Journal articles on the topic 'Surveillance operando'

Nowadays, terrorist attacks increasingly often take on an amorphous form, which may cause the society to assume a state of inaction or to inspire a false sense of security. Escalation of terrorist attacks leads to the introduction of new counteractive measures and revision of the existing systems of security. The current reflections emphasise how the essence of human rights ought to serve as a point of reference for organs of the law enforcement and legislation alike, with the aim of preventing arbitrary surveillance of citizens. The paper demonstrates why it is important for counter-terrorism strategy to be continually revisiting this axiom, which leads to increased practicality of regulations concerning identification and effective combating of terrorism. The axiology of human rights navigates towards universal, timeless values which have the capability of uniting people for the benefit of effective preventive measures based on active involvement, reasonable and future-oriented legislation.

The current coronavirus pandemic is not only a health/healthcare crisis but to a vast extent it will also influence other spheres of life, including social relations, the shape of economy and working models, and natural environment. Sustainable development that relies on the previously mentioned pillars (economy, society, environment) is going to be strongly affected by the virus outbreak. There is a threat that the process of recovering from the corona crisis will accelerate and legitimize the dynamics of surveillance capitalism. A really interesting case is going to be the labor world, where thanks to modern technologies, suppression of personal freedoms and triumph of total surveillance might be particularly easy. However, good scenarios are also plausible. The first 21st century pandemic of that scale may force societies to redefine their current modus operandi and shift capitalism into a more sustainable, humanistic model.

Nowadays, national security issues are increasing day by day in most countries. A multitude of measures to reduce the challenges have been presented and even implemented by many authors, but without exhaustive results. The use of computers and sophisticated IT tools by the terrorist group, increasing number of citizens, lack of social amenities and other factors have made some of them inadequate enough to control the problems in Nigeria. The purpose of this paper is to highlight national security challenges in Nigeria and how security oversight is operated. To achieve this, the authors analyze available secondary data, investigating national security modus operandi and presenting the general concept of surveillance. Related works were also investigated for discussion. Remote surveillance, wiretapping, geospatial intelligence and a consolidated national database are proposed to achieve digital intelligence collection for insecurity management.

A atual caracterização de infecção do sítio cirúrgico em incisional superficial, incisional profunda e órgão cavidade, em substituição à tradicional definição de "infecção de ferida operatória", associada a estratificação dos pacientes em grupos de risco de infecção cirúrgica de acordo com a metodologia NNISS (National Nosocomial Infection Surveillance System), permitiram a obtenção de taxas de infecção mais fidedignas e estudos comparativos entre instituições diferentes. Baseado nessa metodologia, o presente trabalho analisa prospectivamente 2.149 pacientes operados no Serviço de Cirurgia do Hospital Geral César Cals (HGCC)-CE, estratificados pelo IRIC (Índice de Risco de Infecção Cirúrgica) e comprova diferenças estatisticamente significativas nas taxas de infecção de sítio cirúrgico para os grupos de IRIC 0, 1,2 e 3, respectivamente de 3,2%, 7,4%, 16,6% e 20,9%. As infecções de maior gravidade ocorrem em pacientes com IRIC 3 e a vigilância pós-alta é importante, na medida em que muitas infecções somente serão diagnosticadas após a alta hospitalar.

The transformation of issues in international politics has led to a shift from traditional security issues (war and military) to non-traditional security issues (human security). One form of non-traditional security threat is the transnational crime activity of narcotics smuggling in Southeast Asia. The Southeast Asian region has an area of around 4.4 million KM2 and is known as the "Golden Triangle" narcotics production area on the border of Thailand, Laos, and Myanmar. One of the destination countries for smuggling narcotics in the Southeast Asian region is Indonesia and Riau Province is one of the gateways for the illegal entry of narcotics from other countries, especially Malaysia. This paper aims to analyze the modus operandi of transnational crime in narcotics smuggling in the border regions of Riau and Malaysia. This paper uses a qualitative method using interviews with research informants. The results of this study indicate that the modus operandi of narcotics smuggling in the border regions of Indonesia and Malaysia is carried out by sea along the coastline of the border provinces of Riau and Malaysia. Narcotics are neatly wrapped and installed GPS devices then smuggled at night by using the services of fishermen as a courier. This seawater smuggling route was chosen due to several factors, namely: the proximity of the territorial waters, the number of unofficial or illegal ports, the lack of surveillance patrols along the water area and the professionalism of law enforcement officers in the border region. The transformation of issues in international politics has led to a shift from traditional security issues (war and military) to non-traditional security issues (human security). One form of non-traditional security threat is the transnational crime activity of narcotics smuggling in Southeast Asia. The Southeast Asian region has an area of around 4.4 million KM2 and is known as the "Golden Triangle" narcotics production area on the border of Thailand, Laos, and Myanmar. One of the destination countries for smuggling narcotics in the Southeast Asian region is Indonesia and Riau Province is one of the gateways for the illegal entry of narcotics from other countries, especially Malaysia. This paper aims to analyze the modus operandi of transnational crime in narcotics smuggling in the border regions of Riau and Malaysia. This paper uses a qualitative method using interviews with research informants. The results of this study indicate that the modus operandi of narcotics smuggling in the border regions of Indonesia and Malaysia is carried out by sea along the coastline of the border provinces of Riau and Malaysia. Narcotics are neatly wrapped and installed GPS devices then smuggled at night by using the services of fishermen as a courier. This seawater smuggling route was chosen due to several factors, namely: the proximity of the territorial waters, the number of unofficial or illegal ports, the lack of surveillance patrols along the water area and the professionalism of law enforcement officers in the border region.

This paper examines how Russian opposition activists negotiate online visibility—their own and that of their messages and campaigns—and the security concerns brought on by the pervasive digital surveillance that the state resorts to in order to reinstate its control over the online discursive space. By examining the internet-based presence and activity of the members of Alexey Navalny’s FBK (Anti-Corruption Foundation) and other opposition activists, the paper traces connections between everyday security practices that these activists engage in online and the resistance tactics and repertoires they enact in an environment where the free and open exchange of information on the Russian internet is becoming increasingly difficult. The analysis finds that Russian opposition activists place a high value on digital, media, and security literacy and that navigating the internet using security tools and protocols such as VPN, two-phase authentication, and encrypted messaging is increasingly seen as the default modus operandi for those participating in organised dissent in Russia to mitigate growing state surveillance. Furthermore, the analysis reveals that Russian activists have to balance the need for security with growing visibility—a key factor for entering the mainstream political and social discourse. The tension between being secure and being visible emerges as a key aspect of resistance practices in an environment of near-constant state surveillance, as activists concurrently manage their safety and visibility online to minimise the risks posed by government spying and maximise the effect of their dissent.

The Gulf of Guinea (GoG) has now carved a name for itself as a piracy hotspot now surpassing the Gulf of Aden in pirate attacks. This sea corridor remains a life line to many of the littoral and land locked states in that region. Oil is an important commodity and the sea lines of communications cannot be overemphasized. Ghana joined the main players of oil production when oil was discovered its Jubilee Oil Field. Being an offshore venture, the oil is stored in the floating production storage and offloading (FPSO) vessel and later offloaded on sea tanker vessels for export. The FPSO is visible as a stationary vessel a couple of nautical miles from the shore and therefore makes it vulnerable to piracy attacks. This paper highlights the modus operandi of these pirate groups notable among them are the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) and also in 2016 the emergence of the Niger Delta Avengers. A PESTLE and SWOT analysis of the situation is looked at while some of the drivers mitigating the ascendency of piracy in this region is mentioned. There is the need for the regional and international security agencies to coordinate their efforts and intensify their efforts in policing the GoG. As a means of Best Management Practice (BMP), vessels are advised to ensure adherence to these practices and fortify themselves with modern communication devices and surveillance equipment to help make early detection of pirate boats as well as having a well-equipped citadel with dedicated communication devices should the need arise to use them.

Partindo do trabalho etnográfico e entrevistas grupais com jovens de duas favelas cariocas, o artigo problematiza a categoria envolvido-com (retirada da linguagem cotidiana) o crime e suas serventias, como um dispositivo de controle social itinerante que fabrica fronteiras móveis que desigualam os desiguais. Isso evidencia como essa noção tem sido mobilizada na distribuição seletiva de vigilância e de punição das juventudes da periferia. Discutem-se suas funcionalidades na regulação das trajetórias e percursos identitários, evidenciando a trama de rotulações que põe em operação deslizamentos de sentido entre as noções de “bandido” e “vulnerável”. Analisa-se o acionamento de moralidades que justificam a gerência de si dos favelados. Revela uma ambição de tutela policial maximizada pelo apetite de criminalização não só dos indivíduos, mas também de seus vínculos sociais.“BASTA TÁ DO LADO”. THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF THOSE INVOLVED IN CRIMEBased on the ethnographic work and group interviews with young people from two Rio de Janeiro favelas, this article problematizes the category ‘involved-with (taken from the everyday language) crime and its services’, as a fluid social control device that creates moving borders which serve to “unequalize” the unequal. This shows how this notion has been mobilized in the selective distribution of surveillance and punishment of youths in the suburbs. Its functionalities are discussed in the regulation of trajectories and identity paths, highlighting a profiling web that ends up blurring the meaning between the notions of “criminal” and “vulnerable.” The activation of moralities that justify the self-management of the favela inhabitants is analyzed. It reveals an ambition of police custody maximized by the appetite for criminalization not only of individuals, but also of their social relations.Keywords: Involvement. Youths. Social control. Surveillance. Social vulnerability.“IL SUFFIT D’ETRE A COTE.” LA CONSTRUCTION SOCIALE DE CELUI MELE AU CRIMEEn se basant sur les travaux ethnographiques et les interviews de groupe avec des jeunes de deux favelas de Rio de Janeiro, l’article pose le problème de la catégorie mêlé au (extrait du langage courant) crime et à ses services , en tant que dispositif de contrôle social itinérant qui édifie des frontières mobiles qui inégalent les inégaux. Cela montre bien comment cette notion a été mobilisée dans la distribution sélective de la vigilance et de la punition des jeunes de la périphérie. L’article présente ses fonctionnalités dans la régulation des trajectoires et des parcours identitaires en mettant en évidence toute une série d’étiquetages qui entrainent des glissements de sens entre les notions de “bandit” et de “vulnérable”. Il analyse la mise en place de moralités qui justifient la gestion des habitants des favelas par eux-mêmes. Il révèle une ambition de tutelle policière maximisée par l’appétit de criminalisation, non seulement des individus mais aussi de leurs liens sociaux.Mots-clés: Implication. Jeunesses. Contrôle social. Surveillance. Vulnérabilité sociale.

