Journal articles on the topic 'Superior amenities'

A follow-up study of 17 old long-stay psychiatric patients resettled in private facilities for the elderly is reported. Resident satisfaction with the placement and functioning (using the CAPE Behaviour Rating Scale) was assessed, together with the quality of the physical and social environment, and the regime characteristics in the establishments. All residents were satisfied with life and their functioning had improved significantly. The private facilities were more resident-orientated, and had a generally superior social environment to their local authority ‘old people's home’ counterparts. The physical amenities, safety features, and architectural choice available were of a similar standard to those in local authority old people's homes, but there were fewer prosthetic and orientational aids and on-site recreational amenities.

Nowadays, terabytes of digital data are generated and sent online every second. However, securing this extent of information has always been a challenging task. Cryptography is a fundamental method for securing data, as it makes data unintelligible for attackers, offering privacy to authorized clients. Different cryptographic algorithms have different speeds and costs that make them suitable for different applications. For instance, banking applications need outrageous security amenities, as they utilize superior algorithms having greater requirements, while gaming applications focus more on speed and cost reduction. Consequently, cryptographic algorithms are chosen based on a client's prerequisites. This study compared DES, AES, Blowfish, and RSA, examining their speed, cost, and performance, and discussed their adequacy for use in wireless sensor networks and peer-to-peer communication.

Abstract This essay spotlights the development of Ontario, California, in the last decades of the nineteenth century. It demonstrates that many agricultural communities in California, particularly so-called agricultural colonies, represent a unique rural suburban type labeled here as "agriburbs." Agriburbs, such as Ontario, were communities consciously planned, developed, and promoted based on the drive for profit in emerging agricultural markets. Advertised as the perfect mix of rural and urban, they promised a superior middle-class lifestyle. On the one hand, agriburbs evoked the myths of agrarian security and virtue, a life on a farm in an environment that was good for both soil and soul. On the other hand, agriburbs were ideally urbane but not urban because of their many amenities that represented cultural symbols of modernity, refinement, and progress. An understanding of California’s agriburbs deepens an appreciation for both the growth and development of California at the turn of the twentieth century and the diversity of suburban types across the American landscape.

Five-star hotels are known by their immense competitiveness, first-class portrayal and are superior in level of extravagance, eccentricity, representation, sophistication and amenities. Slow growth of five-star hotels aggravates strong competition, thus forcing hotel businesses to be competitive. This study attempts to analyze service quality and brand awareness toward strategic competitiveness and its impact on the performance of XYZ Hotel. The study applies both quantitative and qualitative research, which were obtained from questionnaire distribution to 100 respondents who have stayed at the hotel, in-depth interview with the PR and Front Office managers, and Focus Group Discussion with managers and hotel experts from Jakarta and Tangerang. The finding suggests that service quality has no correlation with strategic competitiveness and no significant impact on performance. Thus, brand awareness was found to be the most influential factor on strategic competitiveness. However, it is necessitated that five-star hotel continuously improve the quality of its service and the factors associated with service quality.

The Hawaiian interisland cruise trade is presently served by two U.S. flag Vessels, the Constitution and the Independence. These vessels, in their 35th year, are approaching the end of their useful life and the only proposed replacement is the conversion of another existing vessel, the Monterey, which will enter the trade in 1988. As a Jones Act trade, any new replacement vessel must be built in the United States. The existing vessels employ U.S. crews and older, inefficient steam plants, but have a near zero capital cost. Any new competing vessel therefore suffers from its high initial capital (construction) cost and must provide savings in operating costs and enhanced passenger amenities to compete. In this paper, the present cruise trade is examined, and a new concept design is proposed that will meet the needs of the growing Hawaiian cruise trade, provide a superior cruise atmosphere, reduce U.S. construction costs and, perhaps, provide a competitive service. The reduction of construction cost would be obtained by a unique vessel arrangement and method of construction, whereby the base hull and machinery are built in the U.S., but the accommodation is built outside the shipyard and transported in a unique fashion to the construction site. This method would be consistent with Jones Act requirements. The concept design has been taken to sufficient detail to be compared with another new, conventionally arranged, proposed Hawaiian cruise ship.

Climate change is affecting human and geophysical systems in a variety of complex and interdependent ways. For nature-based tourism-dependent communities like those along the North Shore of Lake Superior in Minnesota, impacts to the region’s abundant natural resources can subsequently affect the livelihoods of individuals who depend upon those resources to provide essential ecosystem services and support the region’s economy. Many of the area’s natural and outdoor recreation resources are collaboratively managed, making cooperation essential to address climate change impacts. In this study, we engaged North Shore stakeholders in a climate change risk assessment process through an exploratory application of participatory geographic information systems (PGIS). Stakeholder involvement allows for the co-production of science to deliver locally-relevant data and information. Involving stakeholders through a PGIS-based climate change risk assessment process allows locally-relevant data and information to be represented and visualized spatially. We used PGIS focus groups, as well as pre- and post-surveys, to solicit stakeholders’ perceptions of risk thresholds (i.e., the time scale of impacts) and climate-related risk severity to sites with built infrastructure, natural amenities, and recreation and tourism destinations. The stakeholders’ knowledge, as well as their commitment to their communities and local environments, influenced general perceptions of region-wide climate-related vulnerabilities. The PGIS exercises generated important discussion among stakeholders and shed light on how to more efficiently collect spatially-explicit data and information from stakeholders that can be used to inform mitigation and adaptation efforts.

Topics such as computational sources and cloud-based transmission and security of big data have turned out to be a major new domain of exploration due to the exponential evolution of cloud-based data and grid facilities. Various categories of cloud services have been utilized more and more widely across a variety of fields like military, army systems, medical databases, and more, in order to manage data storage and resource calculations. Attribute-based encipherment (ABE) is one of the more efficient algorithms that leads to better consignment and safety of information located within such cloud-based storage amenities. Many outmoded ABE practices are useful for smaller datasets to produce fixed-size cryptograms with restricted computational properties, in which their characteristics are measured as evidence and stagnant standards used to generate the key, encipherment, and decipherment means alike. To surmount the existing problems with such limited methods, in this work, a dynamic nonlinear poly randomized quantum hash system is applied to enhance the safety of cloud-based information. In the proposed work, users’ attributes are guaranteed with the help of a dynamic nonlinear poly randomized equation to initialize the chaotic key, encipherment, and decipherment. In this standard, structured and unstructured big data from clinical datasets are utilized as inputs. Real-time simulated outcomes demonstrate that the stated standard has superior exactness, achieving over 90% accuracy with respect to bit change and over 95% accuracy with respect to dynamic key generation, encipherment time, and decipherment time compared to existing models from the field and literature. Experimental results are demonstrated that the proposed cloud security standard has a good efficiency in terms of key generation, encoding, and decoding process than the conventional methods in a cloud computing environment.

