. Ms. Anna Lindh, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Sweden visited the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) to sign an Agreement with the United Nations on the enforcement of sentences of the ICTY. The Agreement with Sweden differs from the previously concluded agreements with Italy, Finland and Norway in that it is limited to convicted persons with strong ties to Sweden.
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Moshechkov, Petr V. "Czechoslovakia and the USSR in 1933 — June 1934: On the Way to Establishing Diplomatic Relations." Central-European Studies 2021, no. 4(13) (2021): 242–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.10.
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The subject of the present study is the process of normalisation of the relations between the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia in 1933 — June 1934. Regarding the historiography of the problem it should be stressed that in the Russian as well as in the Czech and Slovak historiography exists a considerable part of scientific works which are concerned with this problem. Among them we can mark such works which were written in the 1950s — 1970s by Czechoslovak (A. Ort, V. Moulis, V. Olivová, V. Král) as well as Soviet (P. I. Rezonov, S. I. Prasolov, A. F. Kizchenko, I. A. Peters) historians. The modern Czech and Slovak works are presented by monographs and articles by A. Klímek, E. Kubů, B. Ferenčuhová, J. Dejmek, E. Voráček, D. Hubený and B. Litera. In contemporary Russian historical science the problem of Czechoslovak–Soviet relations in the middle of interwar period was studied by O. N. Ken and A. I. Rupasov. However, their studies are mainly concentrated on the circumstances of signing on 16 May 1935 of the Soviet-Czechoslovak treaty of mutual assistance on the background of the Franco-Soviet co-operation and the discussion of the project of the Eastern Pact. In this connection the main object of this study became the reconstruction of the process of talks which were carried on by Soviet diplomats with their Czechoslovak colleagues. The principal sources for this article are the materials presented in the fonds of the Archive of the foreign politics of Russian Federation and published in such collections as Documents and materials on the history of Soviet-Czechoslovak relations and Documents on the USSR foreign policy. The study shows that the politics led by Soviet as well as Czechoslovak governments toward each other, especially the adoption of concrete decisions, depended on the fluctuations, which took place in the European international policy.
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van den Berg, Hubert, and Albert Gielen. "Een wat lange kerstvakantie in Tsjechoslowakije, maar wel economisch : over een drietal lezingen van de Nederlandse avant-gardistische vormgever, fotograaf en filmmaker Paul Schuitema in Brno en Praag begin januari 1936." Brünner Beiträge zur Germanistik und Nordistik, no. 1 (2022): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/bbgn2022-1-2.
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The following article deals with a small episode in the manifold relations between the historical avant-garde in the Netherlands and Czechia and Slovakia in the first half of the twentieth century. Early December 1935, the Dutch avant-garde designer, photographer and filmmaker Paul Schuitema decided that the time was ripe for a holiday trip to Czechoslovakia during his Christmas break as teacher at the art academy in The Hague. His destination was Brno, where the designer and just starting architect František Kalivoda lived. Kalivoda had visited Holland in early 1934 touring Dutch cinemas and film clubs with avant-garde films from Czechoslovakia. Kalivoda and Schuitema had become acquainted during Kalivoda’s stay in the Netherlands and most likely invited Schuitema to come over to Brno to show Dutch experimental films in the Moldavian capital in return. Since Schuitema had little money, he proposed to give lectures for honoraria. Whereas two lectures were organized by Kalivoda in Brno in advance, only last-minute a third lecture was arranged in Prague to finance Schuitema's stay over there. As a tourist visiting Czechia for the first time, Schuitema also wanted to see Prague. However, as he found out, the hotel arranged for him was far beyond his budget. Solace offered his final Czech lecture in the Prague Museum for applied art, arranged by his Prague avant-garde contacts and the Scandinavian-Dutch Institute, an organization related to the Czechoslovakian Foreign Office to promote cultural relations between Czechoslovakia and the Netherlands.
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Kupchyk, O. "CZECHOSLOVAK REPUBLIC IN THE FOREIGN TRADE OF SOVIET UKRAINE IN 1920-1922." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 143 (2019): 21–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2019.143.5.
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The article describes the circumstances under which the Soviet Ukraine established trade relations with Czechoslovakian Republic in the early 1920’s. The analysis of historiography of this scientific problem recovered the absence of the researches in modern Ukrainian historical science on the relations between Czechoslovakia and Soviet Ukraine in the early 1920’s. It’s established that the source database, including archival documents, allows a comprehensive answer to the task in the study. The contractual legal framework, organizational forms of trade activities of the Soviet Ukraine in Czechoslovakia have been clarified. It is stated that the inability to compete with the Germans in the Russian market caused the Czechoslovakians’ great interest in the Ukrainian market. There was a positive experience of Czechoslovakian-Ukrainian economic relations even before the First World War, which was to guarantee the resumption of trade relations between the countries in the early 1920s. This had been facilitated by shipping on the Danube to the Black Sea. 'Trade Representative Office' considered the logistics of trade (demanded goods, ways of delivery, placement of warehouses, sanitary and technical control). Persons of sales representatives were established (Y. Novakovsky, M. Lomovsky, I. Girsa, V. Benesh). The role of the Soviet Ukraine 'Trade Representative Office' in Prague in the foreign trade activities of the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic is revealed. The place of the Czechoslovakian market in the export and import operations of Soviet Ukraine has been determined. The interest of Czechoslovakian traders in Ukrainian raw materials, namely flax, hemp, wool and leather was noted. It is stated that the trade representatives of the Soviet Ukraine were exploring the possibility of selling other raw materials on the Czechoslovakian market, namely iron ore, coal, etc. It is found that the trading company has purchased in large quantities flour (wheat, rye), sugar (refinement, sand) and cereals (wheat, barley, rye, peas, oats). The Czechoslovakian traders and entrepreneurs were particularly interested in forming «mixed partnerships» with the Ukrainians (supplying railway equipment, making file sheets, production of medicines, glass and porcelain). Czechoslovakians also sought to obtain a concession for tractor cultivation of lands in Ukraine. At the same time, participation in the Ukrainian-Czechoslovakian trade «Vokoopspilka» was revealed. The participation of the Soviet Ukraine at the Prague International Exhibition in 1922 was covered, which became its first participation in international exhibitions.