Infrared (wavelengths >750 nm) light-emitting equipment is commonly used worldwide to monitor nocturnal predator and prey behaviour. However, it is possible that the infrared (IR)-light wavelengths emitted from the equipment are so close to the spectral threshold of some key species that the light may be detected. An operant procedure was used to test whether five male ferrets (Mustela furo) could see an IR light with peak wavelengths of 870 and 920 nm. First, the ferrets were taught to press a lever under a lit white light for food reinforcement (overall mean response accuracy was 89%). Changing the properties (wavelength and intensity) of the light did not disrupt the ferrets’ abilities to perform the learned task. When the light was changed to IR (870 nm), four of five ferrets responded to the light at levels significantly higher than chance (mean = 68%, n = 4188, P < 0.01). When glare from a red trial-starting light was removed, two of the five ferrets (S3 and S4) showed strong evidence (response accuracies of 84% and 78%, respectively, P < 0.01) that they could see IR at 870 nm; however, S3 definitely could not see IR at 920 nm (n = 124, mean = 47%, P = 0.53). We conclude that at least some ferrets can see the light emitted from standard monitoring equipment that uses IR wavelengths of ~870 nm. To ensure nocturnal predator and prey behaviours are not altered by IR surveillance, field programs should use only high-wavelength IR diodes (at least 920 nm).

L’attenzione alla sicurezza, connessa anche ai recenti sinistri relativi agli eventi del caso “Boeing 737 max”, il recente protocollo d’intesa raggiunto tra l’ENAC e la Scuola Superiore della Magistratura, finalizzato ad una maggiore consapevolezza reciproca per portare l’amministrazione della giustizia più vicina possibile alla realtà aviation in cui la stessa si troverà ad operare, e infine il crack Alitalia, hanno imposto un’ulteriore riflessione sulla natura dei problemi afferenti la safety degli aeromobili sia sotto il profilo tecnico (di progettazione, realizzazione o impiego), sia sotto il profilo normativo-giuridico. Questo ha condotto le società operanti nel settore a domandarsi se i loro modelli di raccolta delle segnalazioni e di comunicazione con l’ENAC dovessero essere ripensati, specie in considerazione dell’astratta configurabilità dell’art. 2638 c.c. e del conseguente illecito connesso con l’art. 25ter D.lgs. n. 231/2001. &nbsp; Parole chiave: comunicazioni obbligatorie, enti di vigilanza, ENAC, art. 2638 c.c., safety, modello 231 &nbsp; The recent attention about the safety related to the aviation incident, expecially the "Boeing 737 max" case, the new memorandum of understanding reached between Ente Nazionale Aviazione Civile (“ENAC”) and the Italian Scuola Superiore della Magistratura aimed at greater mutual awareness to bring the justice’s administration as close as possible to the aviation reality, and eventually the Alitalia’s crack, require further reflection on the aircraft safety from a technical standpoint (design, construction or use) and legal point of view. This has led the aviation’s companies to a rethinking of their reporting policy and their interactions with ENAC, especially in view of the potential configurability of art. 2638 civil code and the consequent offense connected with art. 25ter D.lgs. n. 231/2001. &nbsp; Keywords: mandatory communication, surveillance Authority, ENAC, art. 2638 c.c., safety, modello 231

En el presente trabajo analizamos cómo el avance la denominada inteligencia artificial ha supuesto el desarrollo de una serie de nuevas tecnologías que están incidiendo de manera directa en nuestro Sistema de Justicia. Partiendo de esta base, examinamos los diferentes sistemas de inteligencia artificial que operan en la actualidad en el mundo jurídico. Nos referimos a la predicción judicial y al uso de herramientas como Ross Intelligence –utilizada en los despachos de abogados–, Compas –capaz de predecir el posible nivel de reincidencia de un sujeto– o Prometea –utilizada para la resolución de casos de cierta complejidad–. El uso de estas tecnologías trae consigo la necesidad de adoptar un sistema compatible con los Derechos Fundamentales de los ciudadanos afectados, incluyendo aspectos como la protección de datos, la protección de la privacidad y la no discriminación. Por otro lado, nos ocupamos de la revolución que ha supuesto en el proceso penal la aplicación de medidas de investigación tecnológica como la intervención de las comunicaciones telemáticas, la videovigilancia o la grabación de comunicaciones, así como el aumento de las fuentes de prueba de naturaleza digital –mediante la aplicación Whatsapp– y el uso de la videoconferencia. The present study analyses how the advance of the so-called artificial intelligence has meant the development of a series of new technologies that are having a direct impact on our Justice System. On this basis, we examine the various artificial intelligence systems currently operating in the legal world. We refer to judicial prediction and the use of tools such as Ross Intelligence -used in law firms-, Compas -capable of predicting the possible level of recidivism of a subject- or Prometea -used for the resolution of cases that have a certain complexity. The use of these technologies brings with it the need to adopt a system compatible with the Fundamental Rights of the citizens concerned, including aspects such as data protection, privacy protection and non-discrimination. On the other hand, we deal with the revolution that the application of technological research measures such as the intervention of telematic communications has brought about in the criminal process, video surveillance or communication recording, as well as the increase of test sources of a digital nature -through Whatsapp- and the use of viodeconferencing.

As infecções fúngicas são cada vez mais reconhecidas como uma ameaça mundial à saúde humana. A espécie de Candida, denominada como Candida auris tem adquirido um grande destaque dentre as demais, visto que, se apresenta potencialmente patogênica, pois possui multirresistência e consegue persistir facilmente em ambientes hospitalares. Dessa forma, objetivou-se investigar na literatura as características epidemiológicas da levedura emergente C. auris. Trata-se de uma revisão de literatura integrativa, realizada nas bases de dados: PubMed, SciELO e Google Scholar, utilizando os descritores: Candida auris, Epidemiologia “Epidemiology”, Tratamento “Treatment”, combinados pelo operador booleano “AND”. Selecionou-se estudos publicados no ano de 2020, no idioma português ou inglês. De acordo com os dados coletados, a C. auris afeta adultos e crianças com uma variedade de fatores de risco, como cateteres venosos centrais e uso excessivo de antimicrobianos, apresentando-se como um fungo de alto poder de transmissão horizontal e grande taxa de resistência a antifúngicos, sendo necessário a combinação de dois ou mais fármacos para o tratamento de candidemias. Além disso, essas infecções são responsáveis por uma taxa de mortalidade em 30 dias de 39,5 %. Dessa forma, é imprescindível que medidas mais exigentes de vigilância, controle e notificação sejam aplicadas de forma que novos casos de infecção por C. auris sejam tratados corretamente a fim de minimizar a transmissão e evitar surtos epidêmicos, especialmente em ambientes hospitalares. Palavras-chave: Candida auris. Epidemiologia. Tratamento. Abstract Fungal infections are increasingly recognized as a global threat to human health. The Candida species, known as Candida auris, has gained great prominence among the others, as it is potentially pathogenic, as it has multi-resistance and can easily persist in hospital environments. Thus, the objective was to investigate in the literature the epidemiological characteristics of the emerging yeast C. auris. This is an integrative literature review, carried out in the databases: PubMed, SciELO and Google Scholar, using the descriptors: Candida auris, Epidemiology “Epidemiology”, Treatment “Treatment”, combined by the Boolean operator “AND”. Studies published in 2020, in Portuguese or English, were selected. According to the data collected, C. auris affects adults and children with a variety of risk factors, such as central venous catheters and excessive use of antimicrobials, presenting itself as a fungus with high horizontal transmission power and high resistance rate to antifungals, being necessary the combination of two or more drugs for the treatment of candidemias. In addition, these infections are responsible for a 30-day mortality rate of 39.5%. Therefore, it is essential that more demanding surveillance, control and notification measures are applied so that new cases of C. auris infection are correctly treated in order to minimize transmission and avoid epidemic outbreaks, especially in hospital environments. Keywords: Candida auris. Epidemiology. Treatment.

Previous health and natural disasters have all had a significant impact on human life. However, there is a consensus that the technological advances of our time would have allowed us to better understand and respond to these situations in a more holistic manner. Early Warning and Health Emergency Surveillance technologies are therefore more than essential for improved proactivity. While in developed countries, their implementation is facilitated by the existence of proven mechanisms, this is not often the case in low and middle-income countries. Our practical experience in deploying Early Warning and Health Emergency Surveillance systems in resource-constrained environments led us to develop and propose an approach that is intended to be effective in the execution of such interventions. When implemented in low and middle-income countries, our approach, which promotes the Bottom-to-Top concept, has succeeded in federating and strengthening all the forces in the public, private and international development sectors around the implementation of these crucial technologies for better emergency management, especially in health. Engaging all stakeholders, developing an inclusive modus operandi, promoting a sustainable strategy, and effectively empowering recipients in a coordinated manner is the recipe for the successful implementation of such technologies in low and middle-income countries.

El avance de la tecnología digital ha permitido concebir Sistemas de Vigilancia Epidemiológicos (SVE) automatizados con un enfoque <em>holístico-sistémico</em> favoreciendo la planeación, operación, gestión y procesamiento de datos fitosanitarios de manera efectiva y oportuna para toma de decisiones en la prevención y manejo regional de plagas. Este tipo de sistemas se enfocan en la salud del cultivo superando la visión reduccionista de plaga en la vigilancia normativa convencional. Un SVE web implica la definición clara del marco regional, objetivos, plaga(s) en su amplia acepción, recursos humanos/financieros, contexto normativo, líneas de investigación de soporte, estructura operativa y modelos de innovación. Estos elementos determinan la precisión, frecuencia y tipo de muestreo y monitoreo, así como las variables de medición relativas a un novel<em> sistema epidemiológico</em>. A diferencia de la vigilancia normativa, un SVE web <em>holístico-sistémico</em> tiene capacidad descriptiva y de pronóstico de riesgos, incluyendo alertas tempranas a partir de análisis espaciales y temporales. La interfaz web SVE asegura la generación flexible y dinámica de reportes y/o análisis automatizados. Un SVE operado en plataformas web, con énfasis en lenguajes de programación y herramientas de uso libre puede ser alojado en servidores genéricos o dedicados para almacenamiento de metadatos configurados con tecnologías Linux/Apache y funcionalidad 24/7 (h día-1). Programas de uso libre incluyen MySQL/MariaDB y otros como gestores de bases de datos; PHP / Node.js, y JavaScript, Ajax, HTML5 y CSS, como tecnologías web de maquetado base ‘back-end’ y ‘front-end’, respectivamente. Esta revisión se enfoca en principios, atributos conceptuales, enfoques metodológicos generales y objetivos de SVE base web. Aplicaciones generales se ilustran con un SVE desarrollado en México para el cafeto (<em>Coffea</em> spp.), el cual permitió operar la vigilancia de 19 plagas, nueve con estatus cuarentenario, mediante la generación, gestión y análisis de 87.4 y 15.7 millones de registros climáticos y epidemiológicos, respectivamente, obtenidos entre 2013-2019.

