Academic literature on the topic 'Sufism in China'

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Journal articles on the topic "Sufism in China"

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Wang, Wei. "The Evolution of Chinese Muslim’s Classical Learning and Schools in the Ming and Qing Dynasties." Religions 13, no. 6 (June 16, 2022): 553. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13060553.

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Around the middle of the Ming Dynasty, with the Chinese language becoming the mother tongue of Muslims in mainland China, the religious education of Chinese Muslims faced a dilemma. Meanwhile, a rejuvenated educational system was established by Hu Dengzhou (胡登洲) in Shaanxi during the Wanli (萬歷) period. This system, which was called Jingtang education (經堂教育) after a long time, has epoch-making significance in the history of Chinese Islamic thought. Through Hu Dengzhou’s disciples, this educational system gradually spread to North China and Jiangnan, where Shandong School and Jinling School were formed. Sufism played an important role in the two early schools’ teaching arrangements and academic activities. In the middle and late Qing periods, Shaanxi School and Yunnan School emerged one after another. Scholars of these two schools paid more attention to rational sciences represented by philosophical theology and attempted to use theological theories to explain Sufi texts. Overall, the establishment of Jingtang education was not only an urgent requirement for Muslims in mainland China to explain Islamic classics in Chinese, but also a fruitful attempt to replace official schools with private schools. The early Shandong School and Jinling School attached great importance to Sufism for two reasons: (1) Sufism became a prominent study after the 12th century, and most of the teachers of early Jingtang education had a close relationship with the Sufis. (2) These scholars live in a Chinese cultural background with Neo-Confucianism as the mainstream, and there are many commonalities between Sufism and Confucianism, which helps Muslim scholars to use Confucian terms to explain Islamic teaching. In the later period, Shaanxi School and Yunnan School turned to pay more attention to philosophical theology for two reasons: (1) In order to deal with the emergence and ideological differences of Chinese Islamic sects in the mid-Qing era. (2) This change was not unrelated to the influence of the Shixue (實學) thought trends in China, especially the Qianjia School.
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Ha, Guangtian. "Dialectic of embodiment: Mysticism, materiality and the performance of Sufism in China." Performing Islam 3, no. 1 (May 1, 2014): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/pi.3.1-2.83_1.

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Ha, Guangtian. "Dialectic of embodiment: Mysticism, materiality and the performance of Sufism in China." Performing Islam 3, no. 1 (May 1, 2014): 85–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/pi.3.1-2.85_1.

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Henning, Stefan. "History of the Soul: A Chinese Writer, Nietzsche, and Tiananmen 1989." Comparative Studies in Society and History 51, no. 3 (June 26, 2009): 473–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417509000206.

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In December of 1984, Zhang Chengzhi, a thirty-six-year-old ethnologist from Beijing and an important novelist in contemporary Chinese literature, reached a small village on the loess plateaus of northwestern China. An impoverished farmer, Ma Zhiwen, hosted Zhang during his brief stay and introduced him to the local community of Muslims who practiced Sufism, a form of mystical Islam. Night after night, the Muslim villagers sought Zhang out to tell him about events in the history of their Sufi order, the Zheherenye. Zhang learned that Zheherenye Sufis carefully cultivated historical memories reaching back to the mid-eighteenth century when the order was founded by a Chinese Sufi returned from Yemen. Since then, the order had been led by amurshid, the Arabic word for mentor or spiritual guide. During the last dynasty of the Chinese empire, which fell in 1911, the Zheherenye were often outlawed and clashed repeatedly with the imperial army in regional wars that the Sufis always lost. Interpreting their defeats as martyrdom, the Zheherenye narrated the lives of the successivemurshidin their transmission of oral histories, but also in handwritten histories that were often written in Persian or Arabic.
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Bahri, Media Zainul. "Gagasan Pluralisme Agama pada Kaum Teosofi Indonesia (1901-1933)." Ulumuna 17, no. 2 (November 8, 2017): 387–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.20414/ujis.v17i2.168.