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Rupasov, Aleksander. "Finland in Search of Foreign Policy Guidelines." ISTORIYA 12, no. 7 (105) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016509-8.
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The article analyzes Finland's attempts to find a solution to current foreign policy problems in the interwar period. The main problem was the search for possible allies and guarantors of independence. The solution to this problem was complicated by a complex of factors: the limited interest of the great powers in accepting obligations guaranteeing the preservation of independence by Finland, the political and military weakness of possible allies (Latvia and Estonia), contradictions in relations with Sweden (not least caused by domestic political aspects both in Finland and Sweden), fears about Poland's foreign policy ambitions, potentially dangerous Finnish involvement in crisis situations Domestic political consensus on the issue of foreign policy orientation seemed to be achieved in the mid-1930s. However, the so-called Scandinavian orientation did not even partially solve the security problem. By the beginning of the pan-European crisis, the search for guarantors of independence remained an unresolved problem.
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Błachut, Michał. "Territorial disputes between Poland and Czechoslovakia 1938–1945." Kultura Bezpieczeństwa. Nauka – Praktyka - Refleksje 38, no. 38 (December 18, 2020): 9–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.5936.
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The historical point of view is important to fully understand foreign affairs. For Polish-Czech relations the crucial period in this respect is 1918–1945. The matter of the conflict were borderlands, with the most important one – Zaolzie, that is, historical lands of the Duchy of Cieszyn beyond Olza River. Originally, the land belonged to the Crown of the Polish Kingdom, then to the Kingdom of Bohemia and Austrian Habsburg dynasty. After World War I, local communities took control of the land. Czechoslovakian military intervention and a conflict with Bolsheviks caused both parties to agree to the division of Zaolzie through arbitration of powers in 28 July 1920. Until 1938, key parts of Zaolzie belonged to Czechoslovakia. In that year, Poland decided to annex territories lost according to the arbitration. After World War II tension between Poland and Czechoslovakia heightened again. Czechoslovakia made territorial claims on parts of Silesia belonging to Germany. Poland once more tried to reclaim Zaolzie, but military invasion was stopped by Stalin. Negotiations failed, but the escalation of the conflict was stopped. Two years later the relationship between the parties was eventually normalized, the final agreement was signed in 1958 and it is still in place today.
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Van Wyk, Jo-Ansie. "South Africa: A Growing Embrace of Feminist Foreign Policy?" Thinker 94, no. 1 (February 17, 2023): 64–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/the_thinker.v94i1.2359.
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In 2014, Sweden became the first country to adopt a feminist foreign policy. Although a new Swedish government abandoned the country’s feminist foreign policy in October 2022, Sweden has inspired many other states to adopt such a foreign policy to advance the status of women and girls. These developments have not gone unnoticed in South Africa, where historical relations between Swedenand the country’s liberation movements endure in post-apartheid South Africa. Unlike Sweden, South Africa never adopted or declared a feminist foreign policy due to historical and cultural reasons, and different conceptualisations of women, gender, and feminism. Instead, under the leadership of the African National Congress (ANC) since 1994, South Africa has diplomatically capitalised on its liberation struggle and human rights credentials; the latter which, to some extent, have for some time superseded a more focused emphasis on women’s rights. A more nuanced foreign policy focus on improving the status of women and gender equality emergedpartly due to international developments regarding women, peace, and security. Hence, the contribution explores feminist and/or gendered aspects of South Africa’s foreign policy of ubuntu (human-ness and humanity) and diplomatic practice, and the implications thereof. It has shown that South Africa’s growing embrace of elements associated with a feminist foreign policy includes memorialisation and symbolism (i.e. linking the liberation struggle and female stalwarts to foreign policy), positioning women in progressive internationalism, and integrating women in the definition of South Africa’s national interests.
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Aggestam, Karin, Annika Bergman Rosamond, and Annica Kronsell. "Theorising feminist foreign policy." International Relations 33, no. 1 (November 27, 2018): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117818811892.
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A growing number of states including Canada, Norway and Sweden have adopted gender and feminist-informed approaches to their foreign and security policies. The overarching aim of this article is to advance a theoretical framework that can enable a thoroughgoing study of these developments. Through a feminist lens, we theorise feminist foreign policy arguing that it is, to all intents and purposes, ethical and argue that existing studies of ethical foreign policy and international conduct are by and large gender-blind. We draw upon feminist International Relations (IR) theory and the ethics of care to theorise feminist foreign policy and to advance an ethical framework that builds on a relational ontology, which embraces the stories and lived experiences of women and other marginalised groups at the receiving end of foreign policy conduct. By way of conclusion, the article highlights the novel features of the emergent framework and investigates in what ways it might be useful for future analyses of feminist foreign policy. Moreover, we discuss its potential to generate new forms of theoretical insight, empirical knowledge and policy relevance for the refinement of feminist foreign policy practice.