AbstractThis paper presents a comprehensive dataset intended to evaluate passive Human Activity Recognition (HAR) and localization techniques with measurements obtained from synchronized Radio-Frequency (RF) devices and vision-based sensors. The dataset consists of RF data including Channel State Information (CSI) extracted from a WiFi Network Interface Card (NIC), Passive WiFi Radar (PWR) built upon a Software Defined Radio (SDR) platform, and Ultra-Wideband (UWB) signals acquired via commercial off-the-shelf hardware. It also consists of vision/Infra-red based data acquired from Kinect sensors. Approximately 8 hours of annotated measurements are provided, which are collected across two rooms from 6 participants performing 6 daily activities. This dataset can be exploited to advance WiFi and vision-based HAR, for example, using pattern recognition, skeletal representation, deep learning algorithms or other novel approaches to accurately recognize human activities. Furthermore, it can potentially be used to passively track a human in an indoor environment. Such datasets are key tools required for the development of new algorithms and methods in the context of smart homes, elderly care, and surveillance applications.

Este artigo volta-se para o chamado modus operandi dos patrulheiros da ordem pública da Polícia Militar da Paraíba, dirigindo o seu olhar para o que seja o “padrão operacional” dos PMs que fazem o “policiamento ostensivo” em João Pessoa. Toma como percurso o ponto de vista desses policiais sobre a sua práxis discricionária no atendimento às ocorrências criminais e não-criminais, buscando compreender como o mandato público de polícia se faz nas ruas e, por conseguinte, com que meios e modos a autoridade policial é concretamente exercida diante dos “fins” para os quais ela é chamada a atuar. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: mandato policial, poder discricionário, Polícia Militar, administração de conflitos, uso da força. POLICE MANDATE IN USE: making decisions on the streets of João Pessoa Jacqueline de Oliveira Muniz Washington França da Silva This article turns to the modus operandi of the police beat of public order officers of the Military Police of Paraíba, directing its focus on what is the “standard operation” of MPs who do the “ostensive policing” in Joao Pessoa. It follows the point of view of these officers on their discretionary practice in responding to non-criminal and criminal incidents, trying to understand how the public office mandate works on the streets and, therefore, through which ways and means the police authority is concretely exercised for the “purposes” for which it is called to act. KEYWORDS: police mandate, discretionary power, military Police, conflict management, use of force. MANDAT DE POLICE DANS LA PRATIQUE: prise de décisions dans les rues de João Pessoa Jacqueline de Oliveira Muniz Washington França da Silva Cet article traite dudit modus operandi des patrouilleurs de l’ordre public de la Police Militaire de l’état de Paraíba, vu en particulier sous l’angle de ce que l’on appelle “le modèle opérationnel” des PMs (Policiers Militaires) qui s’occupent de la “surveillance ostensive” à João Pessoa. On part du point de vue de ces policiers par rapport à leur pratique discrétionnaire dans le cadre des affaires criminelles et non criminelles. On essaie de comprendre comment la police exerce sa fonction dans les rues et, par conséquent, de savoir quels sont les moyens utilisés et de quelle manière s’exerce concrètement l’autorité policière pour atteindre les “buts” auxquels sont action se destine. MOTS-CLÉS: mandat de police, pouvoir discré-tionnaire, police militaire, administration de conflits, utilisation de la force. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br Publicação Online do Caderno CRH no Scielo: http://www.scielo.br/ccrh

Flight data mining enables airport owners, operators, and governmental entities to explore more intelligent management strategies; in particular, cost-effectively obtaining accurate operational data is beneficial for general aviation (GA) airports and their associated communities. The current data collection modus operandi, however, does not meet future needs, as aircraft operations are counted manually or estimated by sampling methods. The increasing traffic flow and limited available personnel at most GA airports make it unrealistic to continue using traditional methods to analyze aircraft operational statistics; therefore, a customized approach is needed to address this problem. Since different flight phases have different levels and types of impact on the environment, acquiring information related to the duration of each flight phase at the airport and within its surrounding airspace is critical to the assessment of emissions and noise pollution from aircraft. The primary goal of the research is to provide quantified inputs for the environmental evaluation model, such as the Aviation Environmental Design Tool (AEDT). This paper demonstrates a programmed framework that successfully achieves satisfactory performance in solving flight phase identification problems by testing the synthetic flight data as well as validating the empirical Automatic Dependent Surveillance-Broadcast (ADS-B) data. The experimental results suggest that the proposed methods achieve promising classification accuracy, leading to feasible deployment in airport operations.