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This article elucidates the idea of religious pluralism among Indonesian theosophies society (MTI), an association of well-educated people of Nusantara from 1901 through 1933, whose members were dominated by the high-class of Javanese and Sumatran people, Dutch and other Europeans. It argues that MTI’s ideas about pluralistic and inclusive religious perceptions and attitudes were indeed influenced by perennialism, religious humanism, Javanese Islam and Sufism that accepted religious pluralism. MTI’s deep religious outlooks and insights resulted from mixed ideas coming from diverse socio-cultural backgrounds: Europe, America, India, China and indigenous Nusantara traditions which emphasizes the principles of harmony.
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Solagberu, Abdur-Razzaq Mustapha Balogun. "Role of the Sūfis During the Pandemic in a Society: COVID-19 in Nigeria as a Case Study." Teosofia: Indonesian Journal of Islamic Mysticism 10, no. 2 (December 24, 2021): 209–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/tos.v10i2.9986.

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COVID – 19 is the code given to an infectious disease called Coronavirus. It was on 31st December 2019 that World Health Organization (WHO) was kept informed of its discovery. It was speculated that the disease was first discovered in the Republic of China. It then spread from there to other countries of the world, including Nigeria. Multiple efforts were put in place in an attempt to halt its spread in the country, i.e., Nigeria. One of such was to lockdown the country. The pandemic and lockdown had various effects on society and its people in multiple ways. As a result, people found themselves in a state of frustration and anxiety, looking forward to a remedy and solution. This paper, therefore, determines to examine the role of the Sūfis during this kind of situation with the hope of bringing the role of the Sūfis into the limelight and to put it on record the Sūfi resilience and effort on the spiritual being of the Sūfi adherents at a particular time. The method adopted in this research is based on the interpretative approach in line with the disciplines of Islamic Studies, especially Sufism and history. The main result of the study reveals that the pandemic has both positive and negative effects on people generally. Finally, through its teachings, Sufism provides resilience to the public, especially its adherents.
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Rajab, Hadarah. "Implementasi Nilai-Nilai Sufisme Tarekat Naqsyabandiyah di Sulawesi Selatan." Ulumuna 14, no. 2 (December 31, 2010): 341–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.20414/ujis.v14i2.221.

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For Muslims, especially those who are interested in sufism, Naqsabandiya sufi order is of special interest due to its important position in society. This is also because the great influence that this sufi order has played in the Islamic world, especially in Indonesia, India, China and Middle East. In Indonesia, this sufi order has spread throughout the islands, including in South Celebes. One of the great teacher of this sufi order came from this region, namely Syaikh Yusuf al-Makassari. He was believed to be the first to introduce this sufi in Indonesia. This essay attempts to explain the method of essential teaching developed in this sufi order, as this is practiced by people in South Celebes. It also traces the sufi’s historical background and expounds the ways in which it influences people’s social life, including in the fields of worship and human relations.
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Mahdihassan, S. "The Sufi, His Headdress and Its Significance." American Journal of Chinese Medicine 18, no. 03n04 (January 1990): 185–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0192415x90000241.

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Etymologically Sufi, as an Arabic word, means woolen-clad. This is unsuitable in designating a devotee who tries to have union with God. When the word is taken to Chinese it means (my) master-and-father, my Guru. There are at least nine more words used in addressing the Sufi or speaking of him, all of Chinese origin. This leaves no word specially used for the sufi which is not derived from Chinese. Next comes a rite special to the sufis, its is whirling-dancing. It has no precedence in traditional Islam. On the contrary "Dancing in ancient China was a powerful means of seeking divine will, and producing ecstasy for calling down spirits from the invisible word". Thus sufism would be an adaptation from Chinese Shamanism. The headdress, rather than the dress covering the body, is special to the sufis; it is a long hat made to resemble the male generative organ. In ancient times this organ was sanctified and, as sacred object, its emblem formed the headdress of male and female deities. Even sages were buried with emblem of the male organ on their heads. The earlier form of Hindu Trinity was called Trai-Linga-Ishwara, where Linga literally neans the male organ but semantically connotes creative power. To understand creation man had projected Birth as Creation when the male organ of reproduction was sublimated as power of creation. The prehistoric word was Chhiu, meaning phallus. This was pronounced as Shiu or Shew and later became Shiva, who was Phallus-god. In Greece Hermes was Phallus-god. With Shiva there was the Trinity Trai-Linga-Ishwara; Hermes was correspondingly called Tris-Majestis. The headdress, originally formed to resemble the male organ of reproduction underwent modifications. It grew in length while the top, from being round became flat. In this form it could be used without a cloth wrapped round to support it on the head. This was again unique and used only by the Sufis. Its past took it to emblem of male generative organ but in all stages represented creative power.
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Previato, Tommaso. "Jihad o rivoluzione? Percorsi martirologici ed escatologia politica nell’Islam cinese." Annali Sezione Orientale 82, no. 1-2 (September 5, 2022): 106–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24685631-12340130.