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Kotlyar, Oleh. "Features of Sweden’s and Norway’s foreign policy towards Russia: Main problems and challenges." Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne 6, no. 2 (December 28, 2020): 97–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/we.2020.6.2.97-113.
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The article presents the characteristics of the foreign policy of Sweden and Norway towards Russia. The chronological framework of the work covers the period from the collapse of the USSR and the beginning of the functioning of the Russian Federation as a separate actor in the international arena and up to the present day. The author analyzes the evolution of the policy of the Scandinavian countries towards Russia. The article sets out the main elements of the policy of these countries in relations with the Russian Federation. The researcher presents the main challenges that Sweden and Norway face today in the process of implementing this policy towards Russia.
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Yang, Kai, and Stephan Ortmann. "From Sweden to Singapore: The Relevance of Foreign Models for China's Rise." China Quarterly 236 (May 28, 2018): 946–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741018000486.
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AbstractChina can be described as a “learning state” which has adapted to changing conditions and frequently turned outward for lessons. In recent years, Sweden and Singapore have drawn particularly strong interest from Chinese academics because the two countries represent two different “third ways” between Communism and capitalism and have been useful for developing a socialism “with Chinese characteristics.” Sweden is seen to symbolize the ideals of social equity and harmony while Singapore is seen as a model of authoritarian state-capitalism. China's transformation has resembled the Southeast Asia city state's model more than the Scandinavian social democratic model. Since Xi Jinping assumed power in 2012, interest in Sweden has reached a nadir, while attentiveness to Singapore has peaked. Although Chinese state-capitalism faces many challenges, including rising inequality and persistent corruption, it will be difficult to find an alternative role model that can successfully combine one-party rule with economic modernization.
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Sáringer, János. "The Hungarian–Czechoslovak Relations from the Hungarian Perspective." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies 21, no. 1 (November 1, 2022): 25–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/auseur-2022-0002.
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Abstract As a result of the first free and democratic elections in Hungary, in May 1990, József Antall formed a government, whose foreign policy goal was the restoration of the sovereignty of Hungary and the support and representation of the Euro-Atlantic integration and of the Hungarians across the border. In the Hungarian–Czechoslovak bilateral relations, the new Hungarian government’s aim was to expand the political relations in both federal and republican levels. It was Hungary’s interest that serious legacies, such as the issue of the Bős– Nagymaros Dam system, should not hold back the general advance, wherefore a solution appropriate for both parties had to be found. Hungary considered Czechoslovakia as an outstanding economic partner. The Antall government took steps so that the fate and future of the Slovakian Hungarians would be ensured in accordance with the European development standards. One of the key issues in this was the consistent Czechoslovak condemnation of the principle of collective guilt, the Beneš decrees. During the dialogues, certain elements of the common historical past returned several times.
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Tlustý, Tomáš. "Orel – the Catholic gymnastics organization and its foreign relations between 1929 and 1948." Sport i Turystyka. Środkowoeuropejskie Czasopismo Naukowe 5, no. 1 (2022): 33–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/sit.2022.01.02.
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This paper looks at the history of the Czechoslovak Orel, the Catholic gymnastics organization and its foreign relations between 1929 and 1948. The Orel had begun to establish its first foreign contacts before the First World War, at a time when the organization had not yet become fully independent. The Czechoslovak Orel was given independence after the First World War had come to an end – a time when it began to expand and establish an increasing number of foreign contacts. However, the Czechoslovak organization did not experience major expansion until the 1920s, the decade when it became a member of the Catholic gymnastics union, UIOCEP, and when it organized two large-scale international festivals. The festival held in 1929 was of particular significance, increasing the popularity of the Czechoslovak Orel and its physical education philosophy abroad. The Czechoslovak Orel was gradually to become one of the most significant UIOCEP members. Due to its large membership numbers, it actually became one of the largest organizations in the union and was later honorably awarded presidency. However, the Orel suffered a major setback following the outbreak of the Second World War and the ensuing totalitarian regime that was introduced in Czechoslovakia in 1948. A planned third festival, where Czechoslovak Orel officials again predicted large numbers of participants from abroad, was never held. The Orel was not reestablished until the early 1990s. However, it was never to develop and grow in the way it had been known to.
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Bjereld, Ulf, and Ann-Marie Ekengren. "Foreign Policy Dimensions: A Comparison Between the United States and Sweden." International Studies Quarterly 43, no. 3 (September 1999): 503–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0020-8833.00132.
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Krasnodębska, Molly. "‘Like us’ or ‘One of us’: Tensions between Liberal and Communitarian Values in EU-Ukraine Relations." New Perspectives 24, no. 2 (September 2016): 51–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2336825x1602400204.
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The article compares the Eastern Neighbourhood policies of the two founders of the Eastern Partnership (EaP), Poland and Sweden. It focuses on the two countries’ approaches towards Ukraine during the preparations of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement (AA) in late 2013. The article argues that while both Sweden and Poland have a strongly value-driven approach towards Ukraine, their foreign policies are guided by two different understandings of values: a liberal and a communitarian understanding. Sweden's foreign policy, which is based on liberal values, focuses on the promotion of certain ‘universal’ norms connected to human rights, democracy, and good governance in its neighbourhood, offering assistance in reforms to those countries which show commitment to these norms. By contrast, Poland's approach towards the Eastern neighbourhood is guided by a communitarian understanding of solidarity and ‘kinship duty’ based on perceptions of a common heritage and a shared regional identity. From the different understandings of values follow different logics of action. For Sweden, Ukraine's inclusion into the EU's institutional structures, e.g. through the AA, is conditioned on Ukraine's democratic performance and approximation to European standards. Poland, on the other hand, views Ukraine's inclusion into EU structures as a precondition for the country's success in reforms. Because of these different logics, the EaP at large, which is shaped by both liberal and communitarian values, entails intrinsic tensions. These tensions are arguably more problematic than tensions between values and interests, to which scholars often attribute the EaP's shortcomings.