“Man has, as it were, become a kind of prosthetic God. When he puts on all his auxiliary organs he is truly magnificent; but those organs have not grown on to him and they still give him much trouble at times” (Freud 37-39).Introduction and Background Self-tracking is not a new phenomenon. For centuries, people have used self-examination and monitoring as a means to attain knowledge and understanding about themselves. People would often record their daily activities (like food consumption, sleep and physical exercise) and write down accompanying thoughts and reflections. However, the advent of digital technology in the past decades has drastically changed the self-tracking sphere. In fact, the popularisation of self-tracking technology (STT) in mobile applications and wearable devices has allowed users to track daily activities on a closer and more accurate scale than previously affordable. Gary Wolf, the founder of a niche movement called the ‘Quantified Self’, suggested that “if you want to replace the vagaries of intuition with something more reliable, you first need to gather data. Once you know the facts, you can live by them” (Wolf). This reveals that STT has the capacity to guide users by virtue of the data collected and insights provided by the technology. Thus, instead of using intuition, which is potentially unreliable and subjective, data – finite and objective by nature – can be used to guide the process by providing definitive facts, figures and patterns. Arguably, this technologises users, allowing them to enhance their performance and capabilities by using STTs to regulate and monitor their behaviour. Hence, in this article, I position self-tracking technology (STT) as an interactive media technology, a tool for surveillance and regulation, and an “extension of man”. However, the use of and reliance on STT can compromise personal autonomy, and this journal article will investigate how users’ personal autonomy has been affected due to STT’s function as an extension of man, or a “prosthetic”. I use case study vignettes to investigate impacts on personal autonomy in three spheres: the workspace, relationships and the physical environment. Extending ManSTTs reconfigure our bodies in data form and implicate our personhood and autonomy. Human physicality has changed now that technology and data have become so integral to how we experience and view our bodies. STTs technologise human bodies, transforming them into data bodies, augmented and reliant on digital media. As Marshall McLuhan (63) put it: “In this electric age we see ourselves being translated more and more into the form of information, moving toward the technological extension of consciousness”. With the integration of STT into our daily lives, consumers increasingly rely on cues from their devices and applications to inform them about their bodies. This potentially affects the autonomy of an individual – since STT becomes an extension of the human body. In the 1960s, when the mass media was burgeoning, Marshal McLuhan proposed the idea that the media acted as an extension of man. STTs similarly act as an extension of users’ embodied capabilities and senses, since the data collected by these technologies is shared with users, allowing them to alter their bodies and minds, aiming to be as productive and effective as possible. In Understanding Media, McLuhan’s interpretation of electronic media was prescient. He anticipated the development of so-called “smart” devices, noting that, in the information age man “wears [his] brain outside [his] skull and [his] nerves outside [his] hide” (63). This is reflective of STT’s heavy reliance on sensor technology and smart technology. Simply examining how a Fitbit – a popular wearable self-tracking device – operates is illustrative. For instance, some Fitbits have an altimeter sensor that detects when the wearer is elevated, and hence counts floors. Fitbits also count steps using a three-axis accelerometer, which turns the wearer’s movements into data. Furthermore, Fitbit devices are capable of analysing and interpreting this acceleration data to provide insights about “frequency, duration, intensity, and patterns of movement to determine [users’] steps taken, distance travelled, calories burned, and sleep quality” (“Fitbit”). Fitbit relies on sensor technologies (“nerves”) to detect and interpret activities, and such insights are then transmitted to users’ smart devices (“brains”) for storage, to be analysed at a time of convenience. This modus operandi is not exclusive to Fitbit, and in fact, is the framework for many STTs. Hence, STTs have the potential to extend the natural capabilities of the human body to regulate behaviour.The WorkplaceThis notion of STT as a regulatory prosthetic is seen in its ability to enforce standardised norms on individuals by using surveillance as a disciplinary measure. STTs can enforce norms on users by transforming the workplace into a panopticon, which is an institutional structure that allows a watchman to observe individuals without them knowing whether they are being watched or not. STTs are used to gather data about performance and behaviour, and users are monitored constantly. As a result, they adjust their behaviouraccordingly. US retail titan Amazon has repeatedly raised concerns over the past years because of its use of wearables to survey workers during shifts. Adam Littler, an Amazon employee, came forward in 2013 accusing his employers of forcing him to walk 11 miles during a single work shift. His distance travelled was measured and tracked using a pedometer, while a handheld scanner guided him around the warehouse and notified him if he was meeting his targets (Aspinall). Amazon also recently designed and patented a wristband that is capable of tracking wearers’ (employees’) movements, including hand placement (Kelly). The reliance on such tracking technology to guide actions and supplement users with information to increase productivity reveals how STT can serve as a prosthetic that is used to enhance man’s abilities and performance However, the flipside of such enhancement is exploitation – employers augment users with technology and force them to adhere to standards of performance that are difficult to achieve. For instance, documents have recently surfaced that suggest Amazon terminates employees based on productivity statistics. It was reported that around 300 full-time employees were fired for “failing to meet productivity quotas”. According to the documents, “Amazon’s system tracks the rates of each individual associate’s productivity and automatically generates any warnings or terminations regarding quality or productivity without input from supervisors” (Lecher). This is reflective of how actors that are in power, like employers, can impose self-tracking practises onto employees that compromise their personal autonomy. Foucault finds that the panopticon’s utility and potency as a discipline mechanism lies in its efficiency as enforcers do not have to constantly survey people to ensure they conform. Thus, it manoeuvres existing power structures to achieve a particular goal – for instance, higher productivity or economic growth. Foucault also notes: The discipline of the workshop, while remaining a way of enforcing respect for the regulations and authorities, of preventing thefts and losses, tends to increase aptitudes, speeds, output and therefore profits; it still exerts a moral influence over behaviour, but more and more it treats actions in terms of their results, introduces bodies into a machinery, forces into an economy. (210) STTs in the workspace (or workshop) can act as prostheses, allowing employers to enhance their employee’s capabilities. Such technology creates an environment in which workers feel pressured to perform in adherence to certain set standards. Thus, employees are disciplined by STTs, and by the surveillance of their employers that follows. Arguably, such surveillance is detrimental to personal autonomy, as the surveyed feel that they have to behave in compliance to standards enforced by those in power (ie. their employers). Physical Environment With the aim of productivity and efficiency in mind, users grow dependant on devices to augment their realities with helpful technology. As mentioned earlier, McLuhan (90) ideates that “technologies are extensions of our physical and nervous systems to increase power and speed” is particularly significant. The iPhone is an example that illustrates this point very clearly as they are inbuilt with complex technology that includes a variety of sensors. The iPhone 7, for example, has a range of sensors including an accelerometer, a gyroscope, a magnetometer, a GPS, a barometer, and an ambient light sensor (Nield). These gather information about users’ surroundings and feed it back to them, and they are then able to make informed decisions. Hence, if a user wants to travel to a certain place, the phone has the ability to point out the quickest route possible, or which route to take if they would like to stop by a certain location along the way. This cultivates a reliance on navigational technologies that use automated self-tracking to direct users’ daily lives, functioning as an extension and enhancement of their geographical memory and sense of direction. However, using these technologies may in fact be dulling our body’s abilities. For instance, anthropologist Tim Ingold posits that relying on navigation technology has reduced humans’ inborn wayfaring capabilities (Ingold). These satellite navigation technologies are one of the most popular ways in which people track their movements and move through space; for instance, a whole market of rideshare applications like Uber and OlaCabs rely on this technology. Using this technology has allowed people to navigate and travel with ease. However, this can be seen to lead to a lack of “spatial awareness and cartographic literacy”. Essentially, traditional maps skills are viewed as redundant and it can encourage an over-reliance on technology (Speake and Axon). According to McKinlay navigation is a “use-it-or-lose-it skill” and “automatic wayfinding” was reducing natural navigation abilities. A UCL neuroscience study found that licensed London taxi drivers have a larger than average hippocampus in their brains, as they are capable of storing a mental map of the city in their minds, by learning street layouts and locations of places of interest. The hippocampus is the part of the brain that is linked to spatial memory and navigation skills (Maguire, Woollett and Spiers 1093). Dr Eleanor Maguire, the neuroscientist who led the study, noted that if the taxi drivers started “using GPS, that knowledge base will be less and possibly affect the brain changes we are seeing” (Dobson). In turn, an increasing reliance on GPS and navigation technologies in self-tracking devices may result in a diminishing hippocampus, according to neuroscientist Veronique Bohbot of McGill University. The atrophy of the hippocampus has also been linked to the risk of dementia (Weeks), which reveals how the technologies that augment space may atrophy the “natural abilities” (McKinlay) and thus, the autonomy of users. RelationshipsAs with areas like the workspace and spatial environments, sociality and intimacy are increasingly being mediated by technology – the digital capabilities of new media have expanded users’ options and provided a variety of technological tools that allow us to streamline and reflect on social interactions and behaviour, serving as a social prosthetic. This is especially significant in the sphere of self-tracking. However, relying on STT to gain insight into sociality may alter the ways in which we think of intimacy and communication, and may also have an impact on users’ independence and trust. Hasinoff (497-98) notes that using tracking technologies within families and intimate relationships can have potentially harmful effects, such as a loss of trust. In particular, children who are pushed into self-tracking by their families may suffer from a loss of independence as well as an inability to perceive and react to risk. In such a situation, STT serves as a prosthetic that aims to ensure safety, however, surveillance through STTs enforces power disparities and simultaneously creates a dependency between the watched and watchers, and this would affect users’ personal autonomy as they are viewed under a panoptic lens. In fact, Hasinoff finds that “[family tracking and monitoring apps] exaggerate risks, offer illusory promises of safety, and normalize surveillance and excessive control in familial relationships”. I argue that this is the consequence of pushed self-tracking in the sphere of sociality and intimacy. Users may feel pressure from their families or partners to participate in self-tracking and allow their data to be accessed by them. However, the process of participating in such a mediated and monitored relationship could create “asymmetrical relations of visibility” (Trottier 320), as this sharing of information may not always be two sided. For instance, on the app Life360, parents can enforce that their children share their locations at all times, while they are able to conceal their own locations. This intensifies the watcher’s control and diminishes the watched’s privacy and autonomy. Quite ironically, Life360’s tagline is “feel free, together”. As an app geared at family safety, Life360 assumes that the family is a safe space – however, families too may pose a significant risk to vulnerable users’ (such as young children and women) autonomy and privacy. User complaints about inaccurate location information reveal “controlling, asymmetrical, and potentially abusive uses of the app” that can aggravate dysfunctional power dynamics in intimate and familial relationships. For instance, jealous partners or overprotective parents could grow increasingly suspicious or even aggressive (Hasinoff 504). Critical users who reviewed the app claimed that the app “ruined [their] social life” and enabled their “family to stalk [them] 24/7”. In another case, a user claimed the app was “toxic”, noting it would “destroy their [children’s] trust” (App Store; Life360). While the app asserts that each user does have control over the extent of location sharing, they may feel the need to remain visible because of familial pressure and expectations, since their family relies visibility on the app as an indicator of safety. This too, is problematic – self-tracking one’s locations provides just that – a geolocation pin, which is not a clear measure or indicator of the well-being or safety of the user. Simpson argues that constructing location information as safety information is not reliable because it could “promote a false sense of security based on the sense that if you know where your child is then that means they are safe” (277). Additionally, this also sets an imperative that users need to be monitored or monitor themselves at all times to ensure safety, and such a use of surveillance technology could result in users being hyperalert and anxious (Hasinoff 497). Extending man’s awareness to this degree and engaging in such surveillance may create a false sense of security and dependency, that ultimately puts everyone’s autonomy at risk.ConclusionSTT performs as an informational prosthetic for man. We conventionally tend to think of prostheses as extensions of our physical and sensory abilities, used to enhance or replace missing functions. In the case of STT, they have inbuilt decision-making and guidance capabilities, enhancing humans’ ability to process and understand information. This is a new type of digital prosthetic that has not existed before. It thus seems that the new generation of prostheses are no longer just physical and material – they operate as intellectual and cognitive extensions of our bodies. However, when users’ decision-making processes are increasingly displaced by informational prostheses, it is important to determine the extent to which they are impairing our organic capacity for orienting, sense-making and intimacy. ReferencesApp Store. Mobile app. Apple Inc. 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London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1964.McKinlay, Roger. “Technology: Use or Lose Our Navigation Skills.” Nature 30 Mar. 2016. <https://www.nature.com/news/technology-use-or-lose-our-navigation-skills-1.19632>.Nield, David. “All the Sensors in Your Smartphone, and How They Work.” Gizmodo Australia 28 July 2017. <https://www.gizmodo.com.au/2017/07/all-the-sensors-in-your-smartphone-and-how-they-work/>.Satariano, Adam. “Would You Wear a FitBit So Your Boss Could Track Your Weight Loss?” Daily Herald 9 Jan. 2014. <https://www.dailyherald.com/article/20140901/business/140909985/>.Simpson, Brian. “Tracking Children, Constructing Fear: GPS and the Manufacture of Family Safety.” Information & Communications Technology Law 23.3 (2014): 273–285. DOI: 10.1080/13600834.2014.970377.Speake, Janet, and Stephen Axon. “‘I Never Use ‘Maps’ Anymore’: Engaging with Sat Nav Technologies and the Implications for Cartographic Literacy and Spatial Awareness.” The Cartographic Journal 49.4 (2013): 326-336. 