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Abstract Messianic Islam and socialism are often contrasted as either fighting each other or joining their forces against colonialism. If in late imperial China the Islamic legal duty of jihād (lit. struggle) was a byproduct of anti-dynastic uprisings by means of which reformist movements—linked to alienated offshoots of Naqshbandiyya Sufism—sought to legitimate religiously-based violence against the Qing state, during the country’s transition toward a republican system of government such duty became aligned with the state-driven program of nation-building and Chinese-distinctive brand of socialism. By so doing, the jihad added momentum to the Xinhai Revolution initiated by Sun Yat-sen, and its military ideology amalgamated with Sun’s political philosophy which was eventually remoulded by Muslim progressive circles within the Kuomintang or close to Mao Tse-tung’s Red Army and the soviet-style regime installed in Yan’an. Based on the analysis of hagiographical materials and periodicals of the first half of the 20th century, the paper sheds light on this critical juncture in the history of modern China that saw statesmen, revolutionary leaders, and religious élites validate jihad and discourses of pan-Islamic solidarity in a combined effort to boost national unity among ethnic minorities and armed resistance to foreign aggression.
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Wang, Wei. "On the Historical Background and Ideological Resources of the Confluence of Islam and Confucianism." Religions 13, no. 8 (August 16, 2022): 748. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13080748.

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From the Yuan to the mid-Ming period, the people of Huihui (回回人) in mainland China gradually Sinicized in terms of their languages, family names, marriages, costumes, and ethical values. There was close interaction between these Muslims and Confucian scholars in China. Most of the mosque inscriptions in this period were written by Confucian scholars, who were the first to try to interpret Islam in Confucian terms. Around the mid-Ming period, the Chinese language became the lingua franca of Muslims in mainland China, and the teaching of Arabic and Persian classics in Chinese became an urgent need at this time. It was at this time that the Confucian academies were revived with the government’s permission. Thereupon, the Muslim scholar Hu Dengzhou (胡登洲) founded a rejuvenated educational system known as Jingtang education (經堂教育), which produced a group of Muslim scholars who wrote in Chinese. Islam thus entered the historical arena of interaction with traditional Chinese religions. During the middle and late Ming period, changes in political and economic structures led to changes in the general mood of society. The rise of Wang Yangming’s Mind Study (心學) brought a lively academic atmosphere and a relaxed cultural environment to intellectual circles. The concept of “The same mind and the same principle of the sages in the East and the West” advocated by Lu Jiuyuan (陸九淵) and Wang Yangming (王陽明) was taken seriously by Muslim scholars and became a crucial theoretical reference in their writing process. In the late Ming and early Qing periods, the classical learning of the Shandong school and the Jinling school of Jingtang education focused on the study of Xingli (性理學). The theory of Sufism shared many common ideas with the Three Teachings (Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism) which showed a tendency towards confluence in the Song, Yuan, and Ming periods. Chinese Muslim scholars, known as Huiru (回儒), drew intellectual resources from all of these traditions to construct their study of Xingli.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Sufism in China"

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Cone, Tiffany Carole. "Charismatic Embodiment and Religious Authority - a Qadiriyya Sufi community in Northwest China." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/13487.

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This thesis examines practices of charismatic cultivation at a Qadiriyya Sufi site located in Northwest China named Guo Gongbei. The thesis asks—what is charisma in this context? That is, what factors are perceived to be generative of charisma, a particular spiritual power? The effective transmission or cultivation of this ‘charisma’ to disciples is vital to the maintenance and continuity of the Sufi genealogy, and this is crucial for the Chinese Qadiriyya Sufi disciples in this study. The disciples of this network are celibate, and so—unlike Qadiriyya networks elsewhere in the world—the succession of leadership is based solely on religious merit, not blood inheritance. The thesis argues that, in this cultural context, charismatic power is rooted in the body, and cultivated primarily through a set of bodily disciplines that emphasise the development of the individual along a three stage path. This bodily charisma is then socially reinforced and strengthened by a number of other important practices —including narrative and naming, emulation, social proximity and distance during public ritual, and education and mobility. The secondary question of this thesis connects the process of charismatic embodiment to ongoing debates amongst the wider Muslim community in Northwest China. These debates continue to question the orthodoxy and integrity of Qadiriyya charismatic practice and in turn, their religious authority. The thesis thus also asks, why is charisma contentious, and what are the potential implications of this charismatic practice in the contemporary geo-political scene? The thesis is based on 12 months of fieldwork at Guo Gongbei in Linxia, Gansu Province, China from September 2011 to September 2012.
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Lee, David Yat Tong. "Contextualization of Sufi spirituality in 17th-18th century China : the role of Liu Zhi (c. 1662 – c. 1730)." Thesis, Middlesex University, 2015. http://eprints.mdx.ac.uk/17459/.