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Zavada, Ya, and Ya Palok. "SWEDISH NEUTRALITY POLICY IN THE XXI CENTURY." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 3(55) (December 21, 2022): 48–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2022.3(55).269546.
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The article examines the neutrality policy of Sweden in the 21st century. The Kingdom of Sweden is one of the few countries on the international scene in the 21st century that implements its foreign policy through a policy of neutrality. It should be noted that Sweden has not directly participated in any military conflicts since the Napoleonic Wars. Also, the article analyzes Sweden's response to modern security challenges in the world and examines the transformation of the country's defense system between the end of the Cold War and the present day. It was established that the traditional policy of neutrality in the light of modern security problems has become ineffective, which forced the country to review its own security structure, as well as to deepen foreign policy relations with its partners, in particular in the field of security and defense. It is worth noting that the country maintained strong ties with NATO, but despite close cooperation, Sweden was a non-aligned state. However, the difficult situation on the international arena, namely the Russian armed invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, forced some countries, primarily Sweden and Finland, to review their security policy and join the countries of the North Atlantic Alliance.
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Kravchuk, Oleksandr. "T. G. Masaryk and the Ukrainian Question in the Documents of the Representation of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in Prague." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 34 (2020): 92–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2020-34-92-99.
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The purpose of the article is to analyze the representation’s report of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in Prague on the attitude of the president of Czechoslovakia T. G. Masaryk to the Ukrainian question. The research methodology is based on the research principles of historicism, scientificity, objectivity, general scientific methods (source analysis, historical and logical) and special historical methods (narrative and problem-chronological). The scientific novelty of the work is that the article on the basis of archival and published materials, in particular, the letters of the heads of the representation of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic in Prague to the foreign ministers of the state, analyzes the attitude of the first president of Czechoslovakia to the Ukrainian question. Conclusions. Masaryk’s attitude to the Ukrainian question is considered in the context of establishing relations between Czechoslovakia and the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in late 1918 – early 1919, the desire of ones in 1920-1923 to gain the support of Prague in ensuring the recognition of the Entente countries the independence of this state, discussion of the case of assisting for Ukrainian emigrants in Czechoslovakia. In the article were noted the changes in the position of the Czechoslovak president in the Ukrainian question. In his work «New Europe» (1918), he supported the idea of the uniting of the Dnieper region, Eastern Galicia and Bukovina considering it necessary to preserve it as part of the federal democratic Russian state. In early 1919 president of the Czechoslovak Republic was ready to recognize the independence of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, which was revived during the anti-Hetman uprising. But made the final decision dependent on the position of the Entente states at the peace conference in Paris. The coverage of the perception of the Ukrainian question by T. G. Masaryk in 1920-1921 by the representatives of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in Prague testifies to his return to the concept set forth in the work «New Europe». Reports from representatives of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic allow a more complete study of the circumstances that made it impossible for it to gain political support from Czechoslovakia. Given this, as well as the issues of the Czechoslovak Republic’s policy in Transcarpathia and on emigration were raised in the reports of the representation, these documents are an important source for studying the history of Czechoslovak-Ukrainian relations.
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Voron, Nataliia. "History and Culture of Ukraine on the Pages of Periodicals of the Ukrainian Historical and Philological Society in Prague (in 1939-1945s)." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 34 (2020): 100–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2020-34-100-109.
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The purpose of the article is to analyze the representation’s report of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in Prague on the attitude of the president of Czechoslovakia T. G. Masaryk to the Ukrainian question. The research methodology is based on the research principles of historicism, scientificity, objectivity, general scientific methods (source analysis, historical and logical) and special historical methods (narrative and problem-chronological). The scientific novelty of the work is that the article on the basis of archival and published materials, in particular, the letters of the heads of the representation of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic in Prague to the foreign ministers of the state, analyzes the attitude of the first president of Czechoslovakia to the Ukrainian question. Conclusions. Masaryk’s attitude to the Ukrainian question is considered in the context of establishing relations between Czechoslovakia and the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in late 1918 – early 1919, the desire of ones in 1920-1923 to gain the support of Prague in ensuring the recognition of the Entente countries the independence of this state, discussion of the case of assisting for Ukrainian emigrants in Czechoslovakia. In the article were noted the changes in the position of the Czechoslovak president in the Ukrainian question. In his work «New Europe» (1918), he supported the idea of the uniting of the Dnieper region, Eastern Galicia and Bukovina considering it necessary to preserve it as part of the federal democratic Russian state. In early 1919 president of the Czechoslovak Republic was ready to recognize the independence of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, which was revived during the anti-Hetman uprising. But made the final decision dependent on the position of the Entente states at the peace conference in Paris. The coverage of the perception of the Ukrainian question by T. G. Masaryk in 1920-1921 by the representatives of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in Prague testifies to his return to the concept set forth in the work «New Europe». Reports from representatives of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic allow a more complete study of the circumstances that made it impossible for it to gain political support from Czechoslovakia. Given this, as well as the issues of the Czechoslovak Republic’s policy in Transcarpathia and on emigration were raised in the reports of the representation, these documents are an important source for studying the history of Czechoslovak-Ukrainian relations.