The government has launched a program of self-sufficiency in meat as an effort to overcome the shortage of beef supply to meet the needs of the community, especially when the day of religious festivities. GBIB program Implementation is expected to meet the needs of the community will be beef, as demand for beef is always soaring demand every year, especially ahead of religious festivals. To discuss and review the implementation of the program stretcher author uses the theory EDWARDS III to determine the success or failure of the implementation of the program in the district of Kota Waringin Barat. Issues to be examined are 1) the quality and quantity of resources, 2) communication and dissemination program, 3) Attitude 4) Bureaucracy. This will be the focus to see the successful implementation of the program of snapping / sync Lust and optimize of GBIB in the district of Kota Waringin. This study uses the concept of a qualitative descriptive approach with the aim of providing an overview of how the implementation of the field program and then analyzed using the theory of Edwards III. The results of this study show that: 1) Aspects of Resource (HR, Information, Privileges and amenities), some support as the support means the production of drugs / vitamins and breeding stock (straw) superior adequate and well as the authority and the information available is quite good, while some aspects that do not support such as: HR, execution time, geographical conditions, transport facilities support, 2) aspect Communications (Transmission, Clarity, Consistency and Coordination) strongly supports the implementation of the program GBIB is 3) aspects of attitude (attitude implementer, Support Leader, Incentives for implementing and Transparency), relatively supportive in this program, and 4) Structural Aspects of Bureaucracy (SOP and Fragmentation) still do not support the implementation of the Program snapping Sexual arousal and this Artificial Insemination.

This article aims to uncover and explore: 1) Prospects of developing a halal tourism industrial area in West Java; 2) Review of sharia economic law in the development of the halal tourism industrial area in West Java. The legal research method used is normative legal research, including statutory regulations in the form of the Tourism Law, Minister of Tourism Regulations, Governor Regulations, Regional Regulations, and the MUI Fatwa on the Implementation of Halal Tourism. The legal research approach used in this study, namely the library research approach obtained from various library sources such as journals, the internet, books, and other documents relevant to Islamic business ethics, in the development of the halal tourism industrial area in Java. West. The theory used in this research uses the Maqashid Syariah theory and Islamic business ethics. The results of the study show that: 1) the prospect of developing a halal tourism industrial area in West Java has several development prospects in several aspects, in Bandung City and Bandung Regency developing Muslim-friendly tourism where the implementation is through the development of Halal Tourism Destinations in a more progressive, directed, and sustainable manner, in Ciamis Regency developed the concept of superior tourism by prioritizing excellent service and increasing professional and sustainable tourism potential, meanwhile in Pangandaran Regency developing a tourism concept which includes 5A (attractions, accessibility, amenities, available packages, activities, ancillary services) namely attractions, accessibility, facilities, available packages, activities, additional services. 2) Thus the review of sharia economic law in the development of the halal tourism industrial area in West Java is included in the recommended tourism concept, this is because the majority of the population is Muslim, in addition to maqashid sharia and Islamic business ethics that the concept of halal tourism in West Java including the concept of complementary tourism that prioritizes Islamic services in the implementation of its business, this can be seen from the availability of halal food, places of worship, and hotels that provide various needs of Muslim tourists. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menguak serta menggali tentang : 1) Prospek Pengembangan kawasan industri pariwisata halal di Jawa Barat; 2) Tinjauan hukum ekonomi syariah dalam pengembangan kawasan industri pariwisata halal di Jawa Barat. Metode penelitian hukum yang digunakan adalah penelitian hukum normatif, meliputi peraturan perundang-undangan berupa UU Kepariwisataan, Peraturan Menteri Pariwisata, Peraturan Gubernur, Peraturan Daerah, dan Fatwa MUI tentang Penyelenggaraan Pariwisata Halal. Adapun pendekatan penelitian hukum digunakan dalam penelitian ini, yakni pendekatan penelitian kepustakaan (library research) yang diperoleh dari berbagai sumber kepustakaan seperti jurnal, internet, buku-buku, dan dokumen lainnya yang relevan tentang etika binsis islam, dalam pengembangan kawasan indutri pariwisata halal di Jawa Barat. Adapun teori yang digunakan dalam peneliti ini menggunakan teori Maqashid Syariah dan etika bisnis islami. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa : 1) prospek pengembangan kawasan industri pariwisata halal di Jawa Barat memiliki beberapa prospek pengembangan dalam beberapa aspek, di Kota Bandung dan Kabupaten Bandung mengembangkan wisata ramah muslim dimana pelaksanaannya melalui pengembangan Destinasi Pariwisata Halal secara lebih progresif, terarah, dan berkesinambungan, di Kabupaten Ciamis mengembangkan konsep pariwisata unggulan dengan mengedepankan pelayanan prima dan meningkatnya potensi kepariwisataan yang profesional dan kesinambungan, sementara itu di Kabupaten Pangandaran mengembangkan konsep pariwisata yang meliputi 5A (attractions, accessibility, amenities, available packages, activities, ancillary services) yakni atraksi, aksesibilitas, fasilitas, paket yang tersedia, aktivitas, layanan tambahan. 2) Dengan demikian tinjauan hukum ekonomi syariah dalam pengembangan kawasan industri pariwisata halal di Jawa Barat termasuk pada konsep pariwisata yang dianjurkan, hal ini dikarenakan mayoritas penduduknya adalah muslim, selain itu secara maqashid syariah dan etika bisnis islami bahwa konsep pariwisata halal yang ada di Jawa Barat termasuk pada konsep pariwisata pelengkap yang mengedepankan pelayanan islami dalam pelaksanaan bisnisnya, hal ini dapat dilihat dari tersedianya makanan halal, tempat ibadah, dan hotel-hotel yang menyediakan berbagai kebutuhan wisatawan muslim.

The analysis of employment conditions of workers at the enterprises of Vladimir region during the Great Patriotic War (1941-1945) has been presented in the article. Employment conditions in which the workers on home front existed have been considered not only as an act of bravery but as the problem of efficient enterprise functioning in the years of war as well. Predominance of the state and social interests over the interests of individual employee has been paid attention too. The materials of the party funds of Vladimir region city committees stored in the State Archives of the Vladimir Region (GAVO) has become the source base of the article. In addition, the memoirs of workers on home front about their personal experience during the hard times of war are significant sources. The study identifies the most important and frequent difficulties which took place at the enterprises of the region under consideration. The author highlights the poor adherence to safety standards, unsatisfactory working conditions in the shops (low temperatures, lack of amenities, unsanitary conditions, lack of overalls and footwear) as the problems faced by workers of factories. In addition, there was an irrational use of existing employees, inadequate nutrition, conflicts between individual employees and their immediate superiors. The latter often led to the execution of cases against workers for violations of labor discipline in accordance with the decrees of June 26, 1940 and December 26, 1941. As a result of the analysis of wartime documents the author comes to the conclusion that a number of problems that workers of factories of the studied region faced with during the war years were constantly unresolved. Despite the ongoing war human conflicts have not disappeared, the clarification of which for some administrators was more important than the successful functioning of the area of work entrusted to them. This resulted in cases of illegal persecution of workers for alleged violations of labor discipline, which did not increase the authority of the enterprise administration.