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Introduction It used to be the case that for the mass of workers, work was something that was done in order to get by. A working class was simply the sum total of all those workers and their dependents whose wages paid for the necessities of life, providing the bare minimum for family reproduction, to secure a place and a lineage within the social order. However, work has now become something else. Work has become the privileged sign of a new kind of class, whose existence is guaranteed not so much by work, but by the very fact of holding a job. Society no longer divides itself between a ruling elite and a subordinated working class, but between a job-holding, job-aspiring class, and those excluded from holding a job; those unable, by virtue of age, infirmity, education, gender, race or demographics, to participate in the rewards of work. Today, these rewards are not only a regular salary and job satisfaction (the traditional consolations of the working class), but also a certain capacity to plan ahead, to gain control of one's destiny through saving and investment, and to enjoy the pleasures of consumption through the fulfilment of self-images. What has happened to transform the worker from a subsistence labourer to an affluent consumer? In what way has the old working class now become part of the consumer society, once the privileged domain of the rich? And what effects has this transformation had on capitalism and its desire for profit? These questions take on an immediacy when we consider that, in the recent Federal election held in Australia (November 11, 2001), voters in the traditional working class areas of western Sydney deserted the Labour Party (the party of the worker) and instead voted Liberal/conservative (the party of capital and small business). The fibro worker cottage valleys of Parramatta are apparently no more, replaced by the gentrified mansions of an aspiring worker formation, in pursuit of the wealth and independence once the privilege of the educated bourgeoisie. In this brief essay, I will outline an understanding of work in terms of its changing relation to capital. My aim is to show how the terrain of work has shifted so that it no longer operates in strict subordination to capital, and has instead become an investment in capital. The worker no longer works to subsist, but does so as an investment in the future. My argument is situated in the rich theoretical field set out by Karl Marx in his critique of capitalism, which described the labour/capital relation in terms of a repressive, extractive force (the power of capital over labour) and which has since been redefined by various poststructuralist theorists including Michel Foucault and Gilles Deleuze (Anti-Oedipus) in terms of the forces of productive desire. What follows then, is not a Marxist reading of work, but a reading of the way Marx sets forth work in relation to capital, and how this can be re-read through poststructuralism, in terms of the transformation of work from subordination to capital, to investment in capital; from work as the consequence of repression, to work as the fulfilment of desire. The Discipline of Work In his major work Capital Marx sets out a theory of labour in which the task of the worker is to produce surplus value: "Capitalist production is not merely the production of commodities, it is, by its very essence, the production of surplus-value. The worker produces not for himself, but for capital. It is no longer sufficient, therefore, for him simply to produce. He must produce surplus-value." (644) For Marx, surplus-value is generated when commodities are sold in the market for a price greater than the price paid to the worker for producing it: "this increment or excess over the original value I call surplus-value" (251). In order to create surplus value, the time spent by the worker in making a commodity must be strictly controlled, so that the worker produces more than required to fulfil his subsistence needs: ". . . since it is just this excess labour that supplies [the capitalist] with the surplus value" (1011). In other words, capital production is created through a separation between labour and capital: "a division between the product of labour and labour itself, between the objective conditions of labour and the subjective labour-power, was . . . the real foundation and the starting point of the process of capital production" (716). As Michael Ryan has argued, this separation was forced , through an allegiance between capital and the state, to guarantee the conditions for capital renewal by controlling the payment of labour in the form of a wage (84). Marx's analysis of industrialised capital in Capital thus outlines the way in which human labour is transformed into a form of surplus value, by the forced extraction of labour time: "the capitalist forces the worker where possible to exceed the normal rate of intensity [of work] and he forces him as best he can to extend the process of labour beyond the time necessary to replace the amount laid out in wages" (987). For Marx, capitalism is not a voluntary system; workers are not free to enter into and out of their relation with capital, since capital itself cannot survive without the constant supply of labour from which to extract surplus value. Needs and wants can only be satisfied within the labour/capital relation which homogenises labour into exchange value in terms of a wage, pegged to subsistence levels: "the capital earmarked for wages . . . belongs to the worker as soon as it has assumed its true shape of the means of subsistence destined to be consumed by him" (984). The "true shape" of wages, and hence the single, univocal truth of the wage labourer, is that he is condemned to subsistence consumption, because his capacity to share in the surplus value extracted from his own labour is circumscribed by the alliance between capital and the state, where wages are fixed and controlled according to wage market regulations. Marx's account of the labour/capital relation is imposing in its description of the dilemma of labour under the power of capital. Capitalism appears as a thermodynamic system fuelled by labour power, where, in order to make the system homogeneous, to produce exchange value, resistance is reduced: "Because it is capital, the automatic mechanism is endowed, in the person of the capitalist, with consciousness and a will. As capital, therefore, it is animated by the drive to reduce to a minimum the resistance offered by man, that obstinate yet elastic natural barrier." (527) In the capitalist system resistance takes the form of a living residue within the system itself, acting as an "elastic natural barrier" to the extractive force of capital. Marx names this living residue "man". In offering resistance, that is, in being subjected to the force of capital, the figure of man persists as the incommensurable presence of a resistive force composed by a refusal to assimilate. (Lyotard 102) This ambivalent position (the place of many truths) which places man within/outside capital, is not fully recognised by Marx at this stage of his analysis. It suggests the presence of an immanent force, coming from the outside, yet already present in the figure of man (man as "offering" resistance). This force, the counter-force operating through man as the residue of labour, is necessarily active in its effects on the system. That is to say, resistance in the system is not resistance to the system, but the resistance which carries the system elsewhere, to another place, to another time. Unlike the force of capital which works on labour to preserve the system, the resistive force figured in man works its way through the system, transforming it as it goes, with the elusive power to refuse. The separation of labour and capital necessary to create the conditions for capitalism to flourish is achieved by the action of a force operating on labour. This force manifests itself in the strict surveillance of work, through supervisory practices: "the capitalist's ability to supervise and enforce discipline is vital" (Marx 986). Marx's formulation of supervision here and elsewhere, assumes a direct power relation between the supervisor and the supervised: a coercive power in the form of 'the person of the capitalist, with consciousness and a will'. Surplus value can only be extracted at the maximum rate when workers are entirely subjected to physical surveillance. As Foucault has shown, surveillance practices in the nineteenth century involved a panoptic principle as a form of surveillance: "Power has its principle not so much in a person as in a certain concerted distribution of bodies, surfaces, lights, gazes; an arrangement whose internal mechanisms produce the relation in which individuals get caught up." (202) Power is not power over, but a productive power involving the commingling of forces, in which the resistive force of the body does not oppose, but complies with an authoritative force: "there is not a single moment of life from which one cannot extract forces, providing one knows how to differentiate it and combine it with others" (165). This commingling of dominant and resistive forces is distributive and proliferating, allowing the spread of institutions across social terrains, producing both "docile" and "delinquent" bodies at the same time: "this production of delinquency and its investment by the penal apparatus ..." (285, emphasis added). Foucault allows us to think through the dilemma posed by Marx, where labour appears entirely subject to the power of capital, reducing the worker to subsistence levels of existence. Indeed, Foucault's work allows us to see the figure of man, briefly adumbrated in quote from Marx above as "that obstinate yet elastic natural barrier", but refigured as an active, investing, transformative force, operating within the capitalist system, yet sending it on its way to somewhere else. In Foucauldian terms, self-surveillance takes on a normative function during the nineteenth century, producing a set of disciplinary values around the concepts of duty and respectability (Childers 409). These values were not only imposed from above, through education and the state, but enacted and maintained by the workers themselves, through the myriad threads of social conformity operating in daily life, whereby people made themselves suitable to each other for membership of the imagined community of disciplined worker-citizens. In this case, the wellbeing of workers gravitated to self-awareness and self-improvement, seen for instance in the magazines circulating at the time addressed to a worker readership (e.g. The Penny Magazine published in Britain from 1832-1845; see Sinnema 15). Instead of the satisfaction of needs in subsistence consumption, the worker was possessed by a desire for self-improvement, taking place in his spare time which was in turn, consolidated into the ego-ideal of the bourgeois self as the perfected model of civilised, educated man. Here desire takes the form of a repression (Freud 355), where the resistive force of the worker is channelled into maintaining the separation between labour and capital, and where the worker is encouraged to become a little bourgeois himself. The desire for self-improvement by the worker did not lead to a shift into the capitalist classes, but was satisfied in coming to know one's place, in being satisfied with fulfilling one's duty and in living a respectable life; that is in being individuated with respect to the social domain. Figure 1 - "The British Beehive", George Cruickshank's image of the hierarchy of labour in Victorian England (1840, modified 1867). Each profession is assigned an individualised place in the social order. A time must come however, in the accumulation of surplus-value, in the vast accelerating machine of capitalism, when the separation between labour and capital begins to dissolve. This point is reached when the residue left by capital in extracting surplus value is sufficient for the worker to begin consuming for its own sake, to engage in "unproductive expenditure" (Bataille 117) where desire is released as an active force. At this point, workers begin to abandon the repressive disciplines of duty and respectability, and turn instead to the control mechanisms of self-transformation or the "inventing of a self as if from scratch" (Massumi 18). In advanced capitalism, where the accrued wealth has concentrated not only profit but wages as well (a rise in the "standard of living"), workers cease to behave as subordinated to the system, and through their increased spending power re-enter the system as property owners, shareholders, superannuants and debtees with the capacity to access money held in banks and other financial institutions. As investment guru Peter Drucker has pointed out, the accumulated wealth of worker-owned superannuation or "pension" funds, is the most significant driving force of global capital today (Drucker 76-8). In the superannuation fund, workers' labour is not fully expended in the production of surplus value, but re-enters the system as investment on the workers' behalf, indirectly fuelling their capacity to fulfil desires through a rapidly accelerating circulation of money. As a consequence, new consumer industries begin to emerge based on the management of investment, where money becomes a product, subject to consumer choice. The lifestyles of the old capitalist class, itself a simulacra of aristocracy which it replaced, are now reproduced by the new worker-capitalist, but in ersatz forms, proliferating as the sign of wealth and abundance (copies of palatial homes replace real palaces, look-alike Rolex watches become available at cheap prices, medium priced family sedans take on the look and feel of expensive imports, and so forth). Unable to extract the surplus value necessary to feed this new desire for money from its own workforce (which has, in effect, become the main consumer of wealth), capital moves 'offshore' in search of a new labour pool, and repeats what it did to the labour pools in the older social formations in its relentless quest to maximise surplus value. Work and Control We are now witnessing a second kind of labour taking shape out of the deformations of the disciplinary society, where surplus value is not extracted, but incorporated into the labour force itself (Mules). This takes place when the separation between labour and capital dissolves, releasing quantities of "reserve time" (the time set aside from work in order to consume), which then becomes part of the capitalising process itself. In this case workers become "investors in their own lives (conceived of as capital) concerned with obtaining a profitable behaviour through information (conceived of as a production factor) sold to them." (Alliez and Feher 347). Gilles Deleuze has identified this shift in terms of what he calls a "control society" where the individuation of workers guaranteed by the disciplinary society gives way to a cybernetic modulation of "dividuals" or cypher values regulated according to a code (180). For dividualised workers, the resource incorporated into capital is their own lived time, no longer divided between work and leisure, but entirely "consummated" in capital (Alliez and Fehrer 350). A dividualised worker will thus work in order to produce leisure, and conversely enjoy leisure as a form of work. Here we have what appears to be a complete breakdown of the separation of labour and capital instigated by the disciplinary society; a sweeping away of the grounds on which labour once stood as a mass of individuals, conscious of their rivalry with capital over the spoils of surplus value. Here we have a situation where labour itself has become a form of capital (not just a commodity exchangeable on the market), incorporated into the temporalised body of the worker, contributing to the extraction of its own surplus value. Under the disciplinary society, the body of the worker became subject to panoptic surveillance, where "time and motion" studies enabled a more efficient control of work through the application of mathematical models. In the control society there is no need for this kind of panoptic control, since the embodiment of the panoptic principle, anticipated by Foucault and responsible for the individuation of the subject in disciplinary societies, has itself become a resource for extracting surplus value. In effect, dividualised workers survey themselves, not as a form of self-discipline, but as an investment for capitalisation. Dividuals are not motivated by guilt, conscience, duty or devotion to one's self, but by a transubjective desire for the other, the figure of a self projected into the future, and realised through their own bodily becoming. Unlike individuals who watch themselves as an already constituted self in the shadow of a super-ego, dividuals watch themselves in the image of a becoming-other. We might like to think of dividuals as self-correctors operating in teams and groups (franchises) whose "in-ness" as in-dividuals, is derived not from self-reflection, but from directiveness. Directiveness is the disposition of a habitus to find its way within programs designed to maximise performance across a territory. Following Gregory Bateson, we might say that directiveness is the pathway forged between a map and its territory (Bateson 454). A billiard ball sitting on a billiard table needs to be struck in such a way to simultaneously reduce the risk of a rival scoring from it, and maximise the score available, for instance by potting it into a pocket. The actual trajectory of the ball is governed by a logic of "restraint" (399) which sets up a number of virtual pathways, all but one of which is eliminated when the map (the rules and strategies of the game) is applied to the territory of the billiard table. If surveillance was the modus operandi of the old form of capitalism which required a strict control over labour, then directiveness is the new force of capital which wants to eliminate work in the older sense of the word, and replace it with the self-managed flow of capitalising labour. Marx's labour theory of value has led us, via a detour through Foucault and Deleuze, to the edge of the labour/capital divide, where the figure of man reappears, not as a worker subject to capital, but in some kind of partnership with it. This seems to spell the end of the old form of work, which required a strict delineation between labour and capital, where workers became rivals with capital for a share in surplus value. In the new formation of work, workers are themselves little capitalists, whose labour time is produced through their own investments back into the system. Yet, the worker is also subject to the extraction of her labour time in the necessity to submit to capital through the wage relation. This creates a reflexive snarl, embedded in the worker's own self-image, where work appears as leisure and leisure appears as work, causing labour to drift over capital and vice versa, for capital to drift over labour. This drifting, mobile relation between labour and capital cannot be secured through appeals to older forms of worker awareness (duty, responsibility, attentiveness, self-surveillance) since this would require a repression of the desire for self-transformation, and hence a fatal dampening of the dynamics of the market (anathema to the spirit of capitalism). Rather it can only be directed through control mechanisms involving a kind of forced partnership between capital and labour, where both parties recognise their mutual destinies in being "thrown" into the system. In the end, work remains subsumed under capital, but not in its alienated, disciplinary state. Rather work has become a form of capital itself, one's investment in the future, and hence as valuable now as it was before. It's just a little more difficult to see how it can be protected as a 'right' of the worker, since workers are themselves investors of their own labour, and not right-bearing individuals whose position in society has been fixed by the separation of labour from capital. References Alliez, Eric and Michel Feher. "The Luster of Capital." Zone1/2 (1987): 314-359. Bataille, Georges. 'The Notion of Expenditure'. Visions of Excess: Selected Writings, 1927-1939, Trans. and Ed. Alan Stoekl. Minneapolis: Minnesota UP, 1985. 116-29. Bateson, Gregory. Steps to an Ecology of Mind. New York: Ballantine Books, 1972. Childers, Joseph W. "Observation and Representation: Mr. Chadwick Writes the Poor." Victorian Studies37.3 (1994): 405-31. Deleuze, Gilles. Anti-Oedipus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1983. --. Negotiations, 1972-1990. Trans. Martin Joughin. New York: Columbia UP, 1995. Drucker, Peter F. Post-Capitalist Society. New York: Harper, 1993. Foucault, Michel. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Trans. Alan Sheridan. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1977. Freud, Sigmund. "The Ego and the Id". On Metapsychology: The Theory of Psychoanalysis. The Pelican Freud Library, Vol 11. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1984. 339-407. Lyotard, Jean-Francois. Libidinal Economy. Trans. Iain Hamilton Grant,. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1993. Marx, Karl. Capital, Vol. I. Trans. Ben Fowkes. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1976. Massumi, Brian. "Everywhere You Wanted to Be: Introduction to Fear." The Politics of Everyday Fear. Ed. Brian Massumi. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1993. 3-37. Mules, Warwick. "A Remarkable Disappearing Act: Immanence and the Creation of Modern Things." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 4.4 (2001). 15 Nov. 2001 <http://www.media-culture.org.au/0108/disappear.php>. Ryan, Michael. Marxism and Deconstruction: A Critical Introduction. Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, 1982. Sinnema, Peter W. Dynamics of the Printed Page: Representing the Nation in the Illustrated London News. Aldershot: Ashgate Press, 1998. Links http://csf.colorado.edu/psn/marx/Archive/1867-C1/ http://www.media-culture.org.au/0108/Disappear.html http://acnet.pratt.edu/~arch543p/help/Foucault.html http://acnet.pratt.edu/~arch543p/help/Deleuze.html Citation reference for this article MLA Style Mules, Warwick. "That Obstinate Yet Elastic Natural Barrier" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 4.5 (2001). [your date of access] < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0111/Mules.xml >. Chicago Style Mules, Warwick, "That Obstinate Yet Elastic Natural Barrier" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 4, no. 5 (2001), < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0111/Mules.xml > ([your date of access]). APA Style Mules, Warwick. (2001) That Obstinate Yet Elastic Natural Barrier. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 4(5). < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0111/Mules.xml > ([your date of access]).

