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Journal articles on the topic 'Suffragists – history'

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Published: 26 July 2024

Last updated: 27 July 2024

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1

Kodumthara, Sunu. "“The Right of Suffrage Has Been Thrust on Me”: The Reluctant Suffragists of the American West." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 4 (August 7, 2020): 607–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000341.

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AbstractFrom nearly the moment the woman's suffrage movement began at Seneca Falls in 1848, anti-suffragists actively campaigned against it, claiming that woman suffrage would only destroy both American politics and the American family. However, despite their best efforts, states in the American West passed equal suffrage laws. Interestingly, once it passed in their states, anti-suffragists in the American West—albeit begrudgingly—exercised their right to vote. As equal suffrage continued to expand, the Western anti-suffragist strategy became the strategy of anti-suffragists everywhere. This essay examines three states that represent pivotal moments in the development of the anti-suffrage movement: Colorado, California, and Oklahoma. Shortly after Colorado passed equal suffrage in 1893 and California passed equal suffrage in 1911, anti-suffragists organized state and national associations. By the time Oklahoma passed its equal suffrage law in 1918, anti-suffragists were not only voting—they were also willing to run for office. Anti-suffragist strategy and rhetoric relied on how suffrage worked in the West, or at least anti-suffrage perceptions of it. In other words, women's suffrage in the West served as a catalyst for the anti-suffragist movement.

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2

Derleth, Jessica. "“KNEADING POLITICS”: COOKERY AND THE AMERICAN WOMAN SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17, no. 3 (July 2018): 450–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000063.

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During the American woman suffrage movement, opponents described suffragists as abnormal, unsexed, non-mothers who desired to leave the home and family en masse, levying “war against the very foundation of society.” This charge ultimately compelled suffragists around the nation to respond by embracing expediency arguments, insisting the women's votes would bring morality, cleanliness, and order to the public sphere. This article charts how suffragists capitalized on movements for home economics, municipal housekeeping, and pure food to argue for the compatibility of politics and womanhood. In particular, this article examines suffrage cookbooks, recipes, and bazaars as key campaign tactics. More than a colorful historiographical side note, this cookery rhetoric was a purposeful political tactic meant to combat perennial images of suffragists as “unwomanly women.” And suffragists ultimately employed the practice and language of cookery to build a feminine persona that softened the image of their political participation and made women's suffrage more palatable to politicians, male voters, potential activists, and the general public.

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3

Dublin, Thomas. "A Crowdsourcing Approach to Revitalizing Scholarship on Black Women Suffragists." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 4 (August 3, 2020): 575–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000328.

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AbstractThis article draws on a collection of crowdsourced biographical sketches of Black women suffragists to explore the contributions of these activists to the expansion of voting rights that accompanied the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment. It explores the motivations and strategies adopted by Black women suffragists and interracial alliances that emerged in the course of the suffrage struggle, comparing and contrasting the experiences of suffragists across racial lines.

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4

Cahill, Cathleen D. "“Our Sisters in China Are Free”: Visual Representations of Chinese and Chinese American Suffragists." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 4 (August 7, 2020): 634–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000365.

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AbstractBoth white and Chinese American suffragists in the United States closely watched and discussed the events of the Chinese Revolution of 1911 and the establishment of the Chinese Republic (1912–1949). They were aware of the republican revolutionaries’ support for women's rights, which conflicted with American stereotypes of China as a backward nation, especially in its treatment of women. Chinese suffragists, real and imagined, became a major talking point in debates over women's voting rights in the United States as white suffragists and national newspapers championed their stories. This led to prominent visual depictions of Chinese suffragists in the press, but also their participation in public events such as suffrage parades. For a brief time, the transnational nature of suffrage conversations was highly visible as was the suffrage activism of women in U.S. Chinese communities. However, because Chinese immigrants were barred from citizenship by U.S. immigration law, white activists tended to depict Chinese suffragists as foreign, resulting in the erasure of their memory in the U.S. suffrage movement.

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5

Carlson, Susan. "Politicizing Harley Granville Barker: Suffragists and Shakespeare." New Theatre Quarterly 22, no. 2 (April 19, 2006): 122–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x06000364.