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Between the 16th and 18th centuries, Islamic literati actively translated and wrote Islamic texts in Chinese for use by Hui Muslims and the Scripture Hall Education System in China. They used Confucian terms extensively to explain Islamic thought. This phenomenon has been interpreted recently in China as a process of Confucianization of Islam. Consequently, it is claimed that Islam in China is distinctive because it is Islam with Chinese characteristics. This is a study of the issue of the Confucianization of Islam in China from the perspective of contextualization. Liu Zhi (c. 1662 – c.1730) is one of the most well known Hui Islamic scholars. Both his acclaimed trilogy and his short treatises, including a Sufi poem, are examined by using two foundational themes, namely the concept of unity of existence and Sufi spirituality. Firstly, this study shows that Liu Zhi’s concept of unity of existence is based on the Ibn ‘Arabi tradition which has been influential in Chinese Sufism. Liu Zhi translated Persian and Arabic Islamic texts and interpreted the concept of unity of existence by primarily using Confucian terms with the aim to make difficult Islamic concepts more comprehensible to his readers. Secondly, this study shows that Liu Zhi’s Sufi spirituality is in active conversation with the Chinese cultural contexts. Sufi spirituality is contextualized primarily, but not exclusively, as Confucian self-cultivation. The Sufi path is also interpreted as a Buddhist concept of ‘vehicle’ (乘). The goal of Sufi spirituality is the return to the Real by the empowering role of the prophet Muhammad who is contextualized as the Utmost Sage. Finally, contrary to the common understanding that Liu Zhi has Confuciancized Islam, this study shows that Liu Zhi contextualized his Islamic tradition by using a composite translation-conversation model of contextualization. He was always faithful to his Islamic tradition and contextualized the Sufi spirituality as practical wisdom.
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Books on the topic "Sufism in China"

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Sufei zhu yi zai Zhongguo: Sufism in China. Beijing Shi: She hui ke xue wen xian chu ban she, 2013.

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C, Chittick William, Jāmī 1414-1492, Wang Daiyu, and Liu Chih ca 1662-1730, eds. Chinese gleams of sufi light: Wang Tai-yü's great learning of the pure and real and Liu Chih's Displaying the concealment of the real realm ; with a new translation of Jāmī's Lawāʾiḥ from the Persian by William C. Chittick. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 2000.

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Papas, Alexandre. Soufisme et politique entre Chine, Tibet et Turkestan: Étude sur les Khwajas Naqshbandis du Turkestan oriental. Paris: Librarie d'Amérique et d'Orient, Jean Maisonneuve successeur, 2005.

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Lee, David. Contextualization of Sufi Spirituality in Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century China: The Role of Liu Zhi. Clarke Company, Limited, James, 2016.

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Riddell, Peter G., and David Lee. Contextualization of Sufi Spirituality in Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century China: The Role of Liu Zhi. Wipf & Stock Publishers, 2015.

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Riddell, Peter G., and David Lee. Contextualization of Sufi Spirituality in Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century China: The Role of Liu Zhi. Wipf & Stock Publishers, 2015.

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Riddell, Peter G., and David Lee. Contextualization of Sufi Spirituality in Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century China: The Role of Liu Zhi. Wipf & Stock Publishers, 2015.

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Cone, Tiffany. Cultivating Charismatic Power: Islamic Leadership Practice in China. Palgrave Macmillan, 2018.

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Cone, Tiffany. Cultivating Charismatic Power: Islamic Leadership Practice in China. Palgrave Macmillan, 2018.

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From Piety to Politics: The Evolution of Sufi Brotherhoods. New Academia Publishing, LLC, 2006.

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Book chapters on the topic "Sufism in China"

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Cone, Tiffany. "Introduction: Islam, Sufism, and China." In Cultivating Charismatic Power, 1–36. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-74763-7_1.