If Blake is right and the path of excess leads to the tower of wisdom then video games ought to provide plenty of shortcuts along the way. Wading through gore, dismemberment and the occasional bout of torture, violent games have pushed the limits of depiction of violence. While even video nasties pad the ‘money shot’ scenes of extremity with exposition and story (however flimsy), video games concentrate more carnage per minute than any other media form – so why are so many of us increasingly drawn to them as a leisure activity? Of course it is wrong to lump all video games together with violent games, as game critics are liable to do. US lawyer and anti-video game campaigner Jack Thompson describes games as ‘murder simulators’ that train players into violent responses through operant conditioning and rewards. He describes game playing as an antisocial, “”masturbatory activity”:http://www.netjak.com/review.php/1091”. Indeed it is mainly through the conduct of critics like Thompson and censors that games are visible in mainstream culture, which is ironic given the large audience that games have. In Australia, video games have been at the vanguard of the steady censorship creep which has been occurring over the last few years, banning games outright or forcing local distributors censored versions. Unless they are regular visitors to the Office of Film and Literature Classification website, or one of the watchdog sites, such as Refused Classification, most Australians are unaware that they are watching censored films, playing censored games. Earlier in 2006 the graffiti game Marc Ecko’s Getting Up: Contents under Pressure was banned on a little-used regulation that it promoted crime (in this case the crime was graffiti and fare evasion; the OFLC did not have an issue with the violence in the game). Since then, these ‘crime promotion’ principles have been extended to ban Islamic books, a return to direct political censorship in Australia. So what is it about games that have stirred regulators into action? Why are games convenient scapegoats to extend the net of censorship? It is certainly not because game playing is not a minority activity – a recent survey conducted by Bond University indicated that 76% of Australian households have game hardware, that the average age of gamers is 24 and that 38% of gamers were female. Perhaps it has to do with ambivalence toward the extreme content in games, even from those who play them. With a brief excursion through a set of recent video games I can sneak up behind the unsuspecting and slit their throats (Splinter Cell), shake down prostitutes (Grand Theft Auto), torture enemies with power tools (The Punisher) and tear off someone’s arm and beat them with it (Stubbs the Zombie). These are just the interactive elements, if we figure in the horrors we observe rather than perform in games like the Resident Evil or Silent Hill series we have a catalogue of extremity that surpasses the video nasties of the 1980s. The extremity does collect around violence and horror, sexual content is largely missing, at least from the games available through game retailers (the adult industry has their own interactive content). Recently the first Sex in Video Games conference was held in San Francisco, flagging emerging trends in this area. One of the more high profile games to be banned for sexual content in Australia, then released in an edited form was Grand Theft Auto: San Andreas because of the ‘hot coffee’ sexual content. What is striking about this content is that is was only accessible through a downloaded modification in the PC version and not accessible from the console versions – which did not stop the censors banning all versions of the game entirely. These concerns about extreme violence and sexual content are made more complicated when we go beyond elements scripted by game designers and begin to consider interactively generated content, emergent gameplay, online interaction and the ability to modify games. It is clear that this is media that is very different to older media forms, yet too often we criticise and censor the gaming experience using film as a benchmark. Concepts of realism, impact and justification are borrowed directly from film analysis, primarily because we lack a critical language to understand and discuss video games. But 50 Cent: Bulletproof is different to Salo, on so many levels. We do not understand the impact that video games have on us, and particularly the effect that they have on children. Media studies research does not help, being intractably locked between the those who see media as programming human behaviour and those who believe audiences are in control. As a result is all too easy to give into moral panics, on the basis of what games might do. Games are also a convenient scapegoat for other social problems, such as with the Columbine massacre. Regulators therefore take a conservative stance on video game dangers, using children as the benchmark for everyone. In Australia there is no R rating available to games. If games fulfil the criteria for an R, they are Refused Classification, in the same category as child pornography and extreme violent pornography. The federal laws control commercial distributors but the classification decisions also feed into ancillary state laws which give police wide powers to detain, search and prosecute those who distribute informally. This is of concern for game players but more worrying now that the principles used to regulate games have been extended to political texts. In Australia we also have the unusual principle that media which promote crime or instruct in the matter of crime can be refused classification and fall into the same regulatory net. This was the principle under which Getting Up was banned but has potential for growth to other games and media generally. There have only been a few decisions in this area but they make clear that censors have very broad discretion (most crime movies could fall foul of this provision), that the regulators have very little empirical evidence on what causes criminality and that they adopt a zero tolerance attitude to satire. So what does this increasing surveillance mean for the future of video games? For mainstream gaming not much, the industry has always had peripheral controversy. From the blocky extremity of 1982’s Custer’s Revenge to modern games like Reservoir Dogs (banned in Australia in June 2006) some developers have pushed the boundaries, usually overtly courting controversy but the backlash seems to be gaining momentum. The trend toward censorship of games in Australia would seem to bear the hallmarks of a moral panic, if not for the medium’s widespread penetration into our culture and the size of the audience. Most of the games which have been banned have passed unnoticed not being commercially successful or reviewed well overseas, but this censorship sets ugly precedents. Video games are yet to really develop an avant garde or art-house, but if they are, this process will be hampered by legal controls that do not understand the medium and are not committed to free expression as an ideal. It is clear that, for various reasons, there is little serious public discourse around games beyond what is lead by pro-censorship critics and regulators. The statistics indicate that the majority of Australians play games or at least have contact with someone who does, yet games enjoy little of the public discussion and criticism that films or television do, where the audience is presumed to be broader. Many gamers are even embarrassed to discuss their hobby, putting it on par with consumption of pornography as embarrassing, juvenile or as Thompson would suggest masturbatory. But just as pornography has become subject of more serious critical attention despite the potential cringe, so to do games. Part of the change will come as there is more critical academic engagement. This is not suggesting that games should ‘grow up’ or aspire to art. Part of their appeal lies in their engagement with the id, the potential for extremity. Rather than argue that games are valid despite their excesses, might we perhaps look to the excesses in order to understand the appeal? Don’t knock the pleasures of beating someone to death with their own arm until you’ve tried it. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Beattie, Scott. "Extremity, Video Games and the Censors." M/C Journal 9.5 (2006). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0610/08-beattie.php>. APA Style Beattie, S. (Nov. 2006) "Extremity, Video Games and the Censors," M/C Journal, 9(5). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0610/08-beattie.php>.