The Spermonde Islands are a group of islands inhabited by 121 islands that are effective for development. This study aims to formulate a strategy for the development of a group of islands in the Spermonde Archipelago in the Planning of Maritime-Based Travel Products. This study uses a mixed method (Mixed Method) which begins with quantitative methods and continues with qualitative methods involving 257 respondents who were taken incidentally. Data collection techniques used in the form of questionnaires and Focus Group Discussion (FGD), interviews, comparative studies and literature studies were used for qualitative data. The results of the study show that: 1) The potential for marine tourism in the Spermonde Islands from the results of the 3A analysis: Accessibility, Amenity and Activities in general, a group of islands in the Spermonde Archipelago has the potential to become superior marine tourism with current conditions it can be said to be a natural landscape heritage. . 2) On internal factors, the strength factor has a higher score than the weakness factor so that the potential for a group of islands in the archipelago has strengths or advantages that can be developed. 3) on external factors, there is a greater opportunity factor than a threat factor so that it has a very large opportunity to be marketed in tour packages as a reliable marine destination. 4) The strategy for the development of a group of islands in the Spermonde Archipelago is prepared based on the results of the SWOT analysis and produces 13 strategies.AbstrakKepulauan spermonde merupakan gugusan pulau-pulau yang dihuni 121 pulau yang efektif untuk dikembangkan. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk merumuskan strategi pengembangan gugusan pulau-pulau di Kepulauan Spermonde dalam Perencanaan Produk Perjalanan Wisata Berbasis Maritim. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode campuran (Mixed Method) yang diawali dengan metode kuantitatif dan dilanjutkan dengan metode kualitatif dengan melibatkan 257 responden yang diambil secara insidental. Teknik pengumpulan data yang digunakan berupa kuesioner dan Focus Group Discussion (FGD), interview, studi banding dan studi kepustakaan digunakan untuk data kualitatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa: 1) Potensi wisata bahari di kepulauan Spermonde dari hasil analisis 3A: Aksesibilitas, Amenitas dan Aktivitas pada umumnya gugusan pulau-pulau di kepulauan Spermonde sangat berpotensi untuk menjadi wisata bahari yang unggul dengan kondisi saat ini dapat dikatakan sebagai natural landscape heritage. 2) Pada faktor internal, faktor kekuatan mempunyai skor yang lebih besar dari faktor kelemahan sehingga potensi gugusan pulau-pulau di kepulauan mempunyai kekuatan atau keunggulan yang dapat dikembangkan. 3) pada faktor eksternal, terdapat faktor peluang lebih besar dari faktor ancaman sehingga mempunyai peluang yang sangat besar untuk dapat dipasarkan dalam paket wisata sebagai destinasi bahari yang handal. 4) Strategi pengembangan gugusan pulau-pulau di kepulauan Spermonde disusun berdasarkan hasil dari analisis SWOT dan menghasilkan 13 strategi.

Tourism is a commodity that is able to move the wheels of the economy of a region so it needs to be developed properly. This study aims to determine and describe the elements of attractions, amenities and accessibility of tourist areas in Watumalang District, Wonosobo Regency. These factors are factors that determine success in the development of tourist destinations. The development of tourism product components such as attractions, amenities and accessibility allows managers to increase the number of visits and tourist satisfaction. This study uses a descriptive qualitative research method which means the researcher only explains the facts and knowledge found during the research through words or tables. Based on the data obtained in the study, the researcher found that (1) tourist attractions were sufficient and this was evidenced by the existence of several superior locations in the area; (2) amenities in the form of public facilities and supporting facilities still need to be improved to make it more satisfying for tourists; (3) accessibility has been fulfilled enough even though the facts show that there is still a lack of accessibility for people from outside the Wonosobo Regency area so that the number of tourists from outside the Regency is still below the number of tourists from within the Regency. Keywords: tourism, development, attractions, amenities, accessibility.

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; margin: 0in 0.5in 0pt; background: white;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 10pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">Many primary care physicians are now considering changing <span style="letter-spacing: -0.1pt;">their practices to the new concierge medical practice. Also known as </span><span style="letter-spacing: -0.05pt;">boutique medicine, retainer or "highly attentive" medicine. This new </span><span style="letter-spacing: -0.2pt;">style practice offers access to a physician who has now limited the size of </span><span style="letter-spacing: -0.1pt;">his practice in exchange for an annual fee.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span></span>These practices are nearly all primary care, and usually vary in <span style="letter-spacing: -0.15pt;">size from 600 patients to 300 or less and carry a typical fee of $1,500.00 </span><span style="letter-spacing: -0.05pt;">a year. Although a recent phenomenon, boutique medicine remains a </span><span style="letter-spacing: -0.1pt;">small niche. But the number of practices continues to grow. Particularly on the East and West coasts where there are more wealthier people, who </span>expect more from their health care providers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span><span style="letter-spacing: -0.1pt;">Benefits of this new practice include same-day or next-day </span>appointments not under time constraints, house calls, 24 hour a day <span style="letter-spacing: -0.2pt;">access by cell phone, annual wellness evaluations and highly appointed </span><span style="letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">offices.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span></span><span style="letter-spacing: -0.25pt;">One of the major criticisms of concierge medicine involves those </span><span style="letter-spacing: -0.05pt;">who do not participate in such a program. The practices also displace </span>patients to other medical providers. And as such, create problems of <span style="letter-spacing: -0.15pt;">excessive demand on the existing physicians who do not participate.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span></span><span style="letter-spacing: -0.05pt;">Generally speaking, the patients who elect to participate in concierge practices are healthier and require less intensive care than </span><span style="letter-spacing: -0.1pt;">those cared for in other settings. All this without consideration of the approximately 45 million Americans who live without health care insurance, which only serves to compound the existing problems.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span></span>There "VIP" medical services with their superior amenities and <span style="letter-spacing: -0.2pt;">convenience can be purchased by those with sufficient wealth. However, </span><span style="letter-spacing: -0.1pt;">the question should not turn on the quality of health care which depends on the amount of money an individual can spend on it. Many would </span><span style="letter-spacing: 0.05pt;">regard good health as a right rather than a privilege.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span></span><span style="letter-spacing: -0.05pt;">The final ethical question is to consider the thought that an </span><span style="letter-spacing: -0.1pt;">individual might experience more or less morbidity or mortality based on how much money they could devote to medical care. Health care </span><span style="letter-spacing: -0.05pt;">should not be discretionary, as everyone should be entitled to the </span>quality without regard to financial status.</span></span></p>

