Academic literature on the topic 'Svensk arbetsmarknadspolitik'

Begreppet utanförskap lanserades inför riksdagsvalet 2006 som en arbetsmarknadspolitisk indikator för att påvisa en spricka i det svenska samhället. Den borgerliga alliansen beräknade att upp till en och en halv miljon människor befann sig i utanförskap. Begreppet har därefter kritiserats utifrån hur det beräknades. I denna artikel analyseras hur »utanförskap« diskursivt artikulerades i debatten samt hur det relaterar till besläktade begrepp. Särskilt fokus läggs på hur »utanförskap« kopplades till »bidragsberoende«, invandrarskap och kriminalitet.

The 1990s were a period of economic crisis and mass unemployment. The dissertation shows that in the labour market policy guidelines in the period 1978–2004, a dichotomy was constructed between, on the one hand, a group of unemployed described in positive terms as potentially able to gain new employment, and, on the other hand, a group – referred to in the dissertation as the Others – whose exclusion and marginalisation were seen as permanent.

Unemployment has not always been defined as a social problem. The nature of the problem of unemployment has been understood and conceptu­alised differently over time. Frames of interpretation contribute to the construction and/or reproduction of categories of unemployed within the context of active Swedish labour market policies. The point of departure for the study is that the definition of social problems is a complex process of social construction. It is an active process of re(construction), in which certain problems become perceived as social problems while others are not.

The flexibilisation of the labour market, and of labour market policy, is an institutional and discursive process that leads to new categorisations and otherings on the labour market.

In the wake of the 1990s crisis, and of the more structural transformation of the Swedish labour market, a group of long-term unemployed has emerged. In the official guidelines of the labour market policy, the recommendations are to treat this group within the framework of the measures and activities that earlier applied to groups with disabilities. In this process, the structural labour market problem becomes defined politically in terms of individual disabilities. This is not only a process of individualisation, but also a process of medicalization. In this manner, unemployment, and particularly long-term unemployment, becomes analogous to disability.

Hartz-reformen inleddes 2003 och förändrade mycket i den aktiva arbetsmarknadspolitiken och systemet för den ekonomiska ersättningen vid arbetslöshet stramades till stor del åt. Många regleringar rörande låginkomsttagare skrevs om och hela arbetsmarknaden verkade vändas upp och ner. Innan den ekonomiska krisen slog till i Europa var Tyskland ett land med hög arbetslöshet och statistiken såg inte alls bra ut. Vid 2005 vände detta, och när många EU-länder såg en kraftig ökning av arbetslösheten fortsatte Tyskland att reducera sin arbetslöshet. I Sverige kan vi se många förändringar som liknar reformen eller syftar till att åtgärda samma problemområden. Exempel på detta är subventioner på vissa grupper av arbetstagare, motverkan av svart husarbete och liknande arbetsmarknadspolitiska program genom arbetsförmedlingsstjänster för att hjälpa arbetssökande in på marknaden. De mest betydande faktorerna som spelat in i Tysklands höga sysselsättning bland ungdomar, är till synes en välutvecklad övergång mellan skola och arbetsliv samt en kulturell inställning och sedvänja bland företagarna att stötta ungdomar och leda dem in på arbetsmarknaden. Vidare finns ett samband mellan den generellt höga sysselsättningen i Tyskland och utvecklingen för gruppen låginkomsttagare. Omregleringar och skattesubventioner har möjliggjort låginkomstarbeten i en betydligt högre grad och det nya systemet tenderar att forcera arbetslösa till dessa arbeten. Uppsatsen behandlar en jämförelse av arbetsmarknadspolitiken bakom Tyskland och Sveriges utveckling av sysselsättningsgraden främst under 2000-talet. Syftet är att redogöra vilka likheter och skillnader som kan ha bidragit till ländernas olika utveckling vad gäller sysselsättningsgraden.