From elephants to ABBA fans, silicon to hormone, the following discussion uses a new research method to look at printed text, motion pictures and a teenage rebel icon. If by ‘print’ we mean a mechanically reproduced impression of a cultural symbol in a medium, then printing has been with us since before microdot security prints were painted onto cars, before voice prints, laser prints, network servers, record pressings, motion picture prints, photo prints, colour woodblock prints, before books, textile prints, and footprints. If we accept that higher mammals such as elephants have a learnt culture, then it is possible to extend a definition of printing beyond Homo sapiens. Poole reports that elephants mechanically trumpet reproductions of human car horns into the air surrounding their society. If nothing else, this cross-species, cross-cultural reproduction, this ‘ability to mimic’ is ‘another sign of their intelligence’. Observation of child development suggests that the first significant meaningful ‘impression’ made on the human mind is that of the face of the child’s nurturer – usually its mother. The baby’s mind forms an ‘impression’, a mental print, a reproducible memory data set, of the nurturer’s face, voice, smell, touch, etc. That face is itself a cultural construct: hair style, makeup, piercings, tattoos, ornaments, nutrition-influenced skin and smell, perfume, temperature and voice. A mentally reproducible pattern of a unique face is formed in the mind, and we use that pattern to distinguish ‘familiar and strange’ in our expanding social orbit. The social relations of patterned memory – of imprinting – determine the extent to which we explore our world (armed with research aids such as text print) or whether we turn to violence or self-harm (Bretherton). While our cultural artifacts (such as vellum maps or networked voice message servers) bravely extend our significant patterns into the social world and the traversed environment, it is useful to remember that such artifacts, including print, are themselves understood by our original pattern-reproduction and impression system – the human mind, developed in childhood. The ‘print’ is brought to mind differently in different discourses. For a reader, a ‘print’ is a book, a memo or a broadsheet, whether it is the Indian Buddhist Sanskrit texts ordered to be printed in 593 AD by the Chinese emperor Sui Wen-ti (Silk Road) or the US Defense Department memo authorizing lower ranks to torture the prisoners taken by the Bush administration (Sanchez, cited in ABC). Other fields see prints differently. For a musician, a ‘print’ may be the sheet music which spread classical and popular music around the world; it may be a ‘record’ (as in a ‘recording’ session), where sound is impressed to wax, vinyl, charged silicon particles, or the alloys (Smith, “Elpida”) of an mp3 file. For the fine artist, a ‘print’ may be any mechanically reproduced two-dimensional (or embossed) impression of a significant image in media from paper to metal, textile to ceramics. ‘Print’ embraces the Japanese Ukiyo-e colour prints of Utamaro, the company logos that wink from credit card holographs, the early photographs of Talbot, and the textured patterns printed into neolithic ceramics. Computer hardware engineers print computational circuits. Homicide detectives investigate both sweaty finger prints and the repeated, mechanical gaits of suspects, which are imprinted into the earthy medium of a crime scene. For film makers, the ‘print’ may refer to a photochemical polyester reproduction of a motion picture artifact (the reel of ‘celluloid’), or a DVD laser disc impression of the same film. Textualist discourse has borrowed the word ‘print’ to mean ‘text’, so ‘print’ may also refer to the text elements within the vision track of a motion picture: the film’s opening titles, or texts photographed inside the motion picture story such as the sword-cut ‘Z’ in Zorro (Niblo). Before the invention of writing, the main mechanically reproduced impression of a cultural symbol in a medium was the humble footprint in the sand. The footprints of tribes – and neighbouring animals – cut tracks in the vegetation and the soil. Printed tracks led towards food, water, shelter, enemies and friends. Having learnt to pattern certain faces into their mental world, children grew older and were educated in the footprints of family and clan, enemies and food. The continuous impression of significant foot traffic in the medium of the earth produced the lines between significant nodes of prewriting and pre-wheeled cultures. These tracks were married to audio tracks, such as the song lines of the Australian Aborigines, or the ballads of tramping culture everywhere. A typical tramping song has the line, ‘There’s a track winding back to an old-fashion shack along the road to Gundagai,’ (O’Hagan), although this colonial-style song was actually written for radio and became an international hit on the airwaves, rather than the tramping trails. The printed tracks impressed by these cultural flows are highly contested and diverse, and their foot prints are woven into our very language. The names for printed tracks have entered our shared memory from the intersection of many cultures: ‘Track’ is a Germanic word entering English usage comparatively late (1470) and now used mainly in audio visual cultural reproduction, as in ‘soundtrack’. ‘Trek’ is a Dutch word for ‘track’ now used mainly by ecotourists and science fiction fans. ‘Learn’ is a Proto-Indo-European word: the verb ‘learn’ originally meant ‘to find a track’ back in the days when ‘learn’ had a noun form which meant ‘the sole of the foot’. ‘Tract’ and ‘trace’ are Latin words entering English print usage before 1374 and now used mainly in religious, and electronic surveillance, cultural reproduction. ‘Trench’ in 1386 was a French path cut through a forest. ‘Sagacity’ in English print in 1548 was originally the ability to track or hunt, in Proto-Indo-European cultures. ‘Career’ (in English before 1534) was the print made by chariots in ancient Rome. ‘Sleuth’ (1200) was a Norse noun for a track. ‘Investigation’ (1436) was Latin for studying a footprint (Harper). The arrival of symbolic writing scratched on caves, hearth stones, and trees (the original meaning of ‘book’ is tree), brought extremely limited text education close to home. Then, with baked clay tablets, incised boards, slate, bamboo, tortoise shell, cast metal, bark cloth, textiles, vellum, and – later – paper, a portability came to text that allowed any culture to venture away from known ‘foot’ paths with a reduction in the risk of becoming lost and perishing. So began the world of maps, memos, bills of sale, philosophic treatises and epic mythologies. Some of this was printed, such as the mechanical reproduction of coins, but the fine handwriting required of long, extended, portable texts could not be printed until the invention of paper in China about 2000 years ago. Compared to lithic architecture and genes, portable text is a fragile medium, and little survives from the millennia of its innovators. The printing of large non-text designs onto bark-paper and textiles began in neolithic times, but Sui Wen-ti’s imperial memo of 593 AD gives us the earliest written date for printed books, although we can assume they had been published for many years previously. The printed book was a combination of Indian philosophic thought, wood carving, ink chemistry and Chinese paper. The earliest surviving fragment of paper-print technology is ‘Mantras of the Dharani Sutra’, a Buddhist scripture written in the Sanskrit language of the Indian subcontinent, unearthed at an early Tang Dynasty site in Xian, China – making the fragment a veteran piece of printing, in the sense that Sanskrit books had been in print for at least a century by the early Tang Dynasty (Chinese Graphic Arts Net). At first, paper books were printed with page-size carved wooden boards. Five hundred years later, Pi Sheng (c.1041) baked individual reusable ceramic characters in a fire and invented the durable moveable type of modern printing (Silk Road 2000). Abandoning carved wooden tablets, the ‘digitizing’ of Chinese moveable type sped up the production of printed texts. In turn, Pi Sheng’s flexible, rapid, sustainable printing process expanded the political-cultural impact of the literati in Asian society. Digitized block text on paper produced a bureaucratic, literate elite so powerful in Asia that Louis XVI of France copied China’s print-based Confucian system of political authority for his own empire, and so began the rise of the examined public university systems, and the civil service systems, of most European states (Watson, Visions). By reason of its durability, its rapid mechanical reproduction, its culturally agreed signs, literate readership, revered authorship, shared ideology, and distributed portability, a ‘print’ can be a powerful cultural network which builds and expands empires. But print also attacks and destroys empires. A case in point is the Spanish conquest of Aztec America: The Aztecs had immense libraries of American literature on bark-cloth scrolls, a technology which predated paper. These libraries were wiped out by the invading Spanish, who carried a different book before them (Ewins). In the industrial age, the printing press and the gun were seen as the weapons of rebellions everywhere. In 1776, American rebels staffed their ‘Homeland Security’ units with paper makers, knowing that defeating the English would be based on printed and written documents (Hahn). Mao Zedong was a book librarian; Mao said political power came out of the barrel of a gun, but Mao himself came out of a library. With the spread of wireless networked servers, political ferment comes out of the barrel of the cell phone and the internet chat room these days. Witness the cell phone displays of a plane hitting a tower that appear immediately after 9/11 in the Middle East, or witness the show trials of a few US and UK lower ranks who published prints of their torturing activities onto the internet: only lower ranks who published prints were arrested or tried. The control of secure servers and satellites is the new press. These days, we live in a global library of burning books – ‘burning’ in the sense that ‘print’ is now a charged silicon medium (Smith, “Intel”) which is usually made readable by connecting the chip to nuclear reactors and petrochemically-fired power stations. World resources burn as we read our screens. Men, women, children burn too, as we watch our infotainment news in comfort while ‘their’ flickering dead faces are printed in our broadcast hearths. The print we watch is not the living; it is the voodoo of the living in the blackout behind the camera, engaging the blood sacrifice of the tormented and the unfortunate. Internet texts are also ‘on fire’ in the third sense of their fragility and instability as a medium: data bases regularly ‘print’ fail-safe copies in an attempt to postpone the inevitable mechanical, chemical and electrical failure that awaits all electronic media in time. Print defines a moral position for everyone. In reporting conflict, in deciding to go to press or censor, any ‘print’ cannot avoid an ethical context, starting with the fact that there is a difference in power between print maker, armed perpetrators, the weak, the peaceful, the publisher, and the viewer. So many human factors attend a text, video or voice ‘print’: its very existence as an aesthetic object, even before publication and reception, speaks of unbalanced, and therefore dynamic, power relationships. For example, Graham Greene departed unscathed from all the highly dangerous battlefields he entered as a novelist: Riot-torn Germany, London Blitz, Belgian Congo, Voodoo Haiti, Vietnam, Panama, Reagan’s Washington, and mafia Europe. His texts are peopled with the injustices of the less fortunate of the twentieth century, while he himself was a member of the fortunate (if not happy) elite, as is anyone today who has the luxury of time to read Greene’s works for pleasure. Ethically a member of London and Paris’ colonizers, Greene’s best writing still electrifies, perhaps partly because he was in the same line of fire as the victims he shared bread with. In fact, Greene hoped daily that he would escape from the dreadful conflicts he fictionalized via a body bag or an urn of ashes (see Sherry). In reading an author’s biography we have one window on the ethical dimensions of authority and print. If a print’s aesthetics are sometimes enduring, its ethical relationships are always mutable. Take the stylized logo of a running athlete: four limbs bent in a rotation of action. This dynamic icon has symbolized ‘good health’ in Hindu and Buddhist culture, from Madras to Tokyo, for thousands of years. The cross of bent limbs was borrowed for the militarized health programs of 1930s Germany, and, because of what was only a brief, recent, isolated yet monstrously horrific segment of its history in print, the bent-limbed swastika is now a vilified symbol in the West. The sign remains ‘impressed’ differently on traditional Eastern culture, and without the taint of Nazism. Dramatic prints are emotionally charged because, in depicting Homo sapiens in danger, or passionately in love, they elicit a hormonal reaction from the reader, the viewer, or the audience. The type of emotions triggered by a print vary across the whole gamut of human chemistry. A recent study of three genres