One of the first challenges faced by new Australian Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd, was what to do with the former government’s controversial citizenship test. While a quick evaluation of the test shows that 93 percent of those who have sat it ‘passed’ (Hoare), most media controversy has focussed less on the validity of such a test than whether questions relating to Australian cricketing legend, Don Bradman, are appropriate (Hawley). While the citizenship test seems nothing more that a crude and populist measure imposed by the former Howard government in its ongoing nationalistic agenda, which included paying schools to raise the Australian flag (“PM Unfurls Flag”), its imposition seems a timely reminder of the challenge of understanding citizenship today. For as the demographic structures around us continue to change, so must our understandings of ‘citizenship’. More importantly, this fluid understanding of citizenship is not limited to academics, and policy-makers, but new technologies, the processes of globalisation including a globalised media, changing demographic patterns including migration, as well as environmental challenges that place pressure on limited resources is altering the citizens understanding of their own role as well as those around them. This paper aims to sketch out a proposed new research agenda that seeks to investigate this fluid and heterogenous nature of citizenship. The focus of the research has so far been Sydney and is enveloped by a broader aim of promoting an increased level of citizen engagement both within formal and informal political structures. I begin by sketching the complex nature of Sydney before presenting some initial research findings. Sydney – A Complex City The so-called ‘emerald city’ of Sydney has been described in many ways: from a ‘global’ city (Fagan, Dowling and Longdale 1) to an ‘angry’ city (Price 16). Sarah Price’s investigative article included research from the University of Western Sydney’s Centre of Culture Research, the Bureau of Crime Statistics and interviews with Tony Grabs, the director of trauma at St Vincent’s Hospital in inner city Darlinghurst. Price found that both injuries from alcohol and drug-related violence had risen dramatically over the last few years and seemed to be driven by increasing frustrations of a city that is perceived to be lacking appropriate infrastructure and rising levels of personal and household debt. Sydney’s famous harbour and postcard landmarks are surrounded by places of controversy and poverty, with residents of very backgrounds living in close proximity: often harmoniously and sometimes less so. According to recent research by Griffith University’s Urban Research Program, the city is becoming increasingly polarised, with the wealthiest enjoying high levels of access to amenities while other sections of the population experiencing increasing deprivation (Frew 7). Sydney is often segmented into different regions: the growth corridors of the western suburbs which include the ‘Aspirational class’; the affluent eastern suburb; the southern beachside suburbs surrounding Cronulla affectionately known by local residents as ‘the Shire’, and so on. This, however, hides that fact that these areas are themselves complex and heterogenous in character (Frew 7). As a result, the many clichés associated with such segments lead to an over simplification of regional characteristics. The ‘growth corridors’ of Western Sydney, for example, have, in recent times, become a focal point of political and social commentary. From the rise of the ‘Aspirational’ voter (Anderson), seen to be a key ‘powerbroker’ in federal and state politics, to growing levels of disenfranchised young people, this region is multifaceted and should not be simplified. These areas often see large-scale, private housing estates; what Brendan Gleeson describes as ‘privatopias’, situated next to rising levels of homelessness (“What’s Driving”): a powerful and concerning image that should not escape our attention. (Chamberlain and Mackenzie pay due attention to the issue in Homeless Careers.) It is also home to a growing immigrant population who often arrive as business migrants and as well as a rising refugee population traumatised by war and displacement (Collins 1). These growth corridors then, seem to simultaneously capture both the ambitions and the fears of Sydney. That is, they are seen as both areas of potential economic boom as well as social stress and potential conflict (Gleeson 89). One way to comprehend the complexity associated with such diversity and change is to reflect on the proximity of the twin suburbs of Macquarie Links and Macquarie Fields situated in Sydney’s south-western suburbs. Separated by the clichéd ‘railway tracks’, one is home to the growing Aspirational class while the other continues to be plagued by the stigma of being, what David Burchell describes as, a ‘dysfunctional dumping ground’ whose plight became national headlines during the riots in 2005. The riots were sparked after a police chase involving a stolen car led to a crash and the death of a 17 year-old and 19 year-old passengers. Residents blamed police for the deaths and the subsequent riots lasted for four nights – involving 150 teenagers clashing with New South Wales Police. The dysfunction, Burchell notes is seen in crime statistics that include 114 stolen cars, 227 burglaries, 457 cases of property damage and 279 assaults – all in 2005 alone. Interestingly, both these populations are surrounded by exclusionary boundaries: one because of the financial demands to enter the ‘Links’ estate, and the other because of the self-imposed exclusion. Such disparities not only provide challenges for policy makers generally, but also have important implications on the attitudes that citizens’ experience towards their relationship with each other as well as the civic institutions that are meant to represent them. This is particular the case if civic institutions are seen to either neglect or favour certain groups. This, in part, has given rise to what I describe here as a ‘citizenship surplus’ as well as a ‘citizenship deficit’. Research Agenda: Investigating Citizenship Surpluses and Deficits This changing city has meant that there has also been a change in the way that different groups interact with, and perceive, civic bodies. As noted, my initial research shows that this has led to the emergence of both citizenship surpluses and deficits. Though the concept of a ‘citizen deficits and surpluses’ have not emerged within the broader literature, there is a wide range of literature that discusses how some sections of the population lack of access to democratic processes. There are three broad areas of research that have emerged relevant here: citizenship and young people (see Arvanitakis; Dee); citizenship and globalisation (see Della Porta; Pusey); and citizenship and immigration (see Baldassar et al.; Gow). While a discussion of each of these research areas is beyond the scope of this paper, a regular theme is the emergence of a ‘democratic deficit’ (Chari et al. 422). Dee, for example, looks at how there exist unequal relationships between local and central governments, young people, communities and property developers in relation to space. Dee argues that this shapes social policy in a range of settings and contexts including their relationship with broader civic institutions and understandings of citizenship. Dee finds that claims for land use that involve young people rarely succeed and there is limited, if any, recourse to civic institutions. As such, we see a democratic deficit emerge because the various civic institutions involved fail in meeting their obligations to citizens. In addition, a great deal of work has emerged that investigates attempts to re-engage citizens through mechanisms to promote citizenship education and a more active citizenship which has also been accompanied by government programs with the same goals (See for example the Western Australian government’s ‘Citizenscape’ program ). For example Hahn (231) undertakes a comparative study of civic education in six countries (including Australia) and the policies and practices with respect to citizenship education and how to promote citizen activism. The results are positive, though the research was undertaken before the tumultuous events of the terrorist attacks in New York, the emergence of the ‘war on terror’ and the rise of ‘Muslim-phobia’. A gap rises, however, within the Australian literature when we consider both the fluid and heterogenous nature of citizenship. That is, how do we understand the relationship between these diverse groups living within such proximity to each other overlayed by changing migration patterns, ongoing globalised processes and changing political environments as well as their relations to civic institutions? Further, how does this influence the way individuals perceive their rights, expectations and responsibilities to the state? Given this, I believe that there is a need to understand citizenship as a fluid and heterogenous phenomenon that can be in surplus, deficit, progressive and reactionary. When discussing citizenship I am interested in how people perceive both their rights and responsibilities to civic institutions as well as to the residents around them. A second, obviously related, area of interest is ‘civic engagement’: that is, “the activities of people in the various organisations and associations that make up what scholars call ‘civil society’” (Portney and Leary 4). Before describing these categories in more detail, I would like to briefly outline the methodological processes employed thus far. Much of the research to this point is based on a combination of established literature, my informal discussions with citizen groups and my observations as ‘an activist.’ That is, over the last few years I have worked with a broad cross section of community-based organisations as well as specific individuals that have attempted to confront perceived injustices. I have undertaken this work as both an activist – with organisations such as Aid/Watch and Oxfam Australia – as well as an academic invited to share my research. This work has involved designing and implementing policy and advocacy strategies including media and public education programs. All interactions begin with a detailed discussion of the aims, resources, abilities and knowledge of the groups involved, followed by workshopping campaigning strategies. This has led to the publication of an ‘activist handbook’ titled ‘From Sitting on the Couch to Changing the World’, which is used to both draft the campaign aims as well as design a systematic strategy. (The booklet, which is currently being re-drafted, is published by Oxfam Australia and registered under a creative commons licence. For those interested, copies are available by emailing j.arvanitakis (at) uws.edu.au.) Much research is also sourced from direct feedback given by participants in reviewing the workshops and strategies The aim of tis paper then, is to sketch out the initial findings as well as an agenda for more formalised research. The initial findings have identified the heterogenous nature of citizenship that I have separated into four ‘citizenship spaces.’ The term space is used because these are not stable groupings as many quickly move between the areas identified as both the structures and personal situations change. 1. Marginalisation and Citizenship Deficit The first category is a citizenship deficit brought on by a sense of marginalisation. This is determined by a belief that it is pointless to interact with civic institutions, as the result is always the same: people’s opinions and needs will be ignored. Or in the case of residents from areas such as Macquarie Fields, the relationship with civic institutions, including police, is antagonistic and best avoided (White par. 21). This means that there is no connection between the population and the civic institutions around them – there is no loyalty or belief that efforts to be involved in political and civic processes will be rewarded. Here groups sense that they do not have access to political avenues to be heard, represented or demand change. This is leading to an experience of disconnection from political processes. The result is both a sense of disengagement and disempowerment. One example here emerged in discussions with protesters around the proposed development of the former Australian Defence Industry (ADI) site in St Marys, an outer-western suburb of Sydney. The development, which was largely approved, was for a large-scale housing estate proposed on sensitive bushlands in a locality that resident’s note is under-serviced in terms of public space. (For details of these discussions, see http://www.adisite.org/.) Residents often took the attitude that whatever the desire of the local community, the development would go ahead regardless. Those who worked at information booths during the resident protests informed me that the attitude was one best summarised by: “Why bother, we always get stuffed around any way.” This was confirmed by my own discussions with local residents – even those who joined the resident action group. 2. Privatisation and Citizenship Deficit This citizenship deficit not only applies to the marginalised, however, for there are also much wealthier populations who also appear to experience a deficit that results from a lack of access to civic institutions. This tends to leads to a privatisation of decision-making and withdrawal from the public arena as well as democratic processes. Consequently, the residents in the pockets of wealth may not be acting as citizens but more like consumers – asserting themselves in terms of Castells’s ‘collective consumption’ (par. 25). This citizenship deficit is brought on by ongoing privatisation. That is, there is a belief that civic institutions (including government bodies) are unable or at least unwilling to service the local community. As a result there is a tendency to turn to private suppliers and believe that individualisation is the best way to manage the community. The result is that citizens feel no connection to the civic institutions around them, not because there is no desire, but there are no services. This group of citizens has often been described as the ‘Aspirationals’ and are most often found in the growth corridors of Sydney. There is no reason to believe that this group is this way because of choice – but rather a failure by government authorities to service their needs. This is confirmed by research undertaken as early as 1990 which found that the residents now labelled Aspirational, were demanding access to public infrastructure services including public schools, but have been neglected by different levels of government. (This was clearly stated by NSW Labor MP for Liverpool, Paul Lynch, who argued for such services as a way to ensure a functioning community particularly for Western Sydney; NSWPD 2001.) As a result there is a reliance on private schools, neighbourhoods, transport and so on. Any ‘why bother’ attitude is thus driven by a lack of evidence that civic institutions can or are not willing to meet their needs. There is a strong sense of local community – but this localisation limited to others in the same geographical location and similar lifestyle. 3. Citizenship Surplus – Empowered Not Engaged The third space of citizenship is based on a ‘surplus’ even if there is limited or no political engagement. This group has quite a lot in common with the ‘Aspirationals’ but may come from areas that are higher serviced by civic institutions: the choice not to engage is therefore voluntary. There is a strong push for self-sufficiency – believing that their social capital, wealth and status mean that they do not require the services of civic institutions. While not antagonistic towards such institutions, there is often a belief is that the services provided by the private sector are ultimately superior to public ones. Consequently, they feel empowered through their social background but are not engaged with civic institutions or the political process. Despite this, my initial research findings show that this group has a strong connection to decision-makers – both politicians and bureaucrats. This lack of engagement changes if there is a perceived injustice to their quality of life or their values system – and hence should not be dismissed as NIMBYs (not in my backyard). They believe they have the resources to mobilise and demand change. I believe that we see this group materialise in mobilisations around proposed developments that threaten the perceived quality of life of the local environment. One example brought to my attention was the rapid response of local residents to the proposed White City development near Sydney’s eastern suburbs that was to see tennis courts and public space replaced by residential and commercial buildings (Nicholls). As one resident informed me, she had never seen any political engagement by local residents previously – an engagement that was accompanied by a belief that the development would be stopped as well as a mobilisation of some impressive resources. Such mobilisations also occur when there is a perceived injustice. Examples of this group can be found in what Hugh Mackay (13) describes as ‘doctor’s wives’ (a term that I am not wholly comfortable with). Here we see the emergence of ‘Chilout’: Children out of Detention. This was an organisation whose membership was described to me as ‘north shore professionals’, drew heavily on those who believed the forced incarceration of young refugee children was an affront to their values system. 