This thesis has analysed the relations among the women’s movement, the state and the labour market policy during and shortly after the Second World War and to what extent this period can be characterised as a formative phase as regards gender relations. The aim has been to study women’s strategic actions in order to influence the Swedish Government’s labour market policy in the period from 1939 to 1947. The thesis shows the conflicts of interest that manifested themselves between Statens arbetsmarknadskommission (SAK, ‘the National Swedish Labour Market Commission’) and its advisory women’s group, experts on women’s issues, concerning the planning and utilisation of female labour. SAK thought that the work of the experts on female issues should only focus on the short-term labour problems caused by the national crisis situation, while the experts on women’s issues were of the opinion that they should also work with long-term labour-market issues for women. These different ways of thinking and understanding the problem originated in different views on women’s work. The experts on women’s issues wanted to strengthen women’s position on the labour market by abolishing the wage differences between the genders, breaking the gender segregation in education, and broadening the occupational choices of girls. They had three strategies for achieving this: a strategy of professionalisation, a strategy of change, and a strategy of state feminism. The strategy of professionalisation was aimed at raising the value of traditional female work, in terms of both status and wages. The strategy of change was aimed at creating new opportunities for women to leave typical low-wage jobs and gain access to better paid jobs in male-dominated areas. The strategy of state feminism was aimed at paving the way for women in new and expanding occupational areas beside the traditional male occupations. Can the period during and shortly after the war be characterised as a formative phase of the issue of gender relations? It is evident that this period did not involve a revolution of the societal gender order. The idea of women as reserve labour did not disappear. The post-war planners considered that, in the transition to peace, the women who had replaced men who were called up should be redeployed or retrained for employment in household work, in hotels, restaurants and cafés, in shops and in health care. In spite of the great shortage of labour in the post-war period, leading politicians and economists stuck to old ways of thinking. A clear indication on the part of the Government was that the women’s movement’s demand for long-term planning in order to utilise female labour was turned down. One important difference from the First World War was that the Government produced peace plans for women’s work during the Second World War. The period also led to ideological and institutional consequences that could be the beginning of a change of the societal gender order. From her central position in Kommissionen för ekonomisk efterkrigsplanering (‘the Commission for economic post-war planning’), Karin Kock could see to it that women’s demands for greater occupational mobility and a loosening up of the gender division of labour had an impact on the post-war planning of the war years. The experiences of women in male industries in the Second World War, both in Sweden and abroad, showed to some extent that it was possible to change the gender division of labour. The modern welfare state also came to correspond to a great extent to the state feminist strategy of the experts on women’s issues. With the historical formation of the welfare state a new type of occupational groups developed, the so-called welfare state professionals.

Syftet med denna studie är att synliggöra intressekonflikter som uppstått mellan kommun och branschorganisation när en kommun ansökt om att få bli leverantör till Arbetsförmedlingen för en tjänst som tidigare endast upphandlats med privata aktörer. Vidare är vårt syfte att undersöka huruvida demokratiska eller ekonomiska incitament ligger till grund för Karlshamns kommun respektive branschorganisationens ställningstagande i denna fråga. Karlshamns kommun har med bakgrund av SOU 2020:41 Kommuner som utförare av tjänster åt arbetsförmedlingen - en analys av de rättsliga förutsättningarna, skickat in en ansökan till arbetsförmedlingen för tjänsten Kundval Rusta och matcha. Karlshamns kommun var den första kommunen i Sverige att skicka in en sådan ansökan. Genom att analysera primärkällor i form av texter från Karlshamns kommun respektive branschorganisationen Almega med hjälp av Bacchis metod WPR analys avser vi att synliggöra hur problemet representeras från respektive part. Genom att koppla dessa representationer till politisk styrning, offentligt etos och makt visar vårt resultat att Karlshamns kommun drivs av både demokratiska och ekonomiska incitament medan å andra sidan branschorganisationen nästan uteslutande drivs av ekonomiska incitament. Vidare är vår slutsats att nuvarande politiska styrning av den Svenska arbetsmarknadspolitiken inte gynnar ett gott samarbete mellan medverkande på den svenska arbetsmarknadspolitiska arenan. Fokus bör vara den arbetssökande och reformer behöver komma till stånd. Det är Arbetsförmedlingen och därmed staten som besitter ansvaret och makten. Närmare bestämt den strukturella makten att fördela vem som ska få tillgång till kunskap och därmed aktörsmarknaden. I våra referensländer har ansvaret för arbetsmarknadspolitiken decentraliserats till lokala kommuner, vilket är ett alternativ som denna studie föreslår att Sverige bör undersöka närmare.
The purpose of this study is to make visible the conflicts of interest that have arisen between a municipality and one of Sweden's Trade associations. These conflicts arose when the municipality applied to become a provider for the Swedish Public Employment Service regarding a service that so far only has been procured with private actors. Furthermore, this study also aims to investigate whether democratic or economic incentives form the basis for Karlshamn's municipality and the Trade association's position regarding the conflict of interest. Based on SOU 2020:41 Municipalities as providers of services to the employment service - an analysis of the legal conditions, Karlshamn municipality has submitted an application to the Swedish Public Employment Service regarding the Kundval Rusta and matcha. The municipality of Karlshamn was the first municipality in Sweden to submit such an application. By analyzing texts from Karlshamn municipality and the Trade association as primary material through Bacchi's method WPR analysis, we intend to make visible how the problem is represented by each party as well as analyzing the incentives behind the representations of what is perceived as a problem. By linking these representations to political governance, public ethos and power, our results show that Karlshamn's municipality is driven by both democratic and economic incentives, while on the other hand the Trade association is almost exclusively driven by economic incentives. We also conclude that the current political governance of Swedish labor market policy does not favor good cooperation between actors on the Swedish labor market policy arena without reforms having to take place. It is the Swedish Public Employment Service and thus the state that possesses the power, responsibility and more specifically, the structural power to distribute who should have access to the player market. In our reference countries, this responsibility has been decentralized to local municipalities. Which we, after this study, consider to be an alternative that Sweden should investigate further.