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Sadova, Lyudmila. "Escalation of Swedish-Norwegian Conflict in 1895 According to the Documents of Russian Diplomats." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2021): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640015015-4.
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The Swedish-Norwegian conflict, which resulted in the dissolution of the union in 1905, was accompanied by outbursts of tension in relations between political forces and the public of the two countries. In 1895, when the crisis reached its peak, rumours about the threat of a war between the “fraternal peoples” were circulating among the Swedish and Norwegian public. The purpose of this work is to analyze the reports of Russian representatives in the United Kingdom of Sweden and Norway, to identify the events in 1895 that attracted the attention of diplomats and the degree to which their attitudes towards opposing political forces influenced the formation of the general picture in the Russian Foreign Ministry. The research is based on documents from the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire. They contain a sufficient amount of information allowing one to identify the causes, course, stages, and evolution of the Swedish-Norwegian conflict as well as the driving forces behind it. The author concludes that, firstly, diplomatic reports suggest that Russian diplomacy took the threat of an armed clash between Sweden and Norway in 1895 quite seriously; secondly, the correspondence between the Russian ambassador and the Foreign Ministry contains a generally sober assessment of the political situation in Sweden and Norway The author concludes that, firstly, the threat of an armed conflict between Sweden and Norway in 1895 was taken quite seriously by Russian diplomacy, secondly, the correspondence between the Russian ambassador and the Foreign Ministry contains a generally sober assessment of the political situation in Sweden and Norway, and the actions of Norwegian radicals are openly condemned by the former on the pages of his reports; at the same the difficult situation in which the Swedish–Norwegian king Oscar II found himself aroused sympathy, and the monarch’s position in the conflict – respect.
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Jiang, Xinyu. "The Diplomatic Relations of the Soviet Union during Cold War." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 8 (February 7, 2023): 505–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v8i.4297.
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This paper focus on the diplomatic relations of the Soviet Union during Cold War, and using Prague Spring which is a reform movement devoted to political democratization and market liberalization of Czechoslovakia as a insertion point to reveal the fundamental logic of the Soviet Union’s government’s foreign policies. With her study, the author’s endeavor is to ascertain the deepest reasons that influence the diplomatic relations of the Soviet Union after World War II. With the previous research, the author intends to outline the framework of the changing of the USSR’s foreign polices due to the country under distinct political leaders. The emphasis of this study lies in use three approaches( Neo-realism and Neo-liberalism) to analyze the Soviet Union’s foreign policies. Method of literature review is applied in this research. Detailed information has been acquired by the author about the USSR’s diplomatic policies, and the research has recorded valuable information about the diplomatic histories of Soviet Union. From the study, the author came to realize that ideologies of the USSR was changing over time, and it also strongly influenced by the internal affairs. This research paper demonstrates that the diplomatic policies of the USSR was changing from Neo-realism to Neo-liberalism due to the democratization and liberalization of Soviet Union’s interiors. Ideologically,the leadership position of socialism was abolishedandpolitically the legal status of the ruling party of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was abolished and the one-party system was replaced with a muti-party system. Economically, he abolished the economic structure with state ownership as the major part of the Soviet Union’s economy. This reform movement shows the Neo-liberalism replaced the main position of Neo-realism in ideology of the Soviet Union.
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Bahna, Miloslav. "Context Matters: Measuring Nationalism in the Countries of the Former Czechoslovakia." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 1 (January 2019): 2–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.21.
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AbstractThis paper compares nationalism in the two ex-Czechoslovak countries—the Czech and Slovak republics. The aim is to analyze the measurement of nationalism in the 1995, 2003, and 2013 International Social Survey Program (ISSP) National Identity surveys. According to the nationalism measures from the ISSP survey – which are frequently used by authors analyzing nationalism—both countries experienced a significant rise in nationalism in the 1995 to 2013 period. Moreover, invariance testing of the nationalism latent variable confirms the possibility of comparing levels of nationalism between Czechia and Slovakia over time. However, the associations between nationalism, as measured in the study, and concepts related to nationalism—such as xenophobia, protectionism, or assertive foreign policy—suggest that what is measured as nationalism in 1995 is very different from what is measured in 2013. This is explained by a change of context which occurred in both countries between 1995 and 2013. While answering the same question had a strong nationalistic connotation in 1995, this was not the case in 2013. Based on our findings we advise against using the analyzed “nationalism” items as measurement of nationalism even beyond the two analyzed countries.
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Holten, Birgitte. "Brazil's Early Nineteenth-Century Policy Towards Denmark and Sweden, 1808–1831." Itinerario 20, no. 1 (March 1996): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300021550.
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Brazil's active foreign policy tradition dates from the beginning of its existence as an independent state in the early nineteenth century. More than the former Spanish colonies in Latin America, Brazil considered the international recognition of its sovereignty an important goal. Therefore, Brazil demonstrated in the 1820s a great interest in the establishment of diplomatic relations and the negotiation of commercial treaties with the European nations and the United States.
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Makko, Aryo. "Sweden, Europe, and the Cold War: A Reappraisal." Journal of Cold War Studies 14, no. 2 (April 2012): 68–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00221.
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Traditionally, Sweden has been portrayed as an active bridge-builder in international politics in the 1960s and 1970s. The country advocated a “third way” toward democratic socialism and greater “justice” in international affairs, but these foreign policy prescriptions were never applied to European affairs. This article examines Sweden's relations with Europe by contrasting European integration with the Cold War. Negotiations on Swedish membership in the European Communities and Swedish policy at the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe were influenced by a general Berührungsangst toward Europe, which persisted during the years of détente. Because Swedish decision-makers believed that heavy involvement in European affairs would constrict Sweden's freedom of action, Swedish leaders' moral proclamations were applied exclusively to distant Third World countries rather than the egregious abuses of human rights in the Soviet bloc.