4. Insurgent Citizenship – Empowered and Engaged The final space is the insurgent citizen: that is, the citizen who is both engaged and empowered. This is a term borrowed from South Africa and the USA (Holston 1) – and it should be seen as having two, almost diametrically opposed, sides: progressive and reactionary. This group may not have access to a great deal of financial resources, but has high social capital and both a willingness and ability to engage in political processes. Consequently, there is a sense of empowerment and engagement with civic institutions. There is also a strong push for self-sufficiency – but this is encased in a belief that civic institutions have a responsibility to provide services to the public, and that some services are naturally better provided by the public sector. Despite this, there is often an antagonistic relationship with such institutions. From the progressive perspective, we see ‘activists’ promoting social justice issues (including students, academics, unionists and so on). Organisations such as A Just Australia are strongly supported by various student organisations, unions and other social justice and activist groups. From a reactionary perspective, we see the emergence of groups that take an anti-immigration stance (such as ‘anti-immigration’ groups including Australia First that draw both activists and have an established political party). (Information regarding ‘anti-refugee activists’ can be found at http://ausfirst.alphalink.com.au/ while the official website for the Australia First political part is at http://www.australiafirstparty.com.au/cms/.) One way to understand the relationship between these groups is through the engagement/empowered typology below. While a detailed discussion of the limitations of typologies is beyond the scope of this paper, it is important to acknowledge that any typology is a simplification and generalisation of the arguments presented. Likewise, it is unlikely that any typology has the ability to cover all cases and situations. This typology can, however, be used to underscore the relational nature of citizenship. The purpose here is to highlight that there are relationships between the different citizenship spaces and individuals can move between groups and each cluster has significant internal variation. Key here is that this can frame future studies. Conclusion and Next Steps There is little doubt there is a relationship between attitudes to citizenship and the health of a democracy. In Australia, democracy is robust in some ways, but many feel disempowered, disengaged and some feel both – often believing they are remote from the workings of civic institutions. It would appear that for many, interest in the process of (formal) government is at an all-time low as reflected in declining membership of political parties (Jaensch et al. 58). Democracy is not a ‘once for ever’ achievement – it needs to be protected and promoted. To do this, we must ensure that there are avenues for representation for all. This point also highlights one of the fundamental flaws of the aforementioned citizenship test. According to the Department of Immigration and Citizenship, the test is designed to: help migrants integrate and maximise the opportunities available to them in Australia, and enable their full participation in the Australian community as citizens. (par. 4) Those designing the test have assumed that citizenship is both stable and, once achieved, automatically ensures representation. This paper directly challenges these assumptions and offers an alternative research agenda with the ultimate aim of promoting high levels of engagement and empowerment. References Anderson, A. “The Liberals Have Not Betrayed the Menzies Legacy.” Online Opinion 25 Oct. 2004. < http://www.onlineopinion.com.au/view.asp?article=2679 >. Arvanitakis, J. “Highly Affected, Rarely Considered: The International Youth Parliament Commission’s Report on the Impacts of Globalisation on Young People.” Sydney: Oxfam Australia, 2003. Baldassar, L., Z. Kamalkhani, and C. Lange. “Afghan Hazara Refugees in Australia: Constructing Australian Citizens.” Social Identities 13.1 (2007): 31-50. Burchell, D. “Dysfunctional Dumping Grounds.” The Australian 10 Feb. 2007. < http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/story/0,20867,21199266-28737,00.html >. Burnley, I.H. The Impact of Immigration in Australia: A Demographic Approach. Melbourne: Oxford UP, 2001. Castells, M. “European Cities, the Informational Society, and the Global Economy.” New Left Review I/204 (March-April 1994): 46-57. Chamberlain, C., and D. Mackenzie. Homeless Careers: Pathways in and out of Homelessness. Melbourne: RMIT University, 2002. Chari, R., J. Hogan, and G. Murphy. “Regulating Lobbyists: A Comparative Analysis of the United States, Canada, Germany and the European Union.” The Political Quarterly 78.3 (2007): 423-438. Collins, J. “Chinese Entrepreneurs: The Chinese Diaspora in Australia.” International Journal of Entrepreneurial Behaviour & Research 8.1/2 (2002): 113-133. Dee, M. “Young People, Citizenship and Public Space.” International Sociological Association Conference Paper, Brisbane, 2002. Della Porta, D. “Globalisations and Democracy.” Democratizations 12.5 (2005): 668-685. Fagan, B., R. Dowling, and J. Longdale. “Suburbs in the ‘Global City’: Sydney since the Mid 1990s.” State of Australian cities conference. Parramatta, 2003. Frew, W. “And the Most Polarised City Is…” Sydney Morning Herald 16-17 Feb. 2008: 7. Gleeson, B. Australian Heartlands: Making Space for Hope in the Suburbs. Crows Nest: Allen and Unwin, 2006. Gleeson, B. “What’s Driving Suburban Australia?” Australian Policy Online 15 Jan. 2004. < http://www.apo.org.au/webboard/results.chtml?filename_num=00558 >. Gow, G. “Rubbing Shoulders in the Global City: Refugees, Citizenship and Multicultural Alliances in Fairfield, Sydney.” Ethnicities 5.3 (2005): 386-405. Hahn, C. L. “Citizenship Education: An Empirical Study of Policy, Practices and Outcomes.” Oxford Review of Education 25.1/2 (1999): 231-250. Hawley, S. “Sir Donald Bradman Likely to Be Dumped from Citizenship Test.” ABC Local Radio Online. 29 Jan. 2008. < http://www.abc.net.au/am/content/2007/s2148383.htm >. Hoare, D. “Bradman’s Spot in Citizenship Test under Scrutiny.” ABC Local Radio online. 29 Jan. 2008. < http://www.abc.net.au/pm/content/2008/s2149325.htm >. Holston, J. Insurgent Citizenship: Disjunctions of Democracy and Modernity in Brazil. California: Cloth, 2007. Jaensch, D., P. Brent, and B. Bowden. “Australian Political Parties in the Spotlight.” Democratic Audit of Australia Report 4. Australian National University, 2004. Mackay, H. “Sleepers Awoke from Slumber of Indifference.” Sydney Morning Herald 27 Nov. 2007: 13. NSWPD – New South Wales Parliamentary Debates. “South Western Sydney Banking Services.” Legislative Assembly Hansard, 52nd NSW Parliament, 19 Sep. 2001. Portney, K.E., and L. O’Leary. Civic and Political Engagement of America’s Youth: National Survey of Civic and Political Engagement of Young People. Medford, MA: Tisch College, Tufts University, 2007. Price, S. “Stress and Debt Make Sydney a Violent City.” Sydney Morning Herald 13 Jan. 2008: 16. Pusey, M. The Experience of Middle Australia: The Dark Side of Economic Reform. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2003. White, R. “Swarming and the Social Dynamics of Group Violence.” Trends and Issues in Crime and Criminal Justice 326 (Oct. 2006). < http://www.aic.gov.au/publications/tandi2/tandi326t.html >. Wolfe, P. “Race and Citizenship.” Magazine of History 18.5 (2004): 66-72.