The aim of this paper is to study how multiculturalism is expressed in the Swedish labour market policy. The method used for the investigation is a discourse analysis which study social and political processes in the society as created through language. The perspective of the discourse analysis is a social construction that considers that language is a social production created in a discursive way. It produces and reflects social process in the language. By using theories of national identity and multiculturalism we aim to investigate how multiculturalism is expressed in the labour market policy. With this method we aim to analyze the discourse of a political report made 2008 by the current government about integration strategies in Sweden. The conclusion of the study is that the different socio-economical positions existing between groups create categories in the Swedish society and those differences are more persistent among ethnocultural groups. This situation exposes a clear difference between the majority population and the ethnocultural groups. In order to prevent a wider difference between the two groups, the government has elaborated strategies to improve the opportunities of the ethnocultural groups for a rapid integration in the society. The actions taken will provide them with the necessary tools to empower the ethno cultural groups and enable them to enter in the labour market and make them responsible of their own situation. The government is presented as the key actor for promotion of democratic values with the overall priority of preventing exclusion and promotes social and economic growth in the country.

This study is based on a qualitative approach that analyzes data collected through semi-structured interview. The purpose of this study is to increase our understanding of the Swedish integration policy in the labor market. I do this by painting a picture of how the first generation of immigrants from Burundi who moved to Sweden between 2000 and 2005, men and women, experienced their integration into the labor market in Sweden. Method used in this work is a qualitative interview analysis, the text is transcribed with the use of intelligent Verbatim. By reviewing the respondents' feedback based on the theories of human capital, social capital and state capital, the decision-makers' adaptation of policies on labor market integration enlighten.  However, civil society, whose contribution is not taken in the reflection of decision-makers, can play a predominant role in the economic integration of immigrants.   Keywords: labor market policy, Integration, Respondent human capital, social capital

The aim of this paper is to research and discuss the role the cultural politics play for the Swedish employment office (Arbetsförmedlingen) and the meaning culture politics have within the labour market policy. A research has shown that Arbetsförmedlingen evaluates unemployed cultural workers differently than regular registered jobseekers. From an instrumental perspective on political implementation this can be considered as an anomali. Arbetsförmedlingen’s mandate derives from the government and its authority is a tool for carrying out state policy. A study, conducted on how Arbetsförmedlingen handles matching of culture jobseekers in the labour market can therefore be utilized as guidance towards possible answers regarding the state’s cultural policy in general. The problem formulation presented above led to the following inquiry: Does Arbetsförmedlingen have a cultural political assignment appointed by the government? Furthermore, what does the answer to the question imply regarding the Swedish cultural policy? A descriptive analysis of ideas are applied in order to examine governmental political documents and Arbetsförmedlingen’s regulations. The inquiry has generated a no answer for its question.  Arbetsförmedlingen does not have a cultural political assignment. The governmental organization has primarily a labour market political mission and in this context it signifies that it balances the cultural labour market. The result indicates that the Swedish cultural policy are presently diverting from the traditional Swedish model, where the state had a closer relationship to the culture and the culture workers.