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Stankov, Nikolai N. "Vlastimil Tusar’s Governments and the German Problem in Czechoslovakia (July, 1919 — September, 1920)." Central-European Studies 2020, no. 3 (12) (2021): 188–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2020.3.9.
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The author of this article deals the with problem of the German minority in the Czechoslovak Republic using archival and published documents and investigates the policy of Vlastimil Tusar’s two governments (the first from July 8, 1919 to May 25, 1920, and the second from May 25 till September 15, 1920). The author pays special attention to Tusar’s personal efforts in settling the German Bohemians’ problem, and to his negotiations with the leaders of German political parties, primarily with the German social democratic workers’ party in Czechoslovakia, and his efforts to reach agreements with them. The author shows the foreign and domestic political reasons that blocked the success of these negotiations. The most important of the latter were the disagreements between the Czechoslovak ruling circles and German political leaders (including social democrats) over the questions of the settlement of the Czechoslovak Republic. While the Czech politicians were trying to create “a national state”, the German leaders demanded the formation of “a state of nationalities”. The latter insisted on dividing the state on the basis of national belonging and its formation following the model of the Swiss confederation. In addition, the German-Bohemian parties demanded changes to Czechoslovak foreign policy: they were against a unilateral orientation to France and participation in any coalitions, and they were for the establishment of friendly relations with all states including Germany and Austria. It was difficult to reach a mutual understanding because the Czechoslovak political elite refused to agree that German political parties could participate in the elaboration of the constitution and other basic laws of the Republic. The author of the article considers the 1920 parliamentary elections that took place after the passing of the constitution of Czechoslovak Republic, the activity of the German political clubs in the National Assembly of Czechoslovakia, the foundation of the German parliamentary union, and the attitude of the German-Bohemian political parties to the second Tusar government. The article also deals with the relations between the Czech and German Social Democrats, perspectives on the participation of Germans in the Tusar governments, and the reasons for the resignation of the latter in September 1920. According to the author, “the Red–Green Coalition” headed by Tusar was not able to achieve international reconciliation and corroboration because there were widespread prejudices between Czechs and Germans, which were made full use of by nationalists from both sides in the course of the political fight.
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Irwin, Julia F. "Beyond Versailles: Recovering the Voices of Nurses in Post–World War I U.S.-European Relations." Nursing History Review 24, no. 1 (2016): 12–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/1062-8061.24.12.
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AbstractFrom late 1918 to 1922, the American Red Cross (ARC) enlisted roughly six hundred American nurses and scores of female auxiliary staff to labor in post–World War I continental Europe, Russia, and the Near East, mostly stationed in Poland, Czechoslovakia, the Balkan states, and Siberia. The ARC nurses ran health clinics, made home visits, and opened nurse training schools. Close readings of letters, diaries, official reports, and published articles help recover the place of these women in postwar European history and the history of U.S. foreign relations. Their writings reveal their perceptions about eastern European and Russian politics and culture, their assumptions about the proper U.S. role in the region’s affairs, and their efforts to influence popular U.S. discourse on these topics. This article argues that American nurses and support staff are central—yet neglected—players in the history of U.S.-European affairs. Through its bottom-up approach, it offers a more personal and intimate perspective on the history of U.S. international relations during this time.
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Buriak, K. M. "FEATURES OF CONFLICT-OF-LAWS REGULATION OF INTERNATIONAL WORK RELATIONS." Constitutional State, no. 41 (March 17, 2021): 103–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2411-2054.2021.41.225615.
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The article provides a comprehensive legal study of the basic principles of conflict-oflaws and legal regulation of work, complicated by a foreign element. It is determined that work relations complicated by a foreign element include: work of local citizens with foreign employers outside their country; foreign business trips of citizens to work abroad; work at enterprises owned by foreign entrepreneurs on the territory of their state; work of foreigners in the host state. It is noted that conflict-of-laws issues in the field of work relations complicated by a foreign element arise due to the specifics of the national legislation of each of the countries and the inconsistency of private international law in this area. The article analyzes the peculiarities of work of foreigners in Austria, Brazil, Canada, China, Romania, USA, Tunisia, Hungary, Ukraine, France, Germany, Czech Republic, Sweden, Switzerland, Japan. Based on the analysis it is concluded that the working conditions of emigrants are regulated by Public Law Regulations, which are mandatory and less humane in their content than the general conditions established by the general labor legislation and collective agreements. Foreign workers are directly dependent on entrepreneurs due to threats of expulsion, language difficulties, lack of professional training and other reasons. It is characterized by free overtime work, non-provision of vacations and sick leave. The article describes the conflict-of-laws bindings, which regulate work relations complicated by a foreign element, namely: the law of the autonomous will of the parties, the law of the place of performing of work, the law of the location of the employer, the law of the place of conclusion of an employment contract, the principle of the employer's personal law, the law of citizenship (domicile), the law of the flag, the principle of the closest connection. The features of the operation of conflict-of-laws bindings regulating work relations complicated by a foreign element in countries of different legal families are considered
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Berg, Roald. "Norway’s Foreign Politics during the Union with Sweden, 1814-1905: A Reconsideration." Diplomacy & Statecraft 31, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2020.1721051.