Introduction One of the first challenges faced by new Australian Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd, was what to do with the former government’s controversial citizenship test. While a quick evaluation of the test shows that 93 percent of those who have sat it ‘passed’ (Hoare), most media controversy has focussed less on the validity of such a test than whether questions relating to Australian cricketing legend, Don Bradman, are appropriate (Hawley). While the citizenship test seems nothing more that a crude and populist measure imposed by the former Howard government in its ongoing nationalistic agenda, which included paying schools to raise the Australian flag (“PM Unfurls Flag”), its imposition seems a timely reminder of the challenge of understanding citizenship today. For as the demographic structures around us continue to change, so must our understandings of ‘citizenship’. More importantly, this fluid understanding of citizenship is not limited to academics, and policy-makers, but new technologies, the processes of globalisation including a globalised media, changing demographic patterns including migration, as well as environmental challenges that place pressure on limited resources is altering the citizens understanding of their own role as well as those around them. This paper aims to sketch out a proposed new research agenda that seeks to investigate this fluid and heterogenous nature of citizenship. The focus of the research has so far been Sydney and is enveloped by a broader aim of promoting an increased level of citizen engagement both within formal and informal political structures. I begin by sketching the complex nature of Sydney before presenting some initial research findings. Sydney – A Complex City The so-called ‘emerald city’ of Sydney has been described in many ways: from a ‘global’ city (Fagan, Dowling and Longdale 1) to an ‘angry’ city (Price 16). Sarah Price’s investigative article included research from the University of Western Sydney’s Centre of Culture Research, the Bureau of Crime Statistics and interviews with Tony Grabs, the director of trauma at St Vincent’s Hospital in inner city Darlinghurst. Price found that both injuries from alcohol and drug-related violence had risen dramatically over the last few years and seemed to be driven by increasing frustrations of a city that is perceived to be lacking appropriate infrastructure and rising levels of personal and household debt. Sydney’s famous harbour and postcard landmarks are surrounded by places of controversy and poverty, with residents of very backgrounds living in close proximity: often harmoniously and sometimes less so. According to recent research by Griffith University’s Urban Research Program, the city is becoming increasingly polarised, with the wealthiest enjoying high levels of access to amenities while other sections of the population experiencing increasing deprivation (Frew 7). Sydney, is often segmented into different regions: the growth corridors of the western suburbs which include the ‘Aspirational class’; the affluent eastern suburb; the southern beachside suburbs surrounding Cronulla affectionately known by local residents as ‘the Shire’, and so on. This, however, hides that fact that these areas are themselves complex and heterogenous in character (Frew 7). As a result, the many clichés associated with such segments lead to an over simplification of regional characteristics. The ‘growth corridors’ of Western Sydney, for example, have, in recent times, become a focal point of political and social commentary. From the rise of the ‘Aspirational’ voter (Anderson), seen to be a key ‘powerbroker’ in federal and state politics, to growing levels of disenfranchised young people, this region is multifaceted and should not be simplified. These areas often see large-scale, private housing estates; what Brendan Gleeson describes as ‘privatopias’, situated next to rising levels of homelessness (“What’s Driving”): a powerful and concerning image that should not escape our attention. (Chamberlain and Mackenzie pay due attention to the issue in Homeless Careers.) It is also home to a growing immigrant population who often arrive as business migrants and as well as a rising refugee population traumatised by war and displacement (Collins 1). These growth corridors then, seem to simultaneously capture both the ambitions and the fears of Sydney. That is, they are seen as both areas of potential economic boom as well as social stress and potential conflict (Gleeson 89). One way to comprehend the complexity associated with such diversity and change is to reflect on the proximity of the twin suburbs of Macquarie Links and Macquarie Fields situated in Sydney’s south-western suburbs. Separated by the clichéd ‘railway tracks’, one is home to the growing Aspirational class while the other continues to be plagued by the stigma of being, what David Burchell describes as, a ‘dysfunctional dumping ground’ whose plight became national headlines during the riots in 2005. The riots were sparked after a police chase involving a stolen car led to a crash and the death of a 17 year-old and 19 year-old passengers. Residents blamed police for the deaths and the subsequent riots lasted for four nights – involving 150 teenagers clashing with New South Wales Police. The dysfunction, Burchell notes is seen in crime statistics that include 114 stolen cars, 227 burglaries, 457 cases of property damage and 279 assaults – all in 2005 alone. Interestingly, both these populations are surrounded by exclusionary boundaries: one because of the financial demands to enter the ‘Links’ estate, and the other because of the self-imposed exclusion. Such disparities not only provide challenges for policy makers generally, but also have important implications on the attitudes that citizens’ experience towards their relationship with each other as well as the civic institutions that are meant to represent them. This is particular the case if civic institutions are seen to either neglect or favour certain groups. This, in part, has given rise to what I describe here as a ‘citizenship surplus’ as well as a ‘citizenship deficit’. Research Agenda: Investigating Citizenship Surpluses and Deficits This changing city has meant that there has also been a change in the way that different groups interact with, and perceive, civic bodies. As noted, my initial research shows that this has led to the emergence of both citizenship surpluses and deficits. Though the concept of a ‘citizen deficits and surpluses’ have not emerged within the broader literature, there is a wide range of literature that discusses how some sections of the population lack of access to democratic processes. There are three broad areas of research that have emerged relevant here: citizenship and young people (see Arvanitakis; Dee); citizenship and globalisation (see Della Porta; Pusey); and citizenship and immigration (see Baldassar et al.; Gow). While a discussion of each of these research areas is beyond the scope of this paper, a regular theme is the emergence of a ‘democratic deficit’ (Chari et al. 422). Dee, for example, looks at how there exist unequal relationships between local and central governments, young people, communities and property developers in relation to space. Dee argues that this shapes social policy in a range of settings and contexts including their relationship with broader civic institutions and understandings of citizenship. Dee finds that claims for land use that involve young people rarely succeed and there is limited, if any, recourse to civic institutions. As such, we see a democratic deficit emerge because the various civic institutions involved fail in meeting their obligations to citizens. In addition, a great deal of work has emerged that investigates attempts to re-engage citizens through mechanisms to promote citizenship education and a more active citizenship which has also been accompanied by government programs with the same goals (See for example the Western Australian government’s ‘Citizenscape’ program ). For example Hahn (231) undertakes a comparative study of civic education in six countries (including Australia) and the policies and practices with respect to citizenship education and how to promote citizen activism. The results are positive, though the research was undertaken before the tumultuous events of the terrorist attacks in New York, the emergence of the ‘war on terror’ and the rise of ‘Muslim-phobia’. A gap rises, however, within the Australian literature when we consider both the fluid and heterogenous nature of citizenship. That is, how do we understand the relationship between these diverse groups living within such proximity to each other overlayed by changing migration patterns, ongoing globalised processes and changing political environments as well as their relations to civic institutions? Further, how does this influence the way individuals perceive their rights, expectations and responsibilities to the state? Given this, I believe that there is a need to understand citizenship as a fluid and heterogenous phenomenon that can be in surplus, deficit, progressive and reactionary. When discussing citizenship I am interested in how people perceive both their rights and responsibilities to civic institutions as well as to the residents around them. A second, obviously related, area of interest is ‘civic engagement’: that is, “the activities of people in the various organisations and associations that make up what scholars call ‘civil society’” (Portney and Leary 4). Before describing these categories in more detail, I would like to briefly outline the methodological processes employed thus far. Much of the research to this point is based on a combination of established literature, my informal discussions with citizen groups and my observations as ‘an activist.’ That is, over the last few years I have worked with a broad cross section of community-based organisations as well as specific individuals that have attempted to confront perceived injustices. I have undertaken this work as both an activist – with organisations such as Aid/Watch and Oxfam Australia – as well as an academic invited to share my research. This work has involved designing and implementing policy and advocacy strategies including media and public education programs. All interactions begin with a detailed discussion of the aims, resources, abilities and knowledge of the groups involved, followed by workshopping campaigning strategies. This has led to the publication of an ‘activist handbook’ titled ‘From Sitting on the Couch to Changing the World’, which is used to both draft the campaign aims as well as design a systematic strategy. (The booklet, which is currently being re-drafted, is published by Oxfam Australia and registered under a creative commons licence. For those interested, copies are available by emailing j.arvanitakis (at) uws.edu.au.) Much research is also sourced from direct feedback given by participants in reviewing the workshops and strategies The aim of tis paper then, is to sketch out the initial findings as well as an agenda for more formalised research. The initial findings have identified the heterogenous nature of citizenship that I have separated into four ‘citizenship spaces.’ The term space is used because these are not stable groupings as many quickly move between the areas identified as both the structures and personal situations change. 1. Marginalisation and Citizenship Deficit The first category is a citizenship deficit brought on by a sense of marginalisation. This is determined by a belief that it is pointless to interact with civic institutions, as the result is always the same: people’s opinions and needs will be ignored. Or in the case of residents from areas such as Macquarie Fields, the relationship with civic institutions, including police, is antagonistic and best avoided (White par. 21). This means that there is no connection between the population and the civic institutions around them – there is no loyalty or belief that efforts to be involved in political and civic processes will be rewarded. Here groups sense that they do not have access to political avenues to be heard, represented or demand change. This is leading to an experience of disconnection from political processes. The result is both a sense of disengagement and disempowerment. One example here emerged in discussions with protesters around the proposed development of the former Australian Defence Industry (ADI) site in St Marys, an outer-western suburb of Sydney. The development, which was largely approved, was for a large-scale housing estate proposed on sensitive bushlands in a locality that resident’s note is under-serviced in terms of public space. (For details of these discussions, see http://www.adisite.org/.) Residents often took the attitude that whatever the desire of the local community, the development would go ahead regardless. Those who worked at information booths during the resident protests informed me that the attitude was one best summarised by: “Why bother, we always get stuffed around any way.” This was confirmed by my own discussions with local residents – even those who joined the resident action group. 2. Privatisation and Citizenship Deficit This citizenship deficit not only applies to the marginalised, however, for there are also much wealthier populations who also appear to experience a deficit that results from a lack of access to civic institutions. This tends to leads to a privatisation of decision-making and withdrawal from the public arena as well as democratic processes. Consequently, the residents in the pockets of wealth may not be acting as citizens but more like consumers – asserting themselves in terms of Castells’s ‘collective consumption’ (par. 25). This citizenship deficit is brought on by ongoing privatisation. That is, there is a belief that civic institutions (including government bodies) are unable or at least unwilling to service the local community. As a result there is a tendency to turn to private suppliers and believe that individualisation is the best way to manage the community. The result is that citizens feel no connection to the civic institutions around them, not because there is no desire, but there are no services. This group of citizens has often been described as the ‘Aspirationals’ and are most often found in the growth corridors of Sydney. There is no reason to believe that this group is this way because of choice – but rather a failure by government authorities to service their needs. This is confirmed by research undertaken as early as 1990 which found that the residents now labelled Aspirational, were demanding access to public infrastructure services including public schools, but have been neglected by different levels of government. (This was clearly stated by NSW Labor MP for Liverpool, Paul Lynch, who argued for such services as a way to ensure a functioning community particularly for Western Sydney; NSWPD 2001.) As a result there is a reliance on private schools, neighbourhoods, transport and so on. Any ‘why bother’ attitude is thus driven by a lack of evidence that civic institutions can or are not willing to meet their needs. There is a strong sense of local community – but this localisation limited to others in the same geographical location and similar lifestyle. 3. Citizenship Surplus – Empowered Not Engaged The third space of citizenship is based on a ‘surplus’ even if there is limited or no political engagement. This group has quite a lot in common with the ‘Aspirationals’ but may come from areas that are higher serviced by civic institutions: the choice not to engage is therefore voluntary. There is a strong push for self-sufficiency – believing that their social capital, wealth and status mean that they do not require the services of civic institutions. While not antagonistic towards such institutions, there is often a belief is that the services provided by the private sector are ultimately superior to public ones. Consequently, they feel empowered through their social background but are not engaged with civic institutions or the political process. Despite this, my initial research findings show that this group has a strong connection to decision-makers – both politicians and bureaucrats. This lack of engagement changes if there is a perceived injustice to their quality of life or their values system – and hence should not be dismissed as NIMBYs (not in my backyard). They believe they have the resources to mobilise and demand change. I believe that we see this group materialise in mobilisations around proposed developments that threaten the perceived quality of life of the local environment. One example brought to my attention was the rapid response of local residents to the proposed White City development near Sydney’s eastern suburbs that was to see tennis courts and public space replaced by residential and commercial buildings (Nicholls). As one resident informed me, she had never seen any political engagement by local residents previously – an engagement that was accompanied by a belief that the development would be stopped as well as a mobilisation of some impressive resources. Such mobilisations also occur when there is a perceived injustice. Examples of this group can be found in what Hugh Mackay (13) describes as ‘doctor’s wives’ (a term that I am not wholly comfortable with). Here we see the emergence of ‘Chilout’: Children out of Detention. This was an organisation whose membership was described to me as ‘north shore professionals’, drew heavily on those who believed the forced incarceration of young refugee children was an affront to their values system. 4. Insurgent Citizenship – Empowered and Engaged The final space is the insurgent citizen: that is, the citizen who is both engaged and empowered. This is a term borrowed from South Africa and the USA (Holston 1) – and it should be seen as having two, almost diametrically opposed, sides: progressive and reactionary. This group may not have access to a great deal of financial resources, but has high social capital and both a willingness and ability to engage in political processes. Consequently, there is a sense of empowerment and engagement with civic institutions. There is also a strong push for self-sufficiency – but this is encased in a belief that civic institutions have a responsibility to provide services to the public, and that some services are naturally better provided by the public sector. Despite this, there is often an antagonistic relationship with such institutions. From the progressive perspective, we see ‘activists’ promoting social justice issues (including students, academics, unionists and so on). Organisations such as A Just Australia are strongly supported by various student organisations, unions and other social justice and activist groups. From a reactionary perspective, we see the emergence of groups that take an anti-immigration stance (such as ‘anti-immigration’ groups including Australia First that draw both activists and have an established political party). (Information regarding ‘anti-refugee activists’ can be found at http://ausfirst.alphalink.com.au/ while the official website for the Australia First political part is at http://www.australiafirstparty.com.au/cms/.) One way to understand the relationship between these groups is through the engagement/empowered typology below. While a detailed discussion of the limitations of typologies is beyond the scope of this paper, it is important to acknowledge that any typology is a simplification and generalisation of the arguments presented. Likewise, it is unlikely that any typology has the ability to cover all cases and situations. This typology can, however, be used to underscore the relational nature of citizenship. The purpose here is to highlight that there are relationships between the different citizenship spaces and individuals can move between groups and each cluster has significant internal variation. Key here is that this can frame future studies. Conclusion and Next Steps There is little doubt there is a relationship between attitudes to citizenship and the health of a democracy. In Australia, democracy is robust in some ways, but many feel disempowered, disengaged and some feel both – often believing they are remote from the workings of civic institutions. It would appear that for many, interest in the process of (formal) government is at an all-time low as reflected in declining membership of political parties (Jaensch et al. 58). Democracy is not a ‘once for ever’ achievement – it needs to be protected and promoted. To do this, we must ensure that there are avenues for representation for all. This point also highlights one of the fundamental flaws of the aforementioned citizenship test. According to the Department of Immigration and Citizenship, the test is designed to: help migrants integrate and maximise the opportunities available to them in Australia, and enable their full participation in the Australian community as citizens. (par. 4) Those designing the test have assumed that citizenship is both stable and, once achieved, automatically ensures representation. This paper directly challenges these assumptions and offers an alternative research agenda with the ultimate aim of promoting high levels of engagement and empowerment. References Anderson, A. “The Liberals Have Not Betrayed the Menzies Legacy.” Online Opinion 25 Oct. 2004. http://www.onlineopinion.com.au/view.asp?article=2679>. Arvanitakis, J. “Highly Affected, Rarely Considered: The International Youth Parliament Commission’s Report on the Impacts of Globalisation on Young People.” Sydney: Oxfam Australia, 2003. Baldassar, L., Z. Kamalkhani, and C. 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Dee, M. “Young People, Citizenship and Public Space.” International Sociological Association Conference Paper, Brisbane, 2002. Della Porta, D. “Globalisations and Democracy.” Democratizations 12.5 (2005): 668-685. Fagan, B., R. Dowling, and J. Longdale. “Suburbs in the ‘Global City’: Sydney since the Mid 1990s.” State of Australian cities conference. Parramatta, 2003. Frew, W. “And the Most Polarised City Is…” Sydney Morning Herald 16-17 Feb. 2008: 7. Gleeson, B. Australian Heartlands: Making Space for Hope in the Suburbs. Crows Nest: Allen and Unwin, 2006. Gleeson, B. “What’s Driving Suburban Australia?” Australian Policy Online 15 Jan. 2004. http://www.apo.org.au/webboard/results.chtml?filename_num=00558>. Gow, G. “Rubbing Shoulders in the Global City: Refugees, Citizenship and Multicultural Alliances in Fairfield, Sydney.” Ethnicities 5.3 (2005): 386-405. Hahn, C. 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(Apr. 2008) "The Heterogenous Citizen: How Many of Us Care about Don Bradman’s Average?," M/C Journal, 10(6)/11(1). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0804/07-arvanitakis.php>.