of motion picture prints shows a marked differences in the hormonal responses of men compared to women when viewing a romance, an actioner, and a documentary (see Schultheiss, Wirth, and Stanton). Society is biochemically diverse in its engagement with printed culture, which raises questions about equality in the arts. Motion picture prints probably comprise around one third of internet traffic, in the form of stolen digitized movie files pirated across the globe via peer-to-peer file transfer networks (p2p), and burnt as DVD laser prints (BBC). There is also a US 40 billion dollar per annum legitimate commerce in DVD laser pressings (Grassl), which would suggest an US 80 billion per annum world total in legitimate laser disc print culture. The actively screen literate, or the ‘sliterati’ as I prefer to call them, research this world of motion picture prints via their peers, their internet information channels, their television programming, and their web forums. Most of this activity occurs outside the ambit of universities and schools. One large site of sliterate (screen literate) practice outside most schooling and official research is the net of online forums at imdb.com (International Movie Data Base). Imdb.com ‘prints’ about 25,000,000 top pages per month to client browsers. Hundreds of sliterati forums are located at imdb, including a forum for the Australian movie, Muriel’s Wedding (Hogan). Ten years after the release of Muriel’s Wedding, young people who are concerned with victimization and bullying still log on to http://us.imdb.com/title/tt0110598/board/> and put their thoughts into print: I still feel so bad for Muriel in the beginning of the movie, when the girls ‘dump’ her, and how much the poor girl cried and cried! Those girls were such biartches…I love how they got their comeuppance! bunniesormaybemidgets’s comment is typical of the current discussion. Muriel’s Wedding was a very popular film in its first cinema edition in Australia and elsewhere. About 30% of the entire over-14 Australian population went to see this photochemical polyester print in the cinemas on its first release. A decade on, the distributors printed a DVD laser disc edition. The story concerns Muriel (played by Toni Collette), the unemployed daughter of a corrupt, ‘police state’ politician. Muriel is bullied by her peers and she withdraws into a fantasy world, deluding herself that a white wedding will rescue her from the torments of her blighted life. Through theft and deceit (the modus operandi of her father) Muriel escapes to the entertainment industry and finds a ‘wicked’ girlfriend mentor. From a rebellious position of stubborn independence, Muriel plays out her fantasy. She gets her white wedding, before seeing both her father and her new married life as hollow shams which have goaded her abandoned mother to suicide. Redefining her life as a ‘game’ and assuming responsibility for her independence, Muriel turns her back on the mainstream, image-conscious, female gang of her oppressed youth. Muriel leaves the story, having rekindled her friendship with her rebel mentor. My methodological approach to viewing the laser disc print was to first make a more accessible, coded record of the entire movie. I was able to code and record the print in real time, using a new metalanguage (Watson, “Eyes”). The advantage of Coding is that ‘thinks’ the same way as film making, it does not sidetrack the analyst into prose. The Code splits the movie print into Vision Action [vision graphic elements, including text] (sound) The Coding splits the vision track into normal action and graphic elements, such as text, so this Coding is an ideal method for extracting all the text elements of a film in real time. After playing the film once, I had four and a half tightly packed pages of the coded story, including all its text elements in square brackets. Being a unique, indexed hard copy, the Coded copy allowed me immediate access to any point of the Muriel’s Wedding saga without having to search the DVD laser print. How are ‘print’ elements used in Muriel’s Wedding? Firstly, a rose-coloured monoprint of Muriel Heslop’s smiling face stares enigmatically from the plastic surface of the DVD picture disc. The print is a still photo captured from her smile as she walked down the aisle of her white wedding. In this print, Toni Collette is the Mona Lisa of Australian culture, except that fans of Muriel’s Wedding know the meaning of that smile is a magical combination of the actor’s art: the smile is both the flush of dreams come true and the frightening self deception that will kill her mother. Inserting and playing the disc, the text-dominant menu appears, and the film commences with the text-dominant opening titles. Text and titles confer a legitimacy on a work, whether it is a trade mark of the laser print owners, or the household names of stars. Text titles confer status relationships on both the presenters of the cultural artifact and the viewer who has entered into a legal license agreement with the owners of the movie. A title makes us comfortable, because the mind always seeks to name the unfamiliar, and a set of text titles does that job for us so that we can navigate the ‘tracks’ and settle into our engagement with the unfamiliar. The apparent ‘truth’ and ‘stability’ of printed text calms our fears and beguiles our uncertainties. Muriel attends the white wedding of a school bully bride, wearing a leopard print dress she has stolen. Muriel’s spotted wild animal print contrasts with the pure white handmade dress of the bride. In Muriel’s leopard textile print, we have the wild, rebellious, impoverished, inappropriate intrusion into the social ritual and fantasy of her high-status tormentor. An off-duty store detective recognizes the printed dress and calls the police. The police are themselves distinguished by their blue-and-white checked prints and other mechanically reproduced impressions of cultural symbols: in steel, brass, embroidery, leather and plastics. Muriel is driven in the police car past the stenciled town sign (‘Welcome To Porpoise Spit’ heads a paragraph of small print). She is delivered to her father, a politician who presides over the policing of his town. In a state where the judiciary, police and executive are hijacked by the same tyrant, Muriel’s father, Bill, pays off the police constables with a carton of legal drugs (beer) and Muriel must face her father’s wrath, which he proceeds to transfer to his detested wife. Like his daughter, the father also wears a spotted brown print costume, but his is a batik print from neighbouring Indonesia (incidentally, in a nation that takes the political status of its batik prints very seriously). Bill demands that Muriel find the receipt for the leopard print dress she claims she has purchased. The legitimate ownership of the object is enmeshed with a printed receipt, the printed evidence of trade. The law (and the paramilitary power behind the law) are legitimized, or contested, by the presence or absence of printed text. Muriel hides in her bedroom, surround by poster prints of the pop group ABBA. Torn-out prints of other people’s weddings adorn her mirror. Her face is embossed with the clown-like primary colours of the marionette as she lifts a bouquet to her chin and stares into the real time ‘print’ of her mirror image. Bill takes the opportunity of a business meeting with Japanese investors to feed his entire family at ‘Charlie Chan’’s restaurant. Muriel’s middle sister sloppily wears her father’s state election tee shirt, printed with the text: ‘Vote 1, Bill Heslop. You can’t stop progress.’ The text sets up two ironic gags that are paid off on the dialogue track: “He lost,’ we are told. ‘Progress’ turns out to be funding the concreting of a beach. Bill berates his daughter Muriel: she has no chance of becoming a printer’s apprentice and she has failed a typing course. Her dysfunction in printed text has been covered up by Bill: he has bribed the typing teacher to issue a printed diploma to his daughter. In the gambling saloon of the club, under the arrays of mechanically repeated cultural symbols lit above the poker machines (‘A’ for ace, ‘Q’ for queen, etc.), Bill’s secret girlfriend Diedre risks giving Muriel a cosmetics job. Another text icon in lights announces the surf nightclub ‘Breakers’. Tania, the newly married queen bitch who has made Muriel’s teenage years a living hell, breaks up with her husband, deciding to cash in his negotiable text documents – his Bali honeymoon tickets – and go on an island holiday with her girlfriends instead. Text documents are the enduring site of agreements between people and also the site of mutations to those agreements. Tania dumps Muriel, who sobs and sobs. Sobs are a mechanical, percussive reproduction impressed on the sound track. Returning home, we discover that Muriel’s older brother has failed a printed test and been rejected for police recruitment. There is a high incidence of print illiteracy in the Heslop family. Mrs Heslop (Jeannie Drynan), for instance, regularly has trouble at the post office. Muriel sees a chance to escape the oppression of her family by tricking her mother into giving her a blank cheque. Here is the confluence of the legitimacy of a bank’s printed negotiable document with the risk and freedom of a blank space for rebel Muriel’s handwriting. Unable to type, her handwriting has the power to steal every cent of her father’s savings. She leaves home and spends the family’s savings at an island resort. On the island, the text print-challenged Muriel dances to a recording (sound print) of ABBA, her hand gestures emphasizing her bewigged face, which is made up in an impression of her pop idol. Her imitation of her goddesses – the ABBA women, her only hope in a real world of people who hate or avoid her – is accompanied by her goddesses’ voices singing: ‘the mystery book on the shelf is always repeating itself.’ Before jpeg and gif image downloads, we had postcard prints and snail mail. Muriel sends a postcard to her family, lying about her ‘success’ in the cosmetics business. The printed missal is clutched by her father Bill (Bill Hunter), who proclaims about his daughter, ‘you can’t type but you really impress me’. Meanwhile, on Hibiscus Island, Muriel lies under a moonlit palm tree with her newly found mentor, ‘bad girl’ Ronda (Rachel Griffiths). In this critical scene, where foolish Muriel opens her heart’s yearnings to a confidante she can finally trust, the director and DP have chosen to shoot a flat, high contrast blue filtered image. The visual result is very much like the semiabstract Japanese Ukiyo-e woodblock prints by Utamaro. This Japanese printing style informed the rise of European modern painting (Monet, Van Gogh, Picasso, etc., were all important collectors and students of Ukiyo-e prints). The above print and text elements in Muriel’s Wedding take us 27 minutes into her story, as recorded on a single page of real-time handwritten Coding. Although not discussed here, the Coding recorded the complete film – a total of 106 minutes of text elements and main graphic elements – as four pages of Code. Referring to this Coding some weeks after it was made, I looked up the final code on page four: taxi [food of the sea] bq. Translation: a shop sign whizzes past in the film’s background, as Muriel and Ronda leave Porpoise Spit in a taxi. Over their heads the text ‘Food Of The Sea’ flashes. We are reminded that Muriel and Ronda are mermaids, fantastic creatures sprung from the brow of author PJ Hogan, and illuminated even today in the pantheon of women’s coming-of-age art works. That the movie is relevant ten years on is evidenced by the current usage of the Muriel’s Wedding online forum, an intersection of wider discussions by sliterate women on imdb.com who, like Muriel, are observers (and in some cases victims) of horrific pressure from ambitious female gangs and bullies. Text is always a minor element in a motion picture (unless it is a subtitled foreign film) and text usually whizzes by subliminally while viewing a film. By Coding the work for [text], all the text nuances made by the film makers come to light. While I have viewed Muriel’s Wedding on many occasions, it has only been in Coding it specifically for text that I have noticed that Muriel is a representative of that vast class of talented youth who are discriminated against by print (as in text) educators who cannot offer her a life-affirming identity in the English classroom. Severely depressed at school, and failing to type or get a printer’s apprenticeship, Muriel finds paid work (and hence, freedom, life, identity, independence) working in her audio visual printed medium of choice: a video store in a new city. Muriel found a sliterate admirer at the video store but she later dumped him for her fantasy man, before leaving him too. One of the points of conjecture on the imdb Muriel’s Wedding site is, did Muriel (in the unwritten future) get back together with admirer Brice Nobes? That we will never know. While a print forms a track that tells us where culture has been, a print cannot be the future, a print is never animate reality. At the end of any trail of prints, one must lift one’s head from the last impression, and negotiate satisfaction in the happening world. References Australian Broadcasting Corporation. “Memo Shows US General Approved Interrogations.” 30 Mar. 2005 http://www.abc.net.au>. 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