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Zidaru, Marian. "The Position of NATO and Great Britain on the Crisis in Soviet-Romanian Relations During the Autumn 1968 As Reflected in British Documents." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 25, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 184–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/kbo-2019-0030.
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Abstract During September-November 1968 there was a crisis situation in the Romanian-Soviet relations, generated by the criticism that the Romanian government formulated for the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia on August 23, 1968. This crisis came to the attention of decision-makers in the United Kingdom and Allied bodies within NATO. Both the British Cabinet and the representatives of the North Atlantic Alliance member countries held several meetings in which the issue of Romania and Yugoslavia was discussed in the context of Soviet threats. The Secretary of State of the Foreign Office visited Romania and discussed with Nicolae Ceauşescu, Ion Gheorghe Maurer and Corneliu Mănescu. This article aims to present debates within the NATO and the UK bodies on the political crisis in the Romanian-Soviet relations from the autumn of 1968 and the position adopted by them against a possible Soviet invasion in Romania and Yugoslavia.
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Volkov, A. M. "Contemporary Foreign Economic Relations of Russia with the Countries of Northern Europe." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 3 (July 3, 2021): 176–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-3-10.
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Recently new problems have arisen that have complicated Russia’s foreign economic relations with foreign countries. The countries of Northern Europe were no exception. The economic situation in many countries was far from optimal. Problems with economy took place in the euro area. A significant drop in oil prices led to a slowdown in economic growth in the Russian Federation and a sharp decline of ruble exchange rate. Since 2014, various Western sanctions have emerged, followed by retaliatory sanctions from Russia. Against this background, the analysis of the dynamics of Russian economic relations with the Nordic countries is of particular interest. A sharp decline in foreign economic indicators occurred in 2015–2016. Subsequent development has shown different dynamics. On the one hand, by the end of the 2010s foreign trade with Finland and Sweden did not reach the level of 2013–2014 (primarily due to the decline in oil prices), but on the other, foreign trade indicators with Denmark and Norway were exceeded (due to Russian exports). Year 2020 brought new problems – the coronavirus pandemic and the associated restrictions on the movement of goods, services and people, as well as the rupture of production chains, which had an impact on foreign economic relations – and exacerbated the old ones: a new sharp drop in oil prices and a new depreciation of ruble. The article reveals the features of the general dynamics and commodity structure of foreign trade with each of the observed countries. The significant dependence of Russian exports, primarily on energy supplies, is considered in detail. Special attention is given to the general dynamics of foreign direct investment in Russia. The problems of modern development of Russian export and import were analyzed.
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KRESIN, OLEKSIY. "Ukrainian-Swedish Relations and Treaties of the XVII–XVIII Centuries." Право України, no. 2020/02 (2020): 291. http://dx.doi.org/10.33498/louu-2020-02-291.
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It can be said that Sweden’s appeal to Ukraine during the Thirty Years War (1618–1648) and the formation of an imperial state was quite understandable: Ukraine was the enemy of Sweden’s enemies. But the peculiarities of political and economic development of Sweden and its allies caused their claims to the West Ukrainian and Belarus lands. This made it impossible to conclude a full-fledged political treaty. The like situation is with Ukrainian-Swedish relations in 1708–1709, when Sweden was a guarantor of possession of West Ukrainian lands by Polish-Lithuanian state. Ukrainian-Swedish treaties of the XVII – early XVIII centuries had only a military-tactical character and a short-lived action. Only a crisis after Swedish-Ukrainian forces defeat and prolonged living hand-by-hand in the Ottoman Empire (1709–1714) gradually brought royal Swedish protectorate as a form of military alliance to full-fledged recognition of Ukraine as the state and concluding treaty of political nature. Unfortunately, its implementation was very limited. In addition, the close encounter with foreign legal culture and other circumstances of UkrainianSwedish relations gave the impetus to reviewing the grounds of state and law of Ukraine and the emergence of the “Pacts and Resolutions of the Rights and Privileges of the Viysko Zaporozke”, known as the Constitution of Ukraine of 1710. We argue that this document together with confirmation and assecuration charters by Karl XII is not only a monument of Ukrainian constitutionalism, but also a treaty between Ukraine and its protector, the king of Sweden.
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Stankov, Nikolaj. "The everyday life in the Czechoslovak Republic at the beginning of 1920s in the letters of Red Cross mission’s official I. I. Levin." Slavic Almanac, no. 1-2 (2019): 72–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2019.1-2.1.05.
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The Archive of International Politics of the Russian Federation keeps the letters of the Soviet Red Cross official in Prague I. I. Levin to the people’s commissar of foreign affairs of the RSFSR G.V. Chicherin. The letters contain the description of the cross-cultural relations and the social attitudes in the CSR in the beginning of the 1920s. Levin writes in detail how Czech-German contradictions were manifested in the everyday life in the CSR. He also points out the problems in the relations between the Czechs and Slovaks and Rusyns. While noting the widespread antibolshevik views in the Czech society and providing a series of examples for that, at the same time the author of the letters underlines the pragmatism of the Czech businessmen, their interest in developing the trade relations with the Soviet Russia. In the letters a significant attention is dedicated to the literary, theatrical, and musical life of Czechoslovakia. It is evaluated very critically. I. I. Levin said that nothing new was being created, and even it were, it was soaked with a chauvinist feeling. At the same time, new phenomena and achievements of the Czech literature and art of the time are outside of the author’s focus. Levin is treating the everyday life of the inhabitants of Prague from the maximalist position, accusing them of philistinism and provincialism, of the lack of aspirations to lofty ideals. Levin’s letters are a peculiar source for the study of the everyday life in the Czechoslovakia during the first years after the independence and of its perception by the representatives of Soviet Russia.