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"Sects and Sufism (2): Sufi Orders in China." In China's Muslim Hui Community, 135–52. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315027265-15.

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Ha, Guangtian. "9. The Gender of Sound: Media and Voice in Jahriyya Sufism." In Ethnographies of Islam in China, 204–22. University of Hawaii Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780824886431-010.

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De Zorzi, Giovanni. "Intorno alla musica d’arte (muqam) degli uiguri." In Eurasiatica. Venice: Fondazione Università Ca’ Foscari, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/978-88-6969-550-6/010.

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Despite the recent nomination of the muqam as Intangible Heritage of China, the term refers in itself to the Art music traditions of the vast Arab-Persian and Central Asian world called, with an Arab term, maqām. After a geo-cultural and musicological analysis of the Uyghur muqam, the article takes into exam some of its distinctive components, beginning with the subtle commonalities between the world of muqam and Chinese art music; it moves, then, to the key figure of Uyghur queen Āmānnisā Khān Nāfisi (1526-1560) and to the cultural and musical route connecting Herat-Bukhara-Samarkand-Kashgar in sixteenth century. Finally, the paper focuses on a particular convivial meeting with music called mashrab, possibly influenced by Sufism.
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"6. Ethnoreligious Resurgence in a Northwestern Sufi Community." In China Off Center, 106–30. University of Hawaii Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780824861834-009.

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Qian, Mu, and Rachel Harris. "12. “Force Majeure”: An Ethnography of the Canceled Tours of Uyghur Sufi Musicians." In Ethnographies of Islam in China, 266–83. University of Hawaii Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780824886431-013.

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"The Historical, Philosophical and Islamic Context in China." In Contextualization of Sufi Spirituality in Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century China, 19–65. The Lutterworth Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt1dfns5d.7.

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Kim, Kwangmin. "Beg, Empire, and Agrarian Developments in Central Asia, 1500–1750." In Borderland Capitalism. Stanford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9780804799232.003.0002.

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Offering an examination of a prominent pro-Qing beg Emin Khwaja’s career and his family background, this chapter explores how the begs’ interests in securing resources, labor, and silver set them on the path of a profitable partnership with the Qing Empire. At the center of this story was the presence of the Sufi migrants and their families, the mainstay of the pro-Qing begs. Sufi migrants’ interests in developing commercial agriculture in the oasis under the changing environment of trade in Eurasia spurred their settlement into Eastern Turkestan and into an alliance with the Qing also. They had experienced a crisis in the local political economy in the seventeenth century caused by a sudden, if temporary, decline in the Chinese tribute trade. In their view, an alliance with the Qing, especially one that provided a direct connection to the China market would be a solution to this problem.
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Kersten, Carool. "The arrival of Islam." In A History of Islam in Indonesia. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748681839.003.0001.

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The arrival of Islam in Indonesia is bound up with developments in the wider geographical area of Southeast Asia. This chapter presents a broader angle than the current political boundaries of the Republic of Indonesia. The chapter addresses the question of the relatively late local acceptance of Islam, even though Southeast Asia’s contacts with the Middle East and South Asia go back to pre-Islamic times. Based on a critical assessment of the historiography of Southeast Asian Islam, the chapter will identify four key issues that are relevant for a balanced account of the Islamization process: Time frame (13th century); Provenance (theories propose various origins: South Asia, Middle East, and China; Agency (Merchants, religious professionals (missionaries, Sufis), local involvement); Motivations (political, commercial, colonial, religious factors). The emerging picture consists of a variety of starting points, numerous modalities for the diffusion of Islam, positioning the Indian Ocean basin as a vital contact zone. The associated ‘single ocean concept’ turned it into a ‘neutral water’ links the history of the Islamization of Southeast Asia to the newly emerging scholarly field of Indian Ocean studies
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Kim, Kwangmin. "Introduction." In Borderland Capitalism. Stanford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9780804799232.003.0001.

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This chapter offers an overview of the Muslim notables and the scope and structure of capitalistic commercial agriculture they developed in the Xinjiang oasis. In particular, it argues that the Qing empire played a pivotal role in the expansion of the beg enterprise, which caused social tensions within the oasis society resulting in a series of anti-beg and anti-Qing revolts led by Sufi holy man (khwaja). Their story revises the previous narrative on the Qing empire in Central Asia, which was written from a China-centered perspective, and contributes to the global understanding of capitalism by identifying native capitalist developments in Chinese Central Asia, which has often been considered a backwater of world history.
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