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The importance of Granville Barker’s association with J. E. Vedrenne in the seminal Court seasons of 1904-1907 is one of the ‘givens’ of twentieth-century theatre history, as are Barker’s later, groundbreaking productions of Shakespeare at the Savoy. Yet these and much of his intervening work were also in many ways collaborative achievements, now in association with his wife, the actress Lillah McCarthy – their later divorce helping to rewrite the history of their partnership. Lillah McCarthy was also a prominent suffragist, and Granville Barker allied himself with many other men and women who were working actively in support of the extended franchise. Susan Carlson argues that many of Granville Barker’s productions should be seen, in part, as artistic extensions of suffrage activism, and in this article she explores the ways in which his support for the suffragists manifested itself on as well as off the stage. Susan Carlson, Associate Provost and Professor of English at Iowa State University, has most recently published essays on suffrage theatre, focusing on its political use of comedy and its connections to productions of Shakespeare.

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6

Swanson, Kara W. "Inventing the Woman Voter: Suffrage, Ability, and Patents." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 4 (August 7, 2020): 559–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000316.

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AbstractIn 1870, the New York State Suffrage Association published a pamphlet titled “Woman as Inventor.” White suffragists distributed this history of female invention to prove women's inventiveness, countering arguments that biological disabilities justified women's legal disabilities. In the United States, inventiveness was linked to the capacity for original thought considered crucial for voters, making female inventiveness relevant to the franchise. As women could and did receive patents, activists used them as government certification of female ability. By publicizing female inventors, counting patents granted to women, and displaying women's inventions, they sought to overturn the common wisdom that women could not invent and prove that they had the ability to vote. Although partially successful, these efforts left undisturbed the equally common assertion that African Americans could not invent. White suffragists kept the contemporary Black woman inventor invisible, relegating the technological creations of women of color to a primitive past. White suffragists created a feminist history of invention, in words and objects, that reinforced white supremacy—another erasure of Black women, whose activism white suffragists were eager to harness, yet whose public presence they sought to minimize in order to keep the woman voter, like the woman inventor, presumptively white.

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7

Stevenson, Ana. "Imagining Women’s Suffrage." Pacific Historical Review 87, no. 4 (2018): 638–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2018.87.4.638.

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During the late nineteenth century, the print culture associated with women’s suffrage exhibited increasingly transnational connections. Between the 1870s and 1890s, suffragists in the United States, and then Australia and New Zealand, celebrated the early enfranchisement of women in the U.S. West. After the enfranchisement of antipodean women at the turn of the twentieth century, American suffragists in turn gained inspiration from New Zealand and Australia. In the process, suffrage print culture focused on the political and social possibilities associated with the frontier landscapes that defined these regions. However, by envisioning such landscapes as engendering white women’s freedom, suffrage print culture conceptually excluded Indigenous peoples from its visions of enfranchisement. The imaginative connections fostered in transnational suffrage print culture further encouraged actual transpacific connections between the suffragists themselves.

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8

Rouse, Wendy. "Gender, Sexuality, and Love between Women in California’s Suffrage Campaign." California History 97, no. 4 (2020): 144–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.144.

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The traditional narrative of the women’s suffrage movement has presented a “respectable” version of suffrage history primarily focused on the prominent role of elite, cisgender, heterosexual white women in fighting for the vote. Scholars are currently challenging that narrative. The story of California suffragists Gail Laughlin and Dr. Mary Austin Sperry “queers” our understanding of suffrage history by revealing the ways that suffragists transgressed normative boundaries of gender and sexuality not only in their norm-defying gender expressions, but in their non-heteronormative domestic arrangements.

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9

Rouse, Wendy. "Gender, Sexuality, and Love between Women in California’s Suffrage Campaign." California History 97, no. 4 (2020): 144–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.144.

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The traditional narrative of the women’s suffrage movement has presented a “respectable” version of suffrage history primarily focused on the prominent role of elite, cisgender, heterosexual white women in fighting for the vote. Scholars are currently challenging that narrative. The story of California suffragists Gail Laughlin and Dr. Mary Austin Sperry “queers” our understanding of suffrage history by revealing the ways that suffragists transgressed normative boundaries of gender and sexuality not only in their norm-defying gender expressions, but in their non-heteronormative domestic arrangements.

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10

Sidhu, Maya. "Making “Women's News”: French Feminists of la Femme nouvelle (1934–36) and the Newsreel Magazine Actualités féminines." Camera Obscura 38, no. 2 (September 1, 2023): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/02705346-10654871.

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Abstract This article demonstrates how the interwar French suffragist organization la Femme nouvelle used the platform of the newsreel to make political claims through its collaboration with Pathé’s newsreel magazine Actualités féminines or Women's News. Through the filming of their political actions and educational segments edited together in their newsreel compilation film, Le film de la Femme nouvelle (dir. la Femme nouvelle, France, 1935), the suffragists, led by Louise Weiss, frame themselves as essential workers, fearless political actors, and perfect housewives. These contradictions reveal a strategic manipulation of their gender identity to obtain the vote at all costs. Newsreel making provided the feminists an avenue for political claimsmaking beyond electoral politics. These filmed accounts of their actions give the spectator a sense of being present at the event, which is missing from written accounts of la Femme nouvelle's history. Through this aesthetic liveness, achieved through camera placement and staging in crowd scenes, the suffragists were able to portray themselves as vital political actors. One such filmed protest from 12 May 1935 provides a compelling account of their filmmaking practice, in which the activists march on la place de la Bastille in chains, then break their chains and put them in a bonfire. The French Revolution, referenced by this action, was a popular analogy for the Left, as seen in the film La marseillaise (dir. Jean Renoir, France, 1937). Le film de la Femme nouvelle is significant because it allows for an alternate, feminist history of political filmmaking in the period.

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11

Neuman, Johanna. "WHO WON WOMEN'S SUFFRAGE? A CASE FOR “MERE MEN”." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 16, no. 3 (June 23, 2017): 347–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781417000081.

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Scholars of women's suffrage have long debated credit, a meditation on which leaders won the campaign to enfranchise American women. Many argue that victory came because of Alice Paul's militancy in picketing the White House. Others insist it was Carrie Chapman Catt's pragmatism in winning state victories. Still others note that both were needed, a political “one-two punch” of strategic effectiveness. This article suggests that one contingent often excluded from this narrative is men. Male suffragists are often portrayed as driven more by a hunger for quixotic political or sexual adventure, or by a chivalrous posture toward women. Examining the records of the New York Men's League for Woman Suffrage and the archival footprints male suffragists left behind, this article argues that whatever their motives, male suffragists made palatable to other men the once radical notion that women could join the coarse, corrupt, and cigar-filled world of politics without losing their femininity—or robbing men of their virility. By their very activism, they conditioned the public to see women—and men—beyond the gendered construct of the domestic sphere and in the light of the interest politics that dominated the Progressive Era.

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12

Mead, R. J. "Sisters: The Lives of America's Suffragists." Journal of American History 93, no. 2 (September 1, 2006): 552–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4486314.

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13

McCammon, Holly J., Karen E. Campbell, Ellen M. Granberg, and Christine Mowery. "How Movements Win: Gendered Opportunity Structures and U.S. Women's Suffrage Movements, 1866 to 1919." American Sociological Review 66, no. 1 (February 2001): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240106600104.

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State women's suffrage movements are investigated to illuminate the circumstances in which social movements bring about political change. In 29 states, suffragists were able to win significant voting rights prior to passage of the Nineteenth Amendment. In addition to resource mobilization, cultural framing, and political opportunity structures, the authors theorize that gendered opportunities also fostered the successes of the movements. An event history analysis provides evidence that gendered opportunity structures helped to bring about the political successes of the suffragists. Results suggest the need for a broader understanding of opportunity structure than one rooted simply in formal political opportunities.

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14

Gunter, Rachel Michelle. "Immigrant Declarants and Loyal American Women: How Suffragists Helped Redefine the Rights of Citizens." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 4 (August 4, 2020): 591–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153778142000033x.

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AbstractAs a result of the woman suffrage movement, citizenship and voting rights, though considered separate issues by the courts, became more intertwined in the mind of the average American. This interconnectedness was also a product of the concurrent movement to disfranchise immigrant declarant voters—immigrants who had filed their intention to become citizens but had not completed the naturalization process. This essay shows how suffragists pursued immigrant declarant disfranchisement as part of the woman suffrage movement, arguing that the same competitive political conditions that encouraged politicians to enfranchise primarily white, citizen women led them to disfranchise immigrant declarants. It analyzes suffragists’ arguments at both the state and national levels that voting was a right of citizens who had met their wartime obligations to the nation, and maintains that woman suffrage and the votes of white women who supported the measures disfranchising immigrant declarants and limiting immigrant rights should be included in historians’ understanding of the immigration restrictionist and nativist movements.

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15

Chen, Yufan. "The change in upper-class women’s social status between the end of the Roman Republic and the beginning of the Roman Empire." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 8 (February 7, 2023): 516–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v8i.4299.

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The paper focuses on the history of suffragists at the end of the Roman Republic and the beginning of the Roman Empire. As the wave of supporting equal female rights in the modern world is becoming increasingly popular, this research will help explain women’s fighting history for their rights, especially during the political shock period. It would also let us see how the pioneer of female freedom began with the long road. The upper-class Roman women used different ways to get more political and economic rights in front of the patriarchal society. The development in female rights also pushed the status of women onto a higher level in Roman Empire, both in political areas and daily life. However, due to the limitation of the era and lack of support from the mass, no significant success was achieved. Though the women at that time failed to take a completely equal position with men, they still built up the base of modern suffragists.

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16

Graber, Mark A., and Linda J. Lumsden. "Rampant Women: Suffragists and the Right of Assembly." American Journal of Legal History 42, no. 4 (October 1998): 451. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/846064.

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17

Brown, Cynthia Farr, and Linda J. Lumsden. "Rampant Women: Suffragists and the Right of Assembly." Journal of American History 85, no. 3 (December 1998): 1120. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2567315.

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18

Parks Pieper, Lindsay. "“Make a Home Run for Suffrage”: Promoting Women’s Emancipation Through Baseball." Women in Sport and Physical Activity Journal 28, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 101–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/wspaj.2020-0017.

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At specific moments in history, women publicly entered the masculine realm of baseball to advance female suffrage in the United States. Girls and women took to the field in the nineteenth century, enjoying newfound bodily freedoms and disrupting Victorian constraints. While their performances may not have always translated into explicit suffrage activism, their athleticism demonstrated strength at a time when many people used women’s supposed weakness as an argument against their political enfranchisement. However, as the popularity of baseball increased at the turn of the century, the number of female ballplayers decreased. Activism in the sport therefore changed. In the mid-1910s, suffragists advertised at men’s baseball games. The women recognized the value of promoting suffrage through sport; yet, they also acknowledged that by entering ballparks, they entered a male space. Suffragists therefore exhibited conventional White gender norms to avoid aggrieving male voters. Women’s different engagements with baseball, as either players or spectators, had varying consequences for women’s political and sporting emancipation. Women’s physical activism in baseball demonstrated female prowess and strength in sport, but only abstractly advanced women’s political rights; suffragists’ promotional efforts through men’s baseball more directly influenced the eventual passage of the Nineteenth Amendment, but their actions supported women’s position on the sidelines.

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19

Watts, Ruth. "Words and Deeds: Birmingham Suffragists and Suffragettes 1832-1918." Midland History 44, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 118–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0047729x.2019.1583809.

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20

Woloch, Nancy, and Linda J. Lumsden. "Rampant Women: Suffragists and the Right of Assembly." American Historical Review 104, no. 4 (October 1999): 1326. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2649653.

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21

Vargas, Marta del Moral. "‘Intercrossings’ between Spanish women’s groups and their German, British and Portuguese counterparts (1914–32)." International Journal of Iberian Studies 00, no. 00 (August 18, 2021): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis_00045_1.

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This article contends that the movement in favour of the rights of women in Spain during the first third of the twentieth century was integrated into several international networks. Three exchanges are analysed between, on the one hand, the women socialists and suffragists in Spain, and, on the other, the international networks built up by the German socialist Clara Zetkin, the suffragists of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance and the Portuguese feminist Ana de Castro Osório. Scrutiny of these ‘intercrossings’ reveals that, despite their ‘asymmetrical’ outcomes, the demand for the social and political rights of women surpassed national boundaries and had a transformative impact on all the parties involved.

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22

Baynton, Douglas. "Slaves, Immigrants, and Suffragists: The Uses of Disability in Citizenship Debates." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 120, no. 2 (March 2005): 562–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/s0030812900167902.

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In an article published nearly two de-cades ago, Joan Scott discussed the difficulty of persuading historians to take gender seriously. A common response to women's history was that “women had a history separate from men's, therefore let feminists do women's history, which need not concern us,” or “my understanding of the French Revolution is not changed by knowing that women participated in it.” Despite the substantial number of works on women's history, the topic remained marginal in the discipline. Simply adding women to history, Scott argued, while necessary and important, would not be sufficient to change the paradigms of the profession. To accomplish that, feminists had to demonstrate that gender was “a constitutive element of social relationships” and “a primary way of signifying relationships of power” (1055, 1067).

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23

Brookfield, Tarah. "Divided by the Ballot Box: The Montreal Council of Women and the 1917 Election." Canadian Historical Review 102, s3 (September 1, 2021): s779—s801. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr-102-s3-011.

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Prime Minister Robert Borden created the Wartime Elections Act in September 1917 – a move that granted temporary voting rights to women who had close relatives serving in the military. Their votes were positioned as key to winning the war because it was assumed that newly enfranchised wives and mothers would support Borden’s controversial conscription plans to reinforce their husbands and sons at the front. Suffragists across the country were divided by the act’s limited enfranchisement and its connection to conscription. This turmoil reached its pinnacle in Montreal, a city that was at the centre of nationalistic and ethnic strife caused by the war, and triggered rifts within the city’s largest Anglophone women’s organization, the Montreal Council of Women. One result of this tension was the impeachment trial of the council’s long-time president, Dr Grace Ritchie-England, for her criticism of the Wartime Elections Act and conscription during the 1917 federal election. Calling attention to the resistance of and conflicts between middle-class club women who were normally viewed as hegemonically supportive of the war effort widens our understanding of women’s disparate opinions and activism during the First World War and the fragile nature of suffragists” political unity.

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24

Andrews, Maggie. "Ellen Wilkinson from red suffragist to government minister; What the suffragists did next: how the fight for women’s rights went on." Women's History Review 29, no. 1 (October 1, 2019): 166–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612025.2019.1672275.

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25

Murphy, Cliona. "Suffragists and nationalism in early twentieth-century Ireland∗." History of European Ideas 16, no. 4-6 (January 1993): 1009–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(93)90252-l.

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26

Gidlow, Liette. "THE SEQUEL: THE FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT, THE NINETEENTH AMENDMENT, AND SOUTHERN BLACK WOMEN'S STRUGGLE TO VOTE." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17, no. 3 (July 2018): 433–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000051.

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This essay reframes both the woman suffrage narrative and narratives of African American voting rights struggles by focusing on the experiences of southern African American women between the 1870s and the 1920s. It argues that the Fifteenth Amendment remained central to their suffrage strategy long after the failure of the “New Departure” to win court sanction caused white suffragists to abandon it. As white supremacists in the South worked at the turn of the century to disfranchise black men, leading African American suffragists such as Mary Church Terrell, Gertrude Bustill Mossell, and Adella Hunt Logan called for the enforcement of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments as well as the enfranchisement of black women. After the federal woman suffrage amendment was ratified in 1920, many southern African American women encountered the same barriers to voting—obstructionist tactics, threats, and violence—that black men had faced a generation earlier. In short, for aspiring African American voters in the South, the failure of the Nineteenth Amendment to secure voting rights for black women constituted a sad sequel to the failure of the Fifteenth Amendment to secure voting rights for black men.This interpretation offers three significant interventions. It pairs the Reconstruction-era Amendments with the Nineteenth Amendment, recognizing their shared focus on voting rights. It connects the voting rights struggles of southern African Americans across genders and generations. Finally, it finds that, for some women, the canonical “century of struggle” for voting rights continued long after the Nineteenth Amendment was ratified.

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27

Lorenzo-Arribas, Altea. "Millicent Fawcett and Eleanor Rathbone The Royal Statistical Society suffragists." Significance 20, no. 4 (August 1, 2023): 34–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrssig/qmad065.

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Abstract Around a century ago, the fifth and ninth women ever to join the RSS fought to ensure the members their sex would no longer be an “unknown quantity”. Altea Lorenzo-Arribas shines a light on their lives, careers and vital contribution to history

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28

Worboys, M. "Unsexing Gonorrhoea: Bacteriologists, Gynaecologists, and Suffragists in Britain, 1860-1920." Social History of Medicine 17, no. 1 (April 1, 2004): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/shm/17.1.41.

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29

Nichols, Carole, and Felice D. Gordon. "After Winning: The Legacy of the New Jersey Suffragists, 1920-1947." Journal of American History 73, no. 3 (December 1986): 792. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1903072.

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30

Moulton, Mo. "“You Have Votes and Power”: Women's Political Engagement with the Irish Question in Britain, 1919–23." Journal of British Studies 52, no. 1 (January 2013): 179–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2012.4.

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AbstractThe Anglo-Irish War of 1919–21 spurred organized political activity among women in Britain, including former suffragists who campaigned against coercion in Ireland and members of the Irish minority in Britain who supported more radical republican efforts to achieve Irish independence. Their efforts are particularly significant because they occurred immediately after the granting of partial suffrage to women in 1918. This article argues that the advent of female suffrage changed the landscape of women's political mobilization in distinct ways that were made visible by advocacy on Ireland, including the regendering of the discourse of citizenship and the creation of new opportunities beyond the vote for women to exercise political power. At the same time, the use of women's auxiliary organizations and special meetings and the strategic blurring of the public and private spheres through the political use of domestic spaces all indicate the strength of continuities with nineteenth-century antecedents. The article further situates women's political advocacy on Ireland in an imperial and transnational context, arguing that it was part of the process of reconceptualizing Britain's postwar global role whether through outright anti-imperialism, in the case of Irish republicans, or through humanitarianism and the new internationalism, in the case of most former suffragists. Finally, the article examines the failure of these two groups of women to forge alliances with each other, underscoring the ways in which both class and nationality challenged a notional common interest based on sex.

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31

Scharf, Lois, and Felice D. Gordon. "After Winning: The Legacy of the New Jersey Suffragists, 1920-1947." American Historical Review 92, no. 2 (April 1987): 502. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1866798.

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32

Smitley, Megan. "‘inebriates’, ‘heathens’, templars and suffragists: Scotland and imperial feminismc.1870-1914." Women's History Review 11, no. 3 (September 2002): 455–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020200200331.

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33

Lange, Allison. "Gilded Suffragists: The New York Socialites Who Fought for Women’s Right to Vote." American Nineteenth Century History 19, no. 2 (May 4, 2018): 215–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14664658.2018.1478212.

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34

GAITSKELL, DEBORAH. "The Imperial Tie: Obstacle or Asset for South Africa's Women Suffragists before 1930?" South African Historical Journal 47, no. 1 (November 2002): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582470208671432.

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35

threlkeld, megan. "The Pan American Conference of Women, 1922: Successful Suffragists Turn to International Relations." Diplomatic History 31, no. 5 (November 2007): 801–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7709.2007.00665.x.

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36

Ma, Yuxin. "Women Suffragists and the National Politics in Early Republican China, 1911–1915." Women's History Review 16, no. 2 (April 2007): 183–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020601049710.

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37

Ryan, Louise. "Traditions and double moral standards: the Irish suffragists' critique of nationalism[1]." Women's History Review 4, no. 4 (December 1, 1995): 487–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612029500200095.

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Megan, Smitley. "‘inebriates’, ‘heathens’, templars and suffragists: scotland and imperial feminism c. 1870-1914." Women's History Review 11, no. 3 (September 1, 2002): 455–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020200200658.

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Smith, Catherine Parsons, and Francie Wolff. "Give the Ballot to the Mothers: Songs of the Suffragists: A History in Song." Notes 56, no. 1 (September 1999): 242. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/900525.

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Prieto, Laura R. "A Delicate Subject: Clemencia López, Civilized Womanhood, and the Politics of Anti-Imperialism." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 12, no. 2 (April 2013): 199–233. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781413000066.

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In 1902, Clemencia López journeyed to the United States to work for the liberation of her imprisoned brothers and for Filipino independence. She granted interviews, circulated her photograph, and spoke in public under the sponsorship of American anti-imperialists and suffragists. López argued that Filipinos like herself were already a civilized people and thus did not need Americans' “benevolent assimilation.” Her gender and her elite family background helped her make this case. Instead of presenting her as racially inferior, published accounts expressed appreciation of her feminine refinement and perceptions of her beauty as exotic. Americans simultaneously perceived her as apolitical because of her sex. López was thus able to take advantage of American gender politics to discuss the “delicate subject” of autonomy for the Philippines in ways that anti-imperialist Filipino men could not.

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Nicolosi, Ann Marie. "“The Most Beautiful Suffragette“: Inez Milholland and the Political Currency of Beauty." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 6, no. 3 (July 2007): 287–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400002103.

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This article examines the role of beauty and image in the U.S. suffrage movement. It focuses specifically on Inez Milholland and on how she and the movement capitalized on her extraordinary beauty and used her image and media popularity to present an icon for the movement, thereby softening and making acceptable the spectacle of women in public spaces and political matters. Milholland provided the movement with a representation that undermined the association of female political participation with masculine women and gender transgression. She provided a constructed model of acceptable white femininity, one that answered the anti-suffrage movement's accusations that suffragists were masculine women, inverts, and “abnormal” women whose lobbying for the vote was proof of their wretched state. Milholland thereby helped to bring women into the movement who might fear the taint of masculinity and gender transgression.

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Adickes, Sandra. "Sisters, not demons: the influence of british suffragists on the American suffrage movement." Women's History Review 11, no. 4 (December 1, 2002): 675–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020200200336.

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Hoganson, Kristin. ":Suffragists in an Imperial Age: U.S. Expansion and the Woman Question, 1870–1929." American Historical Review 113, no. 4 (October 2008): 1169–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.4.1169a.

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Gunter, Rachel Michelle. "Immigrant Declarants and Loyal American Women: How Suffragists Helped Redefine the Rights of Citizens—ERRATUM." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 4 (October 2020): 686. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000742.

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Thane, Patricia M. "What difference did the vote make? Women in public and private life in Britain since 1918*." Historical Research 76, no. 192 (March 27, 2003): 268–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00175.

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Abstract This article looks at what has and has not changed in women's lives since they gained the vote. Women are still more prone to poverty than men, especially single mothers and older women, a fact which would have disappointed the suffragists, many of whom saw elimination of poverty as a priority and played a major role in bringing the Welfare State into being. Suffragists did not expect gender equality to follow quickly after getting the vote. They expected – and got – a long, hard struggle. The women's movement was stronger in the nineteen-twenties and thirties than it had ever been and led to an impressive number of legislative changes. Women's activism was more muted after the Second World War, but revived in the nineteen-fifties even before the great wave of feminism after 1968. The spate of legislation which resulted was comparable with that of the nineteen-twenties. It is not enough to examine legislation. The greatest change in women's lives has been due to increased use of birth control from the late nineteenth century. From the nineteen-sixties the Pill has allowed women to delay starting families without sacrificing sexual relationships, and to establish themselves in a career. However, career opportunities for women remain limited, especially in the skilled trades, while divorce and the ‘long hours’ culture since the nineteen-eighties have made it more difficult for women to combine family and career. The historical record suggests that increased gender equality has been achieved only by campaigns, legislation and measures of positive discrimination, not by gradual persuasion.

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Ritter, Gretchen. "Jury Service and Women's Citizenship before and after the Nineteenth Amendment." Law and History Review 20, no. 3 (2002): 479–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1556317.

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The Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution had surprisingly little impact on women's citizenship or the American constitutional order. For seventy-two years, from 1848 until the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920, suffrage was the central demand of the woman rights movement in the United States. Women demanded the right to vote in the nineteenth century because they believed it would make them first class citizens with all the rights and privileges of other first class citizens. Both normatively and instrumentally, the suffragists believed that voting would secure equal citizenship for women by raising their civic status and allowing them to assert their political interests. Yet in many ways women were more politically efficacious in the years just prior to the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment than they were afterward. Further, their ability to claim rights from the courts and legislatures, on the basis of their new status as voting citizens, was limited.

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Prescott, Heather Munro, and Lauren MacIvor Thompson. "A Right to Ourselves: Women's Suffrage and the Birth Control Movement." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 4 (August 3, 2020): 542–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000304.

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AbstractThe suffrage and birth control movements are often treated separately in historical scholarship. This essay brings together new research to demonstrate their close connections. Many suffragists became active in the birth control movement just before and after the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. The roots of suffrage arguments were deeply embedded in the same ideas that were foundational to the birth control movement: bodily freedom and notions of what constituted full and participatory citizenship. Beginning in the 1840s, women's rights reformers directly connected the vote to a broad range of economic and political issues, including the concept of self-ownership. Wide-ranging debates about individual autonomy remained present in women's rights rhetoric and were then repeated in the earliest arguments for legalizing birth control. The twentieth-century birth control movement, like the suffrage movement before it (which had largely focused only on achieving the vote for white women), would then grapple with competing goals of restrictive racist and eugenic arguments for contraception alongside the emphasis on achieving emancipation for all women.

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Marino, Kelly. "Students, Suffrage, and Political Change: The College Equal Suffrage League and Campus Campaigns for Women’s Right to Vote, 1905–1920." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 20, no. 3 (July 2021): 370–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781421000128.

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AbstractFrom 1905–1920, American college and university students carried on active and understudied campaigns to gain legitimacy and support for women’s suffrage at institutions of higher education across the United States. The primary organization responsible for initiating and directing campus activism was the College Equal Suffrage League (CESL), formed in 1900 by Massachusetts teachers Maud Wood Park and Inez Haynes Gillmore to recruit more upper- and middle-class, well-educated, students and alumni to the women’s rights movement. Exploring the records of state and national suffragists, women’s organizations, and academic institutions associated with the CESL shows that the league’s campaigns helped to reinvigorate the suffrage cause at an important moment in the early twentieth century by using educational tactics as powerful tools to cultivate a scholarly voice for the campaign, appeal to the upper classes, and fit within the contexts of higher education and larger movement for progressive reform. In addition to influencing the suffrage cause, campus organizing for equal voting rights changed the culture of female political activism and higher education by ushering a younger generation of articulate and well-trained activists into the women’s rights campaign and starting in a trend of organized youth mobilization for women’s rights at colleges and universities.

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Holton, Sandra Stanley. ""To Educate Women into Rebellion": Elizabeth Cady Stanton and the Creation of a Transatlantic Network of Radical Suffragists." American Historical Review 99, no. 4 (October 1994): 1112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168771.

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Moehling, Carolyn M., and Melissa A. Thomasson. "Votes for Women: An Economic Perspective on Women’s Enfranchisement." Journal of Economic Perspectives 34, no. 2 (May 1, 2020): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.34.2.3.

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The ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920 officially granted voting rights to women across the United States. However, many states extended full or partial suffrage to women before the federal amendment. In this paper, we discuss the history of women's enfranchisement using an economic lens. We examine the demand side, discussing the rise of the women's movement and its alliances with other social movements, and describe how suffragists put pressure on legislators. On the supply side, we draw from theoretical models of suffrage extension to explain why men shared the right to vote with women. Finally, we review empirical studies that attempt to distinguish between competing explanations. We find that no single theory can explain women's suffrage in the United States and note that while the Nineteenth Amendment extended the franchise to women, state-level barriers to voting limited the ability of black women to exercise that right until the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

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