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Bogdan, Michael. "Private International Law Aspects of the Introduction of Same-Sex Marriages in Sweden." Nordic Journal of International Law 78, no. 3 (2009): 253–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/090273509x12448190941246.
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AbstractOn 1 May 2009, Swedish law was amended in order to allow regular marriages between two persons of the same gender. While this reform was relatively simple from the point of view of Swedish family law, it gives rise to a number of questions concerning private international law, mainly because the large majority of foreign countries do not, and within foreseeable future will not, permit such marriages.
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Schumacher, Tobias. "The Mediterranean as a New Foreign Policy Challenge? Sweden and the Barcelona Process." Mediterranean Politics 6, no. 3 (January 23, 2001): 81–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713604533.
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Goldstein, Lyle J. "Return to Zhenbao Island: Who Started Shooting and Why it Matters." China Quarterly 168 (December 2001): 985–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443901000572.
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This research reveals a new consensus among scholars in both Moscow and Beijing that the 1969 Sino-Soviet border crisis was a premeditated act of violence orchestrated by the Chinese side. International and domestic causes are investigated for their strength in explaining China's belligerence. There has been a widespread belief among sinologists that China acted out of desperation against Soviet strength and aggressiveness, which had been demonstrated most clearly by the 1968 invasion of Czechoslovakia and the associated “Brezhnev Doctrine.” The author presents evidence that challenges this traditional interpretation. Rather, a stronger explanation for China's aggressiveness in March 1969 is Mao's need at that particular time for an external threat to unify the country. The article additionally explores the implications of these revelations for the study of Chinese foreign policy and international relations generally.
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Koo, Youngeun. "The Question of Adoption: “Divided” Korea, “Neutral” Sweden, and Cold War Geopolitics, 1964–75." Journal of Asian Studies 80, no. 3 (February 16, 2021): 563–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911820004581.
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This article examines the early development of South Korean intercountry adoption to Sweden. It focuses particularly on two disruptions in the movement of children between the two nations, drawing on archival sources in Sweden, South Korea, and Denmark. The article demonstrates that South Korean–Swedish adoption was deeply bound up in the shifting Cold War relations within and between the Korean peninsula and Scandinavia in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Further, state actions and strategies during this time reveal that both governments actively utilized their Cold War foreign policy and positionality to shape adoption to meet their respective national interests. This study extends US-centered adoption scholarship by revealing broader implications of Cold War geopolitics in cross-border adoptions to Scandinavia and, more importantly, significant ways in which intercountry adoption challenged, altered, and constituted the Cold War relations and nation-building projects of both sending and receiving states.
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Åse, Cecilia. "Ship of Shame: Gender and Nation in Narratives of the 1981 Soviet Submarine Crisis in Sweden." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 1 (January 2016): 112–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00621.
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This article demonstrates that the concepts of gender and nation illuminate the Swedish-Soviet submarine crisis in February 1981, when a nuclear-armed Soviet submarine was stranded for ten days in the Swedish archipelago. The crisis challenged both the Swedish armed forces’ status as protectors of the national territory and the government's foreign policy doctrine of neutrality. The article analyzes Swedish media from 1981 to identify the interpretive frames, with a particular emphasis on emotions and body imagery. Gendered notions of protection permeated the crisis narratives. Male bodies embodied national and military agency, whereas women's bodies symbolically merged with the Swedish nation's territory. The Soviet intruders were disparaged and Swedish military prestige redeemed through gendered and corporeal representations. The article improves our understanding of the way the Swedish ideal of the neutral soldier and the foreign policy doctrine of neutrality incorporated gender.
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Corell, Hans. "Legal Advisers Meet at UN Headquarters in New york." American Journal of International Law 85, no. 2 (April 1991): 371–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002930000010113.
Full textAbstract:
On October 29 and 30, 1990, a meeting was held of the heads of the offices responsible for international legal services of the Ministries of Foreign Affairs of the member states of the United Nations—the Legal Advisers. The meeting was organized at the invitation of the Legal Advisers of the Ministries of Foreign Affairs of Canada, India, Mexico, Poland and Sweden, and with the assistance of the Legal Counsel of the United Nations, Under-Secretary-General Carl-August Fleischhauer. Some twenty-five Legal Advisers and thirty-two of their deputies or other representatives attended, including all five colleagues representing the permanent members of the Security Council.
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Zuziak, Janusz. "Poles in the Neutral Nations Supervisory Commission in Korea." Res Politicae 13 (2021): 7–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/rp.2021.13.01.
Full textAbstract:
In the years 1950–1953, the Korean Peninsula was engulfed in a bloody war. Peace negotiations began as early as 1951, but the signing of the Armistice Agreement could not take place until July 27, 1953 in Pan Mun Jom, four months after the death of the USSR leader, Joseph Stalin. The Armistice Agreement closed an extremely tragic stage in Korean history, but also an extremely hot period of tense relations between Western and Eastern block. At the same time, the Korean Peninsula was artificially divided into two countries. Korea emerged from the war ruined. In order to implement the tasks assumed in the Armistice Agreement and to achieve the assumed goals, several bodies were established, incl. Neutral Nations Supervisory Commission, composed of representatives of four countries: Czechoslovakia, Switzerland, Sweden and Poland. The tasks of the Commission consisted in performing functions related to supervision, observation, inspection and investigations related to the replacement of military personnel, weapons and equipment, as well as in connection with the reported incidents in the demilitarized zone. Poles participate in its